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EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
A.D. 500 TO 1286
*EARLY SOURCES OF
SCOTTISH HISTORY
A.D. 500 TO 1286
COLLECTED AND TRANSLATED BY
ALAN ORR ANDERSON
AUTHOR OF
Scottish Annals from English Chroniclers
VOLUME ONE
OLIVER AND BOYD
EDINBURGH: TWEEDDALE COURT
LONDON : 33 PATERNOSTER ROW, E.G.
1922
This Work was begun during tenure of a Carnegie
Research Fellowship ; was continued with the aid of
Grants, and has been published with the aid of a
Grant, from the Carnegie Trust for the Universities
of Scotland. The Editio?i is limited to 600 Sets,
and the type has been distributed.
PREFACE
The chronicles tell of events ; but they show also the succes-
sive influences that were at work upon Scotland — Irish,
Scandinavian, English, and Norman.
From the time of the Norman conquest, foreign influences
prevailed at the Scottish court. The kings were partly of
English blood ; the queens were English or French ; the nobles
were imported from northern France. French manners were
cultivated. There was little national spirit, as opposed to
tribal or local patriotism, until after the events that followed
the competition for the crown. Then the experience of true
feudal inferiority galled the people, and diverse native and
foreign elements combined to throw off the yoke. Thence-
forward the common desire to remain independent was a
generally unifying influence among the Scottish peoples ;
and national spirit arose.
The sphere of the present work is the period of foreign
settlements, foreign encroachments, foreign influence, and
intermittent submissions to a foreign power : the period also
of assimilation of peoples, centralization of government, and,
in the end, unification of territory, by which the way to
complete independence was prepared.
It is not the period of Scotland's greatest importance,
although the part she played in English politics was not a
negligible one. Nevertheless, it is a period of more than
local interest : since it includes the formation of a state, out of
a group of small and antagonistic nationalities ; and shows on
a small scale a phase of development through which many
other countries have passed.
At the beginning of our period, Scotland was in a semi-
vi PREFACE
barbarous condition. We follow the advance of ideas in this
country from the misty dawn, to the noon, of medieval
civilization. We must watch with understanding the policy,
whether humane or harsh, by which life was regulated upon
paths less free, but more secure, leading a long stage forward
upon the way to modern civilization. At the end of our
period, it was possible for a Scottish noblewoman to found a
college at Oxford.
Evidences of this gradual change appear in the chronicles;
but unfortunately the native chronicles that have survived are
few. The architecture and the writing of the thirteenth
century show a perfection of the medieval spirit that was not
accidental or isolated. Other phases of human effort showed
the same completeness of achievement.
The feudal system was an organization of stability in the
state, and made these developments possible ; but its results
contained the germs of its decay. The nobles grew more
powerful in prosperity, and by claiming a voice in the govern-
ment diminished the power of their suzerain, and weakened
the whole structure. This tendency followed different lines in
Scotland and in England. The Scottish parliament was not
established until forty years after the close of the period
included in this book.
In Scottish Annals from English Chroniclers (London, 1908),
my purpose was to translate from chronicles written in
England or by Englishmen, before the year 1291, all passages
that had immediate bearing upon the history of Scotland,
within the period A.D. 500 to 1286. The present work is
intended to be a similar collection from chronicles of other
nationalities ; and in addition, from chronicles that are later
than the year 1291, when they appear to draw information
from previously existing writings, or from strong traditions.
I have also referred in the notes to charters and other docu-
ments, in so far as available time and space allowed.
In defence of the translation of historical materials, I would
PREFACE vii
say that these collections are intended to be a guide to the
sources, rather than a substitute for them. For special
points the historical worker will not trust to a translation ;
neither will he be content with extracts removed from their
context. The purpose of a book of translated selections is
to give a primary interpretation of the principal materials ;
to be a convenient book of reference for the worker; and at
the same time, to bring before tho.se who are unfamiliar with
foreign tongues, or who have no large library within their
reach, the sources from which history is drawn.
In translating, I have endeavoured to give as literal a
rendering as I could ; not forsaking the style of the originals,
except with a view to avoid obscurity. I have translated
historic present by past tense ; have divided sentences ; and
have sometimes made changes in order, and occasionally in
mood, when otherwise the meaning would not have been
clear. I have supplied within square brackets words that
are needed to complete the interpretation of the text.
The rule of the schools, that classical Latin words should
not be translated by their derivatives in English, is reversed
in the translation of medieval Latin ; because the changes
in meaning that are apparent between the usages of classical
and modern times have, to a great extent, already taken
place in medieval times. In some cases where the medieval
and modern usages differ it is necessary to retain a word in
its medieval sense, in order to convey a medieval idea.
The editions of many of the Scottish, and some of the
Irish sources, are lamentably inaccurate. Although I have
checked some of these editions, it has been impossible for
me to examine the originals of all.
With regard to emendations of the text, I have noted
emendations that are not absolutely obvious. When a passage
can be translated as it stands, it must not be altered without
sufficient proof that correction is required. When the reading
is in doubt, the passage can hardly be accepted as evidence.
viii PREFACE
Ingenious emendations cannot produce evidence, unless they
are supported by other writings.
Contemporary documents, such as letters, grants of various
kinds, proclamations, and treaties, are the bed-rock of history,
and by them the trustworthiness of chronicles is to be tested.
The present collection is primarily a compilation of chronicles.
Documentary evidence, before the I2th century, is scarce;
and insufficient to provide a continuous narrative, throughout
the early middle age. Chronicles are in general of a traditional
nature ; but they have value as evidence when the tradition
is not remote, or when it is of events that were within the
common knowledge of the people. There is great divergence
in value among the authorities collected here.
We must distinguish between (a) authorities of highest
rank (accounts written within the life-time and under the
influence of men who remembered the events; also works
that faithfully represent these accounts) ; (b) the earliest writers
of less immediate tradition ; and (c) later writers who use
works of either of the preceding classes, but do not exactly
reproduce the works they use. The last class may be
valuable for the interpretation of history, but does not give
historical evidence.
Few of the facts of history are related by eye-witnesses ;
many have a half-legendary setting. Unless an account has
been written down soon after the event described, it has little
value as evidence.
The faculty of memory, however, was in the middle ages
more cultivated than it is now. Local or family traditions
were often preserved with scrupulous care. Nevertheless,
oral tradition was literary in character ; it required as its
motive some central figure, or heroic event. This bias must
be allowed for, when we use written versions of tradition,
such as the Icelandic literature. Also the mental atmosphere
of written tradition is that of the writer, rather than that of
the time described.
PREFACE ix
The contents of a work give some indication of its historical
value. Anachronisms may prove it to be unauthentic or late.
Allowance may have to be made for bias, or (as in Adamnan)
for credulity in marvellous episodes : but these tendencies do
not necessarily discredit a writer's work in parts where they
are absent. Balance of judgement and clear sense legitimately
claim, as in the case of Bede, belief; sometimes, however,
they may plausibly cover the absence of knowledge.
Apart from statements that are obviously biassed or
absurd (and their boundary-line is less clearly defined than
might be thought), we must not reject the account of a good
authority, except when it is contradicted by an equally good
authority, or when it is inconsistent in itself And here is
the proper place of conjecture in history: — to reconcile
apparently conflicting statements. Wherever two divergent
statements can be reconciled by simple conjecture, such as
arises naturally from other evidence, we are not justified in
rejecting one of them on the ground that it is apparently
contradictory of the other. On the other hand, our acceptance
of a statement that is not confirmed by another independent
witness must always be provisional. It is scarcely critical
to be most certain of the facts of history in those periods
for our knowledge of which we rely upon accounts derived
from one authority only.
In questions of fact, if two authorities differ, and neither
account is supported by other evidence, the evidence of
the earlier writer must be preferred, notwithstanding that
the later account may have been written on purpose to correct
the earlier : except in those cases where the later writer has
obtained information from an earlier source, or from a more
immediate tradition.
The more closely a later writer represents the work of an
earlier writer, the greater value he has as a witness. The
Irish annals are remarkable for their fidelity to their sources.
Fordun lived a century earlier than the compiler of the
X PREFACE
Annals of Ulster ; but Fordun has practically no value for
early times, for which the value of the Ulster annals is
extremely high.
The relation between events cannot be established unless
the order of events is known ; that is to say, unless they can
be dated with relative accuracy.
When an earlier and a later chronicle differ in dating an
event, the earlier account must be preferred, if it is consistent,
and not opposed by other evidence. Unsupported dates can
never be relied upon. But even if the chronicle errs in
numbering the years, it may yet be right in the order of
events. The only utility of dates is to establish the order of
events : if we accept the dates of the oldest chronicles, we
may be wrong in detail, and yet right in the general view.
The works of later chroniclers, such as Fordun, Bower,
Wyntoun, are to be consulted in conjunction with the earlier
and more authoritative works used here ; and for Irish affairs,
Geoffrey Keating's History of Ireland.
The invaluable collections made by Haddan and Stubbs,
Lawrie, Bain, Bliss, Theiner, should also be used. For kings,
and for the history of the royal family, Dunbar's Scottish
Kings must be consulted ; for nobles, the Scots Peerage, and
the Complete Peerage (G.E.C.) ; for ecclesiastical history,
Dowden's Bishops of Scotland, and Keith's Historical Catalogue
of the Scottish Bishops ; for abbots of lona, and heads of the
Columban order, Reeves's Vita S. Columbae (B.Cl. 103, 369-
413 ; partly also in Skene's edition, 334-342). For popes, see
Jaffe's and Potthast's Regesta Pontificum Romanorum.
For persons, the indexes of the editions and calendars
of the public records should be consulted ; and for persons
and places, the chartularies and registers of monasteries and
bishoprics, published by the Scottish historical book-clubs.
The dating and indexing of these charters are, for this period,
unsatisfactory. Since the datable charters are of special
value for the building of history, and for the accumulation
PREFACE xi
of evidence with which to date other charters, a separate
index of these would be a useful aid to historical work. Such
an index I have made, but too late to have its much-needed
assistance in this work. Other valuable indexes are those
of Bouquet's Recueil, the M onumenta Germaniae Historica, Petrie
and Sharpe's Monuinenta Historica Britannica, Langebek's
Scriptores Reruni Danicaruin, and Hennessy and MacCarthy's
Annals of Ulster. The indexes to the volumes of the Rolls
Series are useful ; among them may be mentioned the index
to Matthew Paris.
I have seldom given references to modern histories, except
when they cite original sources. The student will consult,
stage by stage, such works as the histories of the late
Professor Hume Brown, Andrew Lang, Hill Burton, Hailes,
and Skene. Skene's work must be used with caution.
Although it contains many valuable suggestions and theories,
they are not always very soundly based.
There are many other works that should be consulted ;
among them the various county histories of Scotland and
England.
Of special value among bibliographies are the works of
C. Gross, A. Potthast, and Professor C. Sanford Terry. See
also the lists of authorities in the works of Professor Hume
Brown, and Sir Archibald H. Dunbar. For Irish subjects,
see the Bibliography of Irish Printed Books, by Mr R. I. Best
(Dublin, 1913).
A collection of sources is not easily made; and compila-
tion is only a small part of the labours it involves. As in
the collection from English Chroniclers, I have tried to make
the chroniclers speak for themselves : but even the arrange-
ment of material is part of the work of history.
The work should have been done by a specialist in all
the languages, and in the history of all the countries, and of
all the different periods, with which it is concerned. Since
such a person has not undertaken the task, I hope that the
xii PREFACE
faults that specialists will find in the book may not very
greatly interfere with its general usefulness.
The materials have not been chosen for their interest.
But the reader may be encouraged with the assurance that
in these pages he will find, among the necessarily dull building
material, some brighter fragments of history, adventure, and
romance, reflecting the life of other days.
I have pleasure in acknowledging occasional assistance
received : — in translations from Berchan's Prophecy, from
various courteous Dublin scholars, including Professor Bergin
and Miss E. Knott ; in translations from Welsh sources, from
Mr H. J. Bell ; in some points of Latin, from Mr E. C. W.
Hannan ; in translation from Old-French sources, from
Miss E. Ower, of Edinburgh. Dr Stefansson has helped me
over several obstacles in the Icelandic sagas. I have benefited
from discussion of various questions with Professor W. J.
Watson, with Miss E. Hull, and with Miss M. F. Moore. To
all these I am indebted for the elimination of some errors.
The index has been kept within the smallest bounds com-
patible with the inclusion of all proper names. The indexing
of the second volume has been done by Mrs M. A. Preston
of Edinburgh, to whom my thanks are due for her care in the
tedious task.
Impeded by my defective sight, the work has occupied me
for more than seven years, not counting the time of seeing
it through the press : a still longer time might with advantage
have been spent upon it. It has been made possible by grants
received from the Carnegie Trust for the Universities of
Scotland, for whose generosity I express my gratitude. The
Carnegie Trust has also contributed a large grant towards
the cost of publication.
A. O. A.
St Andrews, 1922.
CONTENTS
VOLUME I
Preface .
Abbreviations .
Bibliographical Notes
Calendar Notes
Orthographical Notes
Tables of the Succession of Kings, in Northumbria,
Dalriata, Pictland, Scotland, and England
Introduction—
Kings' Reigns, Districts, and Pedigrees ; with a collation of
the unexpanded Chronicles of the Kings
the Kingdoms of Dalriata and
Early Sources of Scottish History-
Part
I Establishment of
Northumbria .....
Kings of Bernicia .....
II. Christianization of the Picts. Life of Columba
ni. Affairs before and after the Council of Druimm-Ceta
IV. Death of Columba .....
V. Zenith and Decline of Dalriata
VI. Zenith and Decline of Northumbria
VII. Domination of the Picts over Dalriata
VIII. Recovery of Dalriata. Norwegian Invasions,
the Kingdoms of the Scots and the Picts
IX. Scandinavian Settlements .
X. Harold Fairhair. Orkney and the Hebrides
XI. Iceland and the Hebrides .
XII. Ketil Flatnose establishes Scandinavian Rule
Hebrides .....
XIII. Thorstein the Red becomes master of Caithness and
Sutherland. Turf-Einar in the Orkneys
XIV. Harold Fairhair's Invasion. Reign of Constantine II
XV. Battle of Vin-heath .....
Union of
the
PAGE
v
XV
xxi
ciii
cix
I
12
17
72
103
118
173
196
245
276
313
335
346
370
392
410
CONTENTS
XVI. End of Constantine's Reign. Reign of Malcolm
XVII. Eric's Sons .....
XVIII. Reigns of Indulf, Dub, and Culen .
XIX. Reign of Kenneth II
XX. Reigns of Constantine III and Kenneth III
XXI. Reign of Malcolm II ; and the Danish Conquest
XXII. Reigns of Duncan, Macbeth, and Lulach. History of
Northumbria ......
425
455
468
478
517
525
576
VOLUME II
Early Sources of Scottish History-
part
I. Reign of Malcolm III ; and the Norman Conquest
II. Life of Queen Margaret
III. Reigns of Donald Ban, Duncan II, and Edgar. First
Invasion of Magnus
IV. Second Invasion of Magnus, and end of Edgar's Reign
V. Reign of Alexander I. History of Huntingdon
VI. Reign of David, and the Wars of Stephen .
VII. Reign of Malcolm IV
VIII. Reign of William, and the Wars of Henry .
IX. Scotland in feudal subjection to England, 1175 to 1189
X. Latter part of William's reign
XI. Reign of Alexander II, and the Invasion of Louis
XII. Reign of Alexander III, to the year 1263 .
XIII. The Invasion of Hakon
XIV. End of Alexander's Reign, and extinction of the Royal
Family .....
Appendix— Religious Houses ....
Index .....
59
89
126
142
169
223
263
292
322
403
562
607
643
697
701
ABBREVIATIONS
A-I . . see Bibliographical Notes, under Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
A-N . . see ibid., under Chronicles of the Kings.
A-P . . see ibid., under Icelandic Annals.
a-h . . after page nos., indicate columns in the page.
a. . . abbot (of).
A.B. . . Annals of Boyle.
A.C. . . Annales Cambriae.
AC. . followed by a number, annus {a?zno) Christi " (in the) year
of Christ." See Calendar Notes.
A. CI. . . Abbotsford Club.
A.D. . . annus {anno) Domini, "(in the) Dionysian year."
A.E. . . Ramsay's Angevin Empire.
A.I. . . Annals of Innisfallen.
A.K. . . Miss Norgate's England under the Angevin Kings.
a.l. . . arf /ocawz " at the corresponding place."
A.L.C. . Annals of Loch Ce.
AM.. . annus {anno) miindi " (in the) year of the Creation."
A. N.G. . Liebermann's Ungedruckte anglonormannische Geschichts-
quellen.
A.N.S.B. . Altnordische Sagabibliothek.
A. P. . . a7z«?<j (a««<?) Pfljj/o/zzj "(in the) year of the Crucifixion."
A.R. . . Ailred of Rievaulx.
A.S. . . Bollandists' Acta Sanctorum.
A.S.C. . Anglo-Saxon Chronicle(s).
A.U. . . Annals of Ulster.
A.U.C. . ai5 «ri5^ co;z^z'/a " from the foundation of Rome."
B. . . Bodleian Version of the Verse Chronicle.
b. . . bishop (of).
B.Cl. . . Bannatyne Club.
B. P. . . Benedict of Peterborough,
B.R. . . Bouquet's Recueil.
br. . . brother (of).
B.S. . . Brut y Saesson.
B.T. . . Brut y Tywyssogion.
c. . . count (of).
c, cc. . chapter, chapters.
ca. . . circa "about," "approximately."
CA. N. . Michel's Chroniques Anglo-normandes.
CC. . . Chalmers, Caledonia (1887).
ABBREVIATIONS
cf. .
confer " compare."
C.H. .
Chronicle of Holyrood.
C.L. .
Chronicle of Lanercost.
CM. .
Chronicle of Melrose.
Contin.
Continuation of.
C.S. .
Chronicon Scotorum.
d. .
duke (of).
D.A.I.
Dublin Annals of Innisfallen.
dau. .
daughter of.
D.B. .
Dovvden's Bishops of Scotland.
D.K. .
Dunbar's Scottish Kings.
d.l. .
dominical letter(s).
D.M. .
Dugdale's Monasticon.
D.M.F.
Duald Mac-Firbis.
D.N.B.
Dictionary of National Biography.
E. .
Eirspennill.
E., N., S.,
W. east, north, south, west.
e.
epact.
e.
earl (of).
E.G. .
Anderson's Scottish Annals from English Chroniclers
ed. .
editor, edited (by), edition (of).
E.E.T.S.
Early-English Text Society.
e.g. .
exempli gratia "for instance."
E.H.R.
English Historical Review.
E.H.S.
English History Society.
F. .
Fagrskinna.
f.
father of.
F.A.B.W.
Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales.
ff. .
" and following pages."
Fl. .
Flateyiarbok.
fl.
floruit " was of middle age (in)."
F.H. .
Flores Historiarum.
F.M. .
Four Masters.
f.n. .
ferial number.
fo., fos.
folio, folios.
Fr. .
Frisbok.
fr. .
Arna-Magnaean MS. fragment, 325, fascicle 10.
F.S. .
Fornmanna Sogur.
F.W. .
Florence of Worcester.
G.C. .
Gervase of Canterbury.
G.E.C.
Cokayne's Complete Peerage.
gf.
grandfather of.
G.P.R.
Gesta Pontificum Romanorum.
gs. .
grandson of
H. .
Snorri's Heimskringla.
H. &S.
Haddan and Stubbs, Ecclesiastical Councils.
H.H. .
Henry of Huntingdon.
ABBREVIATIONS
H.N.S. . Duchesne's Historiae Normannorum Scriptores.
'•a- • ■ inter alia {alios) " among other works (or writers)."
ibid. . . ibidem " in the same work (or writer)."
i.e. . . id est " that is to say."
J.B.A.A. . Journal of British Archaeological Association.
J-H. . . John of Hexham.
J-S. . . Jonsson's Skjaldedigtning.
J.W. . . John of Worcester.
K.B. . . Keith's Catalogue of Scottish Bishops.
K.S. . . Unger's Konunga Sogur.
1., 11. . . line, lines.
L.A. . . Lawrie's Annals of Malcolm and William.
L.B. . . Lebar Brecc.
L.C. . . Lawrie's Early Scottish Charters.
I.e. . loco citato " in the place referred to."
L.H. . . Bernard and Atkinson's Liber Hymnorum.
L.L. . . Lebar Laigen, Book of Leinster.
L.U. . . Lebar na hUidre.
M. . . Morkinskinna.
M.A. . . Jones etc., Myvyrian Archaiology.
M.Cl. . Maitland Club.
M.G.H. . Pertz etc., Monumenta Germaniae Historica.
M.H.B. . Petrie's Monumenta Historica Britannica.
M.P. . . Matthew Paris.
n. . . note.
N.C. . . Freeman's Norman Conquest.
N.S. . . New Series.
O.S. . . Orkney inga Saga.
O.V. . . Ordericus Vitalis.
P. . . Proceedings (of).
p., pp. . page, pages.
P. & S. . Skene's Chronicles of the Picts and Scots.
P.L. . . Migne's Patrologia Latina.
p.l. . . paschal letter.
q.v. . . g'uod vide " which see."
R.B.H. . Evans's Red Book of Hergest.
R.C. . . Revue Celtique.
R.D. . . Ralph de Diceto.
R.H. . . Richard of Hexham.
R.LA. . Royal Irish Academy.
R.S. . . Rolls Series : Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain
and Ireland.
R.T. . . Robert of Torigni.
R.W. . . Roger of Wendover.
s. . . son of
s., ss. . . section, sections,
s.a., s.aa. . sud anno, sud aimis " under the ye&r{s) ..."
b
ABBREVIATIONS
S.A.S.
S.C.S.
S.D. .
s.f. .
S.H.F.
S.H.R.
S.H.S
sis.
Sk.
s.l.
S.P.
s.s.
St.
S.V.,
T.
Tr.
tr.
U.S.
V.
V.C.H,
V.I.
w.
W.C.
W.J.
W.M.
W.N.
Y.B.L.
Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.
Skene's Celtic Scotland.
Simeon of Durham.
sub fine " near the end."
Societe de I'Histoire de France.
Scottish Historical Review.
Scottish History Society.
sister of.
Skdlholtsbok.
sic lege " so read."
Paul etc., Scots Peerage.
Surtees Society.
Stockholm MS. 20.
sub voce, sub vocibus " under the vvord(s) or name(s)."
Tigernach.
Transactions (of).
translated (by), translation (of).
lit supra "as above."
vide " see."
Victoria County History of . . .
varia lectio " another reading (is)."
wife of
Walter of Coventry.
William of Jumifeges.
William of Malmesbury.
William of Newburgh.
Yellow Book of Lecan (facsimile).
>
'the death of," "his death in.^
. . and not later than . . ."
"died (in)," " who died in . . . ";
between dates, " from . . . to . .
between dates, "not earlier than
between pages, " between."
after a date, "not earlier than."
before a date, "not later than."
before a date, indicates that the date has been deduced from
incomplete evidence,
between dates implies that the first number is given in a chronicle
but the second is the number of the year intended by the
chronicler,
between dates, " or less probably."
" therefore."
before a word, "a conjectural or pre-literary form."
"gives origin to the later form ..."
Small Roman numerals are used to indicate volumes. Numerals in
black type indicate divisions of a volume, either separately published or
with independent pagination ; also the numbers of works published in a
ABBREVIATIONS xix
series. Large Roman numerals followed by Arabic numerals indicate
books and chapters of a work ; chapters and verses of books in the Bible ;
fragments and pages of D.M.F. Arabic numerals not preceded by a large
Roman numeral are either the numbers of pages (or columns, or folios,
when these are numbered in the edition), or else the A.D. numbers of
years. An Arabic numeral placed before the name of a king or pope
indicates the number of a year of his reign.
Chartularies, Registers, and Martyrologies, are referred to by the
distinguishing name of their title. E.g. "Oengus" means "Calendar" or
"Martyrology of Oengus" ; " Kelso " means Liber S. Marie de Calchou ;
"Dunfermline" means Registrum de Dunfermelyn.
In the following Bibliographical Notes, works are entered under the
names by which they are commonly referred to here. It has not been my
intention to include in the list all works that are referred to once only, nor
all works that are already entered in the Table of Reference in E.G.
This is primarily a list of editions referred to, and is not a complete
list of works used or consulted. Still less is it a complete bibliography of
works relating to the subject of this book.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Abbo Floriacensis (abbot of Fleury, t 1004) : Passio S. Edmundi.
Edited by T. Arnold, in Memorials of St Edmund's Abbey, R.S. 96, i, 3-25.
Aberdeen, Registrum episcopatus Aberdonensis. Edited by Cosmo
Innes, M.Cl. 63 (1845). Also in Spalding Club 13-14.
Aberdeen, see Breviary of.
Aohery, see D'Achery.
Acta Sanctorum, quotquot toto orbe coluntur. Edited by J. Holland
and others, known as the Bollandists. Antwerp, 1643-igio. See Gross,
no. 603.
Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland. Records Commission (folio
series). Vol. i. (i 124-1423), 1844.
Adam of Bremen (t ca. 1076) : Gesta Hammenburgensis Ecclesiae
Pontificum [788-1072], Edited by J. M. Lappenberg, in M.G.H., Scriptores,
vii, 267-389 (Hannover, 1846). Also in P.L. 146, 451-668. Translated by
J. C. M. Laurent : Adams von Bremen Hamburgische Kirchengeschichte
(Berlin, 1850; Die Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit, X I Jahrhundert,
7 Band).
This is a valuable work, for its subject, and the countries included
under the archiepiscopate of Hamburg. It is not very exact in the
employment of other sources. It was written in 1075.
Adamnan (t 704) : Life of St Columba. Edited by Dr. W. Reeves for
the Irish Archaeological Society, and the Bannatyne Club (no. 103 : Vita
Sancti Columbae. Dublin, 1857). Re-edited by W. F. Skene, in altered
form, in vol. vi of the Historians of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1874), with a
translation by Bishop Forbes. An excellent and convenient edition is that
of J. T. Fowler (Oxford, 1894), with translation (London, 1895). I refer to
Reeves's chapters, which will be found also in Fowler's edition.
The Life is in the Bollandists' Acta Sanctorum, June, vol. ii, from p. 195
onwards (1867): also in Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga ; Pinkerton's Vitae ;
Metcalfe's Lives, i, 73-209. For MSS. and editions see Fowler's ed.,
pp. viii-x. The proper names have been published, with their context, in
Stokes and Strachan's Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus, ii, 272-280.
The earliest MS. (in Schaffhausen public library) is said to date from
the beginning of the 8th century. It is believed to have been written by
Dorbene, abbot of lona (1713), to whom it is apparently attributed in the
colophon.
It seems probable that Adamnan finished the work in the year 691. See
below, years 679, 688, 691, notes.
Adamnan was in the direct line of the tradition that he has preserved.
xxii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
But tradition has selected for memory principally such episodes as might
appear to be miraculous. Few facts of historical importance are given ;
but much light is thrown upon the life of Adamnan's time, and the time
immediately preceding it. A collection of deducible facts will be found
in Reeves's Introduction. Here I can include only such passages as have
more definite relation to events, persons, or places.
Other Lives of Columba are to a great extent derived from Adamnan's,
and are in other respects untrustworthy.
Of his authorities, Adamnan speaks thus, in his Secunda Praefatio
(Reeves, 8 ; Fowler, 5) :— " Let none esteem that I shall write either what
is false, concerning this man so worthy of renown, or anything that might
be doubtful or uncertain ; but let him know that I shall relate, and shall
write without any ambiguity, the things that have been handed down in
the concordant narrative of the elders and the faithful men who knew about
them [expertoruni] ; and either from what we have been able to find com-
mitted to writing before our time, or from what we have learned orally, by
very diligent inquiry, from the unhesitating narration of certain faithful and
aged men, who knew the facts [expertis]."
In part, Adamnan relied upon a Life written by Cummine, abbot of
lona (ca. 657-669). This was probably not the work now associated with
Cummine's name (see below : Cummine).
Adaranan. Cdin Adamnain ("Adamnan's Law"), edited and translated
by Kuno Meyer, primarily from MS. Rawlinson B 512 ; Anecdola
Oxoniensia, Oxford, 1905. This tract is assigned by its editor to
probably the ninth century (p. viii), although the law may be attributable
to Adamnan.
.ffithelweard (t?998): Chronica (to 975), ed. Petrie, in M.H.B., 499-
521. Previously ed. in Savile's Scriptores. Tr. by Giles, in Six Old
English Chronicles (1848), 1-40 ; and by Stevenson, Church Historians, ii,
2 (1854), 407-440. This represents a lost version of A.S.C., with some
additions (from 892 onwards).
Agrip af Noregs Konunga-sogum. Edited in Fornmanna Sogur, x,
377-421 : and diplomatically by V. Dahlerup, in the Samfund (Copen-
hagen, 1880).
This work was written in the end of the 12th century (probably by a
Norwegian in Iceland, about 1190), at a time when few of the sagas had
yet been committed to writing. See Dahlerup's ed., p. xxxii. Ari and
Theoderic are among its sources.
Ailred of Rievaulx (abbot of Rievaulx ; til67, q.v.) : Eulogy of St
David. Pinkerton's Vitae, 439-456 ; Metcalfe's Lives, ii, 269-285.
The Life of Margaret attributed to him is in Pinkerton's Vitae, 373-383 ;
Metcalfe's Lives, ii, 199-209.
His Life of Ninian is in Pinkerton ; Metcalfe, i, g-39 ; Historians of
Scotland, v, 137-157.
Alberic of Trois Pontaines (tl252x): Chronica [1-1241]. Edited by
P. Scheffer-Boichorst in M.G.H., Scriptores, xxiii (1874), 674-950. Parts
are in B.K., ix-xi, xiii, xviii, xxi.
Alexander Malfe or Maufe : see Maufe.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xxiii
Altnordische Sagabibliothek, ed. Cederschiold etc. (Halle). This is a
well-edited series of Icelandic texts.
Amiens, Guy of. See De Bello.
Amra Colulmchille. This is a eulogy upon Columba, attributed to
Dalian Forgaill, or Eochaid, son of Colla, son of Ercus ; and said to have
been composed at the time of Columba's death.
The Amra Coluimchille (primarily from Trinity College, Dublin, MS.
E. 4. 2) with the glossators' commentary upon it is edited by Bernard
and Atkinson, Liber Hymnorum, i, 167-183 ; and is translated by Atkinson,
ibid., ii, 60-80 ; and by Stokes (as below). It is too obscure to be given here
in full. Although it is an early work, it was written some centuries later
than the period to which its composer assigned it.
The version from Lebar na h-Uidre was published by J. O'Beirne
Crowe (Amra Choluim Chilli of Dalian Forgaill, Dublin, 1871). A version
is contained in Rawlinson B 502 (facsimile) ; ed. Stokes, R.C., xx, 30 x 473.
Anderson, A. O. : Scottish Annals from English Chroniclers (500-1286).
London, 1908. A collection of translations from chronicles of English
origin, and written before 1291. Late works were generally excluded for
the period before 1000.
Anderson, James ; Selectus Diplomatum Thesaurus (Edinburgh, 1739)-
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Edited by B. Thorpe, R.S. 23 (1861) ; versions
ABCDEF printed in parallel columns, with translation and indices (cf
J. Ingram's Saxon Chronicle, London, 1823). Versions A and E are the
basis of C. Plummer's Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel (Oxford, 1892-1899 ;
cf. J. Earle, Two of the Saxon Chronicles, Oxford, 1865). Plummer's
edition has very valuable notes. See his Introduction (in vol. ii) for an
account of the manuscripts.
Starting from a common origin, the chronicle was continued in various
monasteries. Information was conveyed from one house to the others ;
nevertheless the versions tended to differentiate. These versions are
distinguished by letters.
A (MS. C.C.C.C. 173) was written by one hand down to 891 ; and
continued more or less contemporaneously, at Winchester, to looi.
Continuations were written, much later, at Canterbury, for the years
1001-1066, 1066-1070, 1070. There are some gaps and interpolations.
Version W (Cottonian MS. Otho B XI) was copied from A.
B (Cot. MS. Tiberius A VI), to 977, was probably written ca. iioo.
C (Cot. MS. Tib. B I), to 1066, was written by various hands ; probably
from about the middle of the nth century to 1066.
D (Cot. MS. Tib. B IV) runs to 1079, with an addition for 1088=1130.
From 1067 onwards, it was probably written after 1 100.
E (Bodleian MS. Laud 636), to 11 54, was written by one hand to 1121 ;
by three or four contemporary hands from 1122 to 1131 ; and after 1154, by
another hand from 1 132 to 11 54 : at Peterborough.
F (Cot. MS. Domitian A VIII), to 1058 (the remainder being lost), was
written in the iith-i2th centuries by one hand (perhaps the interpolator
of A), with added notes.
H (in Cot. MS. Domit. A IX), a fragment of years n 13-1 1 14, was written
xxiv BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
early in the 12th century. It was edited by Zupitza, in Anglia, i, I95-I97 ;
and by Plummer, i, 243-245 ; ii, p. xxxvii.
I (Cot. MS. Caligula A XV, fos. 133-138 verso), nth- 12th century Anglo-
Saxon notes for 925-1109, and I2th-I3th century Latin notes for 1110-1202,
written in a 10th-century Easter table of 988-1193 ; edited by Liebermann,
A.N.G., 1-8.
The common source of the Anglo-Saxon chronicles was begun in the
reign of Alfred. It was probably based upon 7th and 8th-century notes,
some of which were used also by Nennius (see under Historia Brittonum).
The Anglo-Saxon chronicles are our principal authority from the death
of Bede down to the Norman Conquest. They are original and nearly
contemporary from the time of king Alfred to the death of king Stephen.
Versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle were used by ^thelweard, and
Florence of Worcester. Versions used by Simeon of Durham and the
Annals of St Neots were in some respects more correct than any existing
text of the chronicle.
For the chronology of the 8th to 9th centuries in the Chronicle see L.
Theopold, Kritische Untersuchungen Uber die Quellen zur Angelsachsischen
Geschichte des achten Jahrhunderts (Lemgo, 1873). Theopold's conclusion
is (p. 65) "that the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle proper (excluding all later
additions of whatever kind) has suffered a [backward] displacement in the
annals for 754-828 of 2 years, in the annals for 829-839 of 3 years, perhaps
at 840 of 4 years and at 845 of 5."
Annales Anglo-Saxonici Breves, see Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, version I.
Annales Cambriae (MS. A, 445-954 ; with continuations in other MSS.
to 128S). MS. A (to 954; with appended pedigrees) is edited by E.
Phillimore in Y Cymmrodor (the journal of the Cymmrodorion Society),
ix, 141-183 (London, 1888) ; and after Phillimore's text in Loth's Les
Mabinogion (1913), ii, 370-382, and 326-348 ; D'Arbois de Jubainville's
Cours de la Litterature Celtique, iv, 345-357. This and its continuation
in later versions (to 1066) were edited by Petrie, M.H.B. (1848), 830-840 ;
and re-edited, with the continuations to 1288, by J. W. Ab Ithel, in
R.S. 20 (i860).
An index to the pedigrees that follow the chronicle in MS. A has been
published by A. Anscombe in the Archiv fur celtische Lexicographie, i,
187-212 (cf. his indexes to other Welsh pedigrees, ibid., i, 513; ii, 147;
iii, 57). From these pedigrees Skene drew up a genealogical tree of the
kings of Strathclyde, in P. & S., p. xcv.
The version called MS. A (Harleian MS. 3,859, fos. 190-193) is an
nth century copy, entered among the additions to the Historia Brittonum,
of a chronicle that was finished 954 x 989, and perhaps 954 x 955 (according
to Phillimore). The original source was an annotated paschal calendar of
533 years ; it ran from 445 to 977, and was therefore a Victorian table.
Tenth-year numbers are entered from it in MS. A ; but, probably owing to
a copyist's errors, these numbers do not coincide with the tenth years of
the annals. One year was dropped between the years numbered 40 and
50 ; one was added between 60 and 70, 220 and 230, 250 and 260, 280 and
290, 340 and 350, 460 and 470, 490 and 500. Three blank annals follow
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xxv
the year numbered 530 ; therefore the total number of annals ought to be
533 : but it is actually 539.
The year-numbers are more nearly correct than the actual numbers of
the annals would be. The change of Easter [in 455] is the first entry, and
stands under the 9th annal. Bede's death [in 735] is entered under year
[291], the 294th annal ; king Edmund's death [in 946], under year [503],
the 509th annal.
In Petrie's and Ab Ithel's editions the ist annal is wrongly equated with
444 A.D. ; the 9th annal, correctly, with 453 A.D.
The Annales Cambriae probably contain a few contemporary notes
from the early part of the 8th century ; and may contain genuine notes of
a still earlier date. Irish and some Scottish events were entered from an
early collection of Irish annals.
MS. A is the earliest chronicle of Wales.
MS. B is " prefixed to an abridged copy of Domesday Book in the
Public Record Office, in the custody of the Master of the Rolls." It is
written "in a hand of the close of the 13th century" (Ab Ithel, p. xxv). It
contains (in addition to a copy of the earlier chronicle, with added notes)
an undated chronicle running from 955 to 1096 (and spelling Welsh names
in a manner much later than the spelling of MS. A), and a continuation,
with dates, to 1286.
MS. C (Cottonian MS. Domitian A I) runs to 1288, and is written "in
a hand of the end of the 13th century" (Ab Ithel, p. xxvii). This version is
independent of MS. B from 1204 onwards.
Annales Colonienses Maximi, or Chronica Regia Coloniensis (to 1238).
Edited by K. Pertz, M.G.H., Scriptores, xvii, 729-847 ; xxiv, 4-20. These
annals are original for 1144-1175, with continuations to 1238. See Potthast,
Bibliotheca, i, 239-240.
Annales de Monte Pernandi. See Annals of Multifernan.
Annales Dorenses (to 1283 ; continued to 1362). Extracts (687-1362)
ed. R. Pauli, M.G.H., Scriptores, xxvii, 514-531 (1885).
Annales Egmundani. See Annals of Egmond.
Annales Fuldenses. See Annals of Fulda.
Annales Gandenses (1297-1310) ; ed. Lappenberg, M.G.H., Scriptores,
xvi, 559-597 (1859). Written by a Franciscan of Ghent.
Annales Lambert! (of Hersfeld, to 1077) ; ed. M.G.H., Scriptores, iii,
22, 33, 90 (1839) ; V, 136-263 (1844) ; P.L. 141, 146 ; extracts in B.R., iii ;
v ; vi ; vii ; xi, 59-69. See Potthast's Bibliotheca, i, 705-707.
Annales Lundenses. See Annals of Lund.
Annales Quedlinburgenses (to 1025) ; ed. M.G.H., Scriptores, iii,
22-69, 72-90 (1839) ; P-L. i4ii 449-560.
Annales Regii, see Icelandic Annals, version C.
Annales Reseniani, see Icelandic Annals, version K.
Annales S. Nicasii Remenses (Annals of Rheims, 1 197-1309); ed. .
Waitz, M.G.H., Scriptores, xiii, 84-87 (1881) ; (1197-1222) in B.R., xviii,
699-700.
Annales S. Rudberti Sallsburgenses (to 1286). Edited by Wattenbach,
in M.G.H., Scriptores, ix, 760-843 (1851).
xxvi BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Annales Stadenses (to 1256), or Albert of Stade : Chronicon ab Ortu
Christi ad a. 1256. Edited by Lappenberg, M.G.H., Scnptores, xvi,
283-374 (1859). Albert was abbot of Stade. The chronicle bears upon the
history of Denmark and the archbishopric of Bremen, from the nth
century onwards.
Annales Uticenses (1-1503). Edited by Le Prevost, Ordericus Vitalis,
V, 139-173 ('855)- This chronicle has used an earher and trustworthy
source for the history of the Scandinavians in France.
Annales Vetustisslmi, see Icelandic Annals, version B.
Annales Weissemburgenses (Annals of Wissembourg, or Weissenburg,
708 to 984, 107s, 1087, 1 147), ed. M.G.H., Scriptores, iii, 33-65, 70-72;
(1839); P.L. 141,465-517-
Annalista Saxo : Chronicon (741-1139) ; ed. Waitz, M.G.H., Scriptores,
vi, 553-777 (1844). Extracts in B.R., vi-xi, xiii.
Annals in the Book of Leinster. Edited by Stokes, R.S. 89, ii, 512-528.
Book of Leinster, facsimile, pp. 24-26. These are a list of the kings of
Ireland, ca. 432 -ca. 1189. Events are entered under the kings' reigns,
and are mostly undated.
Annals of Boyle (so-called; A.M. i-A.D. 1270). Partly edited (420-
1245) by C. O'Conor, in Scriptores, ii, 4, from Cottonian MS. Titus A XXV.
This MS. was "transcribed towards the close of the 13th century" (J. T.
Gilbert). See National MSS. of Ireland, ii, no. 91 ; Catalogue of Irish
MSS. in the British Museum, 4-14. The monastery of Boyle was founded
in 1 148. These annals deserve to be re-edited.
Annals of Chester (1-1297). Edited by R. C. Christie: Annales
Castrienses (Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 14; 1886- 1887).
This was the chronicle of St Werburg's abbey. It is preserved in a
manuscript copied or compiled by four hands in the I5th-i6th centuries,
but the original chronicle was certainly of much earlier date.
Annals of Clonmacnoise (to 1408). Edited by Denis Murphy (Royal
Society of Antiquaries of Ireland ; 1896). This is an English translation,
made by Conell Mageoghagan in 1627, of a work now lost. In quoting it,
I modernize the spelling, normalize (when I can) the names, and translate
unintelligible Irish idioms. These annals are of a rather late type. They
do not adhere to their sources so closely, and have not such authority, as
the older Irish annals ; and the translation is not always accurate. There
are gaps between the years 11 82 and 1199, 1290 and 1299.
Annals of Bgniond (875-1205 ; with additions for 1207-1315). Edited
in M.G.H., Scriptores, xvi, 443-479 (1859). Also edited by B. J. L. de Geer
van Jutfaas (Werken van het Historisch Genootschap te Utrecht, N.S. 1 ;
Utrecht, 1863). This is the oldest chronicle of Holland.
Annals of Fulda (680 to 838, 863, 882, 887, and 901) ; ed. B.R., ii, v, vi,
vii, viii ; ed. Pertz, M.G.H., Scriptores, i, 343-415 (1826).
Annals of Purness (1199-1298), a continuation of William of Newburgh.
Edited by R. Hewlett, R.S. 82, ii, 503-583.
Annals of Innisfallen (or Inishfallen, in Lough Leane, Kerry Co.). The
only edition is that of C. O'Conor, Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores, vol. ii
part 2, pp. 1-122 (Buckingham, 1825). Skene published extracts in his
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xxvii
Picts and Scots, pp. 167-170; for these he had compared O'Conor's text
with the manuscript, and had attached dates taken from the Annals of
Ulster. A specimen of the handwriting is given by J. T. Gilbert in the
National MSS. of Ireland, ii, no. 89.
A new edition of these annals is much needed. I have checked
O'Conor's edition by the manuscript in almost every instance where I
quote from them.
This is one of the earliest existing collections of Irish annals. Prefixed
to it was a compiled chronicle of no original value, from the Creation to
the year 432 ; of this the part from Abraham is preserved. The chronicle
proper begins in 432. Patrick's mission is described three times : at the
end of the prefixed chronicle, in a passage written between the two
chronicles, and at the beginning of the chronicle proper.
The Annals of Innisfallen are written in different hands. Before the
end of the nth century the chronicle becomes a more or less contemporary
work ; and even from the 5th century it contains copied contemporary
notes. It is based upon annotated paschal calendars ; first Patrick's, then
the Victorian, finally the Dionysian.
This chronicle exists in one manuscript (MS. Rawlinson B 503, in the
Bodleian Library). Its pages are written in two columns to O'Conor's
year 650 ; in three columns from O'Conor's year 651 to the true year 1 130 ;
from the year 1 1 60 they are written in two columns, in later hands. The
annals for 1131-1159 are missing.
One section of the chronicle closes at 1 102 (O'Conor's 1085), where the
writer states that he wrote in that year. The writing is nearly contem-
porary at the year 11 14 (O'Conor's 1097). From ii6o onwards the
chronicle is carried on by so many hands that it seems to have been
written almost contemporarily with the events. O'Conor prints the Annals
down to 1 196, and points out that the events spoken of there had happened
not long before the time of writing (Scriptores, ii, 2, 122). The hand that
takes up the work after that date had written several columns before. The
last year legible is 1319 ; a few years are added in later hands ; but the
last entry has completely faded, and the remainder is lost.
The chronology of the early parts of the Annals of Innisfallen (as in
other Irish annals) is confused through events having been entered from
different sources. One event has sometimes been entered by counting
backwards from another event, without allowing for gaps in the sequence
of the year-sections.
A few years between 432 and 442, and after 798, are indicated by ferial
numbers and epacts (see Calendar Notes, p. civ) ; and after 973 (O'Conor's
955) the years are regularly so indicated. Between 442 and 798 some
years are indicated by their number in lunar cycles, and one or two are
dated from the Passion ; some others are fixed by original records of
eclipses, or of foreign events.
It is noteworthy that the beginning (457) and end (559) of Victorius's
paschal table are indicated. Under 437 (O'Conor's 438) is noted "the
beginning of the great circle," which should refer to some pre- Victorian
calendar ; and since (in IVIacCarthy's tables) the 84-year cycle did not
xxviii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
begin in that year, it may possibly refer to the beginning of Cyril's paschal
table of five 19-year cycles (437-53i)> "sed by the Eastern Church. The
beginning of a Dionysian cycle of 19 years is marked in 608.
The chronological data of the Annals of Innisfallen have not been
interfered with by the compilers. They do not follow an erroneous system,
like Tigernach's ; they have not been adapted to a correct system, as in
the beginning of the Annals of Ulster. But they have been ignored by the
editor.
O'Conor begins his edition of part of these annals with the year before
that dated in the prefixed chronicle "from the Lord's Incarnation 430";
the year-numbers he gives to the sections that follow are reckoned inexactly
by sequence from that date. He ignores the fact that the year 432 is
doubled ; therefore his years 434 to 458 are by one ahead of the year
intended. (Nevertheless O'Conor's 445 contains an eclipse of 453, and his
455 a notice of Easter of 455.)
The years that are clearly indicated in this chronicle are 432-457, 559,
599-608, 779-800, 817, 847-963, and from 973 onwards. Between O'Conor's
458 = 457 and 554 = 559 the chronicle has 95 years instead of 102 (O'Conor's
503 is part of the previous year in the MS.). Between O'Conor's 554 = 559
and 591 = 599 the chronicle has 37 years instead of 40. Between O'Conor's
591 = 599 and 765 = 779 the chronicle has 174 years instead of 180. Between
O'Conor's 786 = 800 and 804 = 817 the chronicle has 18 years instead of 17.
Between O'Conor's 804 = 817 and 832 = 847 the chronicle has 29 years
instead of 30 (O'Conor also omits a year between his 829 and 830). Between
O'Conor's 947 = 963 and 955 = 973 the chronicle has 8 years instead of 10.
O'Conor jumps from his year 833 to 835 ; repeats his years 908 and 909 ;
and jumps from his year 1002 to 1004.
Between O'Conor's 458 and 554, 7 years have been omitted. They were
probably blank, and most likely dropped at one or other of the places
where two blank years are marked together ; these are after O'Conor's 472,
480,485, 511, 514, 521. There are not among these more than two blank
years together. It happens that O'Conor's 472 = the Annals of Ulster's 471,
and his 475-480 are nearly parallel to their 480-485. After O'Conor's 472 =
471, the Annals of Innisfallen may have dropped 6 years. (Between 469
and 479 in the Annals of Ulster 8 years are blank or contain alternative
entries only.) O'Conor's 483 and 484 are parallel to the Annals of Ulster's
488 = 489 and 489 = 490; so that the Annals of Innisfallen seem to have
missed a year at the same place as have the Annals of Ulster (between
481 and 487). But we cannot with certainty correct the Innisfallen by the
Ulster annals. The Annals of Ulster have an excessive number of alterna-
tive entries about this period ; and their year-numbers here advance far
ahead of the years intended by the Annals of Innisfallen. (The Ulster
Annals' dates of events in the 5th and 6th centuries are not very trust-
worthy. An eclipse placed by them under 496 (corrected date) occurred
in 497; an eclipse under 512, in 509 (both of these being taken from
Marcellinus) ; another under 591, in 592 ; and under 592, in 594.)
Between O'Conor's 554 = 559 and 591=599 3 years have been missed,
probably after the end of the Victorian calendar (559). But no gap appears
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
there in the sequence of events ; the error must have been present in the
earliest compilation. The compiler has entered many events before 559
at the correct distance not from 559 but from 599. Events entered thus
belong to the earliest compilation ; and events entered correctly before 559
may have been in the original annotated calendar that forms the basis of
the compilation.
Between O'Conor's 600 = 608 and 765 = 779 6 years have been missed.
Of these, 3 seem to have been dropped between O'Conor's 635=643 and
674 = 685 ; another, between 694 = 705 and 723 = 735.
Between O'Conor's 786 = 800 and 804 = 817 the MS. has one year too
many. We must read K for KK in the MS. at O'Conor's 801 : this will
agree with the bissextile numbering. O'Conor's 785, 790, 794, 798, 803,
807, 81 1, are marked "bissextile." Between O'Conor's 804 and 832 the MS.
omits a year ; and after O'Conor's 811 the bissextile notes go wrong.
The dates deducible from the chronicle may be found by making the
following changes in O'Conor's year-numbers : —
434-458
deduct I.
801-804
add
13-
459-472
J
I (probably).
805-811
13 (or possibly 14)
475-480
add
5 (probably).
812-829
13-14-
483-502
6 (probably).
830-831
14-
503-554
5-
832-833
15-
555-635
8.
835-909
14.
636-673
8-11.
908-947
16.
674-694
11.
948-954
16-18.
695-723
11-12.
955-1002
1 8.
724-764
13-14.
1004-1113
17-
765-786
14.
1160-1 196
are correct.
787-800
14 (or possibly 13).
Annals of Loch C6 (1014-1 138, 1 170-1590) (i.e., Lough Key, Roscommon
Co.). Edited by W. M. Hennessy, R.S. 54 (1871). For the earlier centuries,
these are mainly based upon the Annals of Ulster ; and have preserved a
version of that chronicle for six of its missing years (1133-1138). The
Annals of Loch Ce have also preserved some details from sources that have
been lost. But they are less trustworthy than the earlier compilations.
Annals of Lund (Annales Lundenses, Annales Esromenses) : to 1265,
continued. Edited by Waitz, M.G.H., Scriptores. xxix, 188-210 (1892).
Annals of Margan (1066-1232 ; incomplete). Edited by H. R. Luard ;
R.S. 36, i, 3-40 (London, 1864). See ibid., pp. xiii-xv. The surviving MS.
of these Annals is written in a hand of the 13th century. The monastery
of Margan (Margam Abbey, Glamorganshire) was founded in 1 147. One
of the sources used by the compiler was the Chronicle of Holyrood (see
below). These Annals are valuable for local affairs, but not for Scottish
histor)'.
Annals of Multifernan (Annales montis Feranandi). Edited by Aquilla
Smith for the Irish Archaeological Society (Dublin, 1842), as the second
part of vo). ii of Tracts Relating to Ireland. They run from A.D. 45 to
1274, and were apparently written about the latter date.
XXX BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Annals of Norwich, partly edited in M.G.H., Scriptores, xxviii, are the
source of years 1066-1291 in Bartholomew Cotton, R.S. 16.
Annals of St Neots (to 914), or Chronicon fani S. Neoti. Inaccurately
edited in Gale's Scriptores XV, (iii) 141-175 (Oxford, 1691). Part critically
edited by W. H. Stevenson, in Asser's Life of king Alfred, 1 17 (Oxford, 1904).
This is an early 12th-century compilation, said to have preserved the true
chronology of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, a version of which it uses
(Plummer, Two Saxon Chronicles, ii, p. ciii). Stevenson says that "the
MS. of the chronicle used by the compiler was. nearer to the original than
any extant copy." Unfortunately the compiler did not give a complete
rendering of this source. Other sources used were Bede ; Asser ; Annales
Uticenses ; and some Frankish chronicle. The Annals of St Neots gave
material to the Annals of Lund.
Annals of Southwarb, Cottonian MS. Faustina A VI II (13th century).
Among the sources used by Matthew Paris. Selections ed. M.G.H.,
Scriptores, xxvii.
Annals of Stanley (to 1271), ed. (1202-1271) by R. Howlett, R.S. 82,
ii, 506-558 (1885).
Annals of Ulster (431-1132, 1156-1540). "Otherwise Annals of Senat ;
a chronicle of Irish affairs from A.D. 431 to A.D. 1540," edited (vol. i, to
year 1056) by W. M. Hennessy ; and (vols, ii.-iii) by B. MacCarthy (Dublin,
1887-1895). The fourth volume of this edition (Dublin, 1901), by B.
MacCarthy, contains an Introduction, valuable for the study of chronology ;
and an index, which is a useful dictionary of dates.
An earlier edition (to 1131) by C. O'Conor, in his Scriptores, vol. iv
(Buckingham, 1826), is inaccurate. Extracts were printed in Johnstone's
Antiquitates Celto-Normannicae ; in Pinkerton's Enquiry, ii, 307-320 ; in
Skene's Picts and Scots, 343-374.
Hennessy and MacCarthy's edition is the only trustworthy one. It has
an English translation, and many useful cross-references and notes. Some
additions are printed as if they had formed part of the original text. The
first volume was severely criticized by Stokes in the Academy of 1889
(pp. 207-208, 223-225, 240-241) : the second and third were denounced by
him in the Revue Celtique (xviii (1897), 74-86). But Stokes's own edition
of Tigernach is by no means perfect as an edition for the historical
worker.
The Annals of Ulster were compiled in Shanid or Belle Isle, Upper
Lough Erne, Fermanagh, by Cathal Mac-Manus, a Mac-Guire, in the end
of the 15th century. The manuscript (A) (Trinity College, Dublin,
MS. H. I. 8) is written in his own hand to A.D. 11 14. Cathal's death in
1498 is recorded by his continuator. MS. B (a Bodleian MS., Rawlinson
B 489) extends to 1588; it is, down to the middle of the nth century,
a close copy of MS. A.
The original compiler copied his materials with close fidelity. Notwith-
standing the late date of the Annals of Ulster, they rank among the most
ancient sources. But since it is a compilation of various collections of
historical notes, the same event is frequently entered two or three times
under different years, in the earlier centuries.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xxxi
The chronological system of these annals is more correct than that of
the earlier collections. It must, however, be kept in mind that the events
were copied from earlier collections, in which the chronological system was
less perfect. The dates are the result of the compiler's interpretation of
the dates of previous chronicles. This interpretation appears, on the
whole, to be remarkably correct. Errors and deviations occur, especially
in the 5th, 6th, and early part of the 7th, centuries. In these centuries it
is necessary (for more than approximate accuracy) to compare all the
survivins' Irish annals.
In the Annals of Ulster, the year-sections are arranged consecutively
under Dionysian numbers ; with added ferial numbers and epacts, which
are all entered, according to Hennessy (i, 4), in a later hand. The epacts
are incorrect for the years 1235 to 1412 (cf. MacCarthy, Todd Lecture
Series, iii, 379).
The year-numbers are too low by one year from 486 to 1012. In order
to correct this error, no annal was written for the year 1013. The
year-numbers, therefore, are not only later than the time of Bede, as
O-Maille says ; they are later than the year 1013, and are probably
attributable to Cathal Mac-Manus himself.
Notwithstanding these errors, the year intended by the compilers is
never in doubt. It must not be assumed that this was invariably the year
intended by the annalists from whom the compilation was made.
The accuracy of transcription is so great that it has been possible to
deduce from the spelling (of the Irish entries, and of Irish names in the
Latin entries) that original notes began to be written, in the sources used,
almost contemporaneously with the events described, in the last years of the
7th century. At that time, some compilation of earlier notes was made.
This first compilation was added to subsequently, down to the 9th century,
in the language of the time, several centuries after the events described ;
but there seems to be reason to believe that these additions, as well as the
original compilation, were translated from earlier written records.
The chronicle becomes continuously contemporary, or nearly con-
temporary, from the end of the 7th century onwards. See T. 0-Maille's
Language of the Annals of Ulster (Manchester, 19 10). Cf Stokes's
Linguistic Value of the Irish Annals, in the Transactions for 1890 of the
Philological Society. Since some of the sources used by the Ulster annals
were used also by the other Irish annals, the same statement of date is to
some extent applicable to the other Irish annals also.
For the sources of the Annals of Ulster, see O-Maille, pp. 5-10. Native
sources quoted by name are : — Mochta's Epistle (at 471 and 535 ; Mochta,
a disciple of Patrick, died in 535 or 537) ; a Book of the Monks at 512, and
Book of Mochod at 528 ; Cuanu's Book (from 467 to 629 ; see below, year
630, note); the Book of Dubdaleithe (from 629 to 102 1 ; probably
Dubdaleithe was the abbot of Armagh who died in 1064). Foreign
sources used are sometimes named, where Tigernach quotes them without
naming them. Marcellinus, Bede, and Isidore, are named. A copy of the
Liber Pontificalis also was used.
In referring to the Annals of Ulster, I usually give both the uncorrected
xxxii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
and the corrected year-numbers. When one number only is given, for
a year between 487 and 1013, it is the corrected number (unless s.a.
precedes it).
Anselm (archbishop of Canterbury, fiiog): Letters. Ed. P.L. 159.
Also in D'Achery.
Antlquitates Amerioanae, ed. C. C. Rafn. Det Kongelige Nordiske
Oldskriftselskab, Copenhagen, 1837.
Arbroath. Liber S. Thome de Aberbrothoc, Edited by C. Innes and
P. Chalmers. B.Cl. 86 (1848- 1856).
Ari Pr6di ("the Learned"), Thorgils' son (1067-1148) : Islendingabok.
This work runs to the year ii20. I refer to the edition of Mobius (Leipzig,
1869). A later edition is that of W. Golther, in Cederschiold's Altnordische
Sagabibliothek, part i (Halle, 1892). Also edited in Islendinga Sogur
(1829), i ; (1843), i : and in Origines Islandicae, i.
The Islendingabok is a revised abridgement of a previous work (written
1122x1133), now lost, of the same writer (see Ari's preface; p. 3). The
earlier version was probably an earlier work than the Korftingabok and
Landndmabok ; both of which, composed by Ari, have survived in later
recensions only. These last-named works were perhaps extensions of parts
of the lost book. The surviving Islendingabok (with those parts left out)
was written 1134X ; and, according to Golther, x 1138.
See under Landnd,mab6k, and Snorri.
Ari, a noble and priest, was the first historian of Iceland. He
endeavoured to obtain from good authorities (several of whom he names)
an exact account of the settlement of Iceland, and its history down to his
own day. He was not only a careful collector of facts ; he was also a
pioneer of Icelandic writing, and father of the written literature of Iceland.
Cf. Snorri's Preface to HeimskringIa ; and Ari's Islendingabok, c, 9.
While Ari's works contain a marvellous amount of trustworthy informa-
tion, for the period 870-1130, they contain also much that is legendary.
Legendary material is often distinguishable (in works derived from his
Konungabok) by the style and character of the narrative ; by direct
quotation of speeches, rounding-off of incidents, and antithesis and
parallelism of cause and effect. Details of the story tend to grow larger in
later accounts.
Art de Verifier les Dates. See L'Art.
Asser: Annales rerum gestarum vElfredi Magni. Edited by W. H.
Stevenson (Oxford, 1904). Previously edited by Petrie, M.H.B., 467-498 ;
and in Camden's Anglica Scripta.
This life of Alfred was written in 893 (c. 91, p. 76), but is of uncertain
authority.
Atkinson, J. 0. The Coucher Book of Furness Abbey. Chetham
Society, 9, 11, 14 (1886-1887). Continued by J. Brownbill, no. 74 (191 5).
Bain, Joseph: Calendar of Documents [l 108- 1509] relating to Scotland,
preserved in H.M. Record Office, London. Edinburgh, 1881-1888. This,
with its indices, is an invaluable work.
Balmerino. The Chartularies of Balmerino and Lindores, ed. W. B. D. D.
TurnbuU ; A.Cl. 22 (Edinburgh, 1841).
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xxxiii
Banquet of Dun na n-Ged, and the cause of the Battle of Moira. This
tale is edited by O'Donovan from the Yellow Book of Lecan (see " Battle
of Moira"). Its historical value is almost null.
Bartholomew Cotton: Historia Anglicana (to 1298), ed. H. R. Luard ;
R.S. 16 (1859).
Battle of Moira. This tale is edited by John O'Donovan from the
Yellow Book of Lecan (The Banquet of Dun na n-Gedh, and the Battle
of Magh Rath ; Dublin, Irish Archaeological Society, 1842). O'Donovan
considers it to have been composed originally in the 12th century. It has
little historical value, but some details of fact are derived from earlier
accounts.
Bayeux Tapestries. F. R. Fowke : The Bayeux Tapestries reproduced
in autotype (Arundel Society, London, 1875). Photo-lithographs in Sir
Alexander Malet's Conquest of England ; see under Wace.
Beauly. E. C. Batten : The Charters of the Priory of Beauly (Grampian
Club, no. 12 ; 1877).
Bede (+ 735) : Chronicle (to 726). This chronicle is part of his De
Temporum Ratione, and is an extension of his Shorter Chronicle (to 707),
which was part of his De Temporibus. Both chronicles are edited by
Mommsen, in M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 223-354.
Among many sources from which Bede's Chronicle is derived, the
following may be named : Constantius, and Gildas ; Prosper, and
Marcellinus ; Isidore, and the Liber Pontificalis.
Bede : Historia Ecclesiastica (to 731). Edited by C. Plummer (Oxford,
1896), with very useful notes and indices. J. A. Giles's edition (Patres
Ecclesiae Anglicanae, i-ii ; London, 1843) has text and translation on
alternate pages. For other editions see Gross, no. 1355.
The early part of Bede's History is partly derived from Orosius and
Gildas. In the later part he uses the same sources as in his Chronicle, and
many other written sources and documents.
Bede's work is, for his own time, of the highest authority. It is the
principal source of succeeding chronicles for the same period. Other
works by which its accuracy might be tested do not exist. Bede's clear
style and judicial mind gave an admirable model to his successors.
Bede : Vita S. Cudbercti. This Life is based upon the more authoritative
Anonymous Life of St Cuthbert (written 698x705). Both Lives are edited
in Stevenson's edition of Bede, vol. ii (E.H.S., 1841)- Bede's is edited
with a translation by Giles (Patres Ecclesiae, ii) ; and is translated by
J. Stevenson in Church Historians of England, i, 2, 546-603 (London,
1853).
Benedict of Peterborough. Gesta regis Henrici Secundi (1169-1192),
ed. W. Stubbs (R.S. 49; 1867). This is a very valuable contemporary
work, of unknown authorship. I have thought it convenient to retain the
name (B.P.) by which it has been known. The true author may have been
Richard Fitz-Nigel, treasurer of king Henry II : v.i.a. R.S. 99, i, p. xxix.
In his introduction, Stubbs has given an Itinerary of king Henry II
(ii, cxxix-cxlviii).
Benolt de Sainte-Maure (t 1 189 x ) : Chronique des Dues de Normandie
c
xxxiv BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
(to 1135) ; ed. F. Michel (Paris, 1836-1844)- Partly based upon Uudo and
William of Jumieges. An extract is in C.A.N. , i, 166-303.
Berchan, Prophecy of. The so-called Prophecy of Berchan is preserved
in MS. ^ of the Royal Irish Academy (Skene's MS. a), which was copied
(from a book written by Michael O'Clery in 1627) by John O'Kane, and
finished on 29th September, 1722 ; and in a copy of that MS., made by
Peter O'Connell, and finished on 7th May, 1803 (MS. R.I.A., H. & S.,
no. 221 ; Skene's MS. 6). Stanzas 102-204 were edited by Skene, with
a translation, in his Picts and Scots, pp. 79-io5- Versions of stanzas
7, 9, 8, 69, 71, and an additional stanza, are quoted in the Wars (R.S. 48,
10, 204) ; stanzas 7, 9, 8, also in the fragment of the Wars that is preserved
in the Book of Leinster (facsimile, p. 309 ; Wars, 225). This part of the
Book of Leinster was perhaps written ii66x 1171. It has been alleged, on
insufficient grounds, that the Wars were composed early in the nth
century, and that therefore part of the Prophecy was composed earlier still
(O'Curry, MS. Materials, 413-414). A copy of the Prophecy existed in
1518; see Hyde's Literary History of Ireland (1899), 611. A fragment,
ending in the middle of stanza 66, was copied by Peter O'Longan, "about
the year 1760 "(O'Curry, Catalogue of the Betham Collection in the R.I. A.
23
Library, ii, 341) : this is in the R.I. A. MS. ^,-~- It was copied by Peter's
son, Michael O'Longan (R.I. A. MS. j^g)-
This is a Middle-Irish historical poem, written in the form of a prophecy,
and ascribed to an abbot Berchan.
The Prophecy consists of 204 debide stanzas (nos. 128 and 168 being
incomplete). There is considerable displacement of stanzas, especially
among stanzas 17-42. The verse was originally of fairly precise construction ;
but the text is now very corrupt. There are many errors throughout, in
numbers and facts. It is not improbable that the original source of the
existing text was written from memory.
The poem is divided into two parts. The first part (stanzas 1-96)
professes to have been composed by Berchan, an Irish abbot, 60 years
before his death; and 120 years before the dissolution of his monastery,
which was apparently dispersed by the Norwegians. It is addressed to
a boy, who is not named. It describes the history of Berchan's monastery ;
the arrival of the Norwegians in Ireland (led, according to the Book of
Leinster, by Tuirgeis) ; their overthrow after seven years (in ? 845, when,
according to the Annals of Ulster, Tuirgeis was drowned) : the death of
Colman Mor, son of Aed ; and the reigns of 19 Irish kings.
The second part (stanzas 97-204) does not name the composer ; but
purports to have been spoken on the eve of Patrick's death [.''461], 60 years
before the composer's death and the birth of Columba [? 521]. It describes
the life of Columba, the reign of Aidan in Scottish Dalriata, and the reigns
of 24 kings of Scotland, from Kenneth Alpin's son to Donald Ban.
The composer of the Prophecy has obscured its meaning by usino-
metaphors freely, and by omitting the narnes of most of the kings. In the
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xxxv
first part, however, many names of kings are supplied in glosses, which
were probably an original part of the work, and are equally authoritative
with the text ; although a few of them are incorrectly placed. Because of
the style of the work, its confused order, and its inaccuracy, it is often
difficult to ascertain whether the glosses are correct, or not.
The 17th Irish king is the last whose name is supplied in a gloss :
he is said to have been Muirchertach, son of Toirdelbach Ua-Briain.
Muirchertach died in 11 19; therefore O'Curry thought that the poem in
its present form was written about 1120 (MS. Materials, 413-414). The
i8th is said to become king loi years after the death of the i6th (Aed
Ua-Neill, + 1033), and to reign for 35 years : he is probably Toirdelbach
Ua-Briain, who was deposed in 1165, and reigned again from 1166 till his
death in 1167.
The 19th king is called the "Grey-chested one, from Cloitech";
presumably the wearer of a cuirass. It is foretold that his reign will
begin 140 years after the reign of the i8th king, and that he will be king
of Ireland for 13 years. In his reign. Antichrist will be born in the east.
He will be the last king killed by the Leinstermen : very soon afterwards
the Day of Judgement will arrive. If the numbers be correct, and if I have
identified the i8th king correctly, the 19th would have reigned from 1307 to
1320.
Within that time, Edward Bruce was the crowned king of Ireland
(1315-11318). These stanzas were probably added at the time when
Berchan's works were collected, in 1317 (see below). Before 1190, however,
some prophecies attributed to Berchan foretold the coming of a king from
Downpatrick to Offaly ; and the expulsion of the English from Ireland
(Giraldus Cambrensis, v, 385).
The last Scottish king whose reign is described is Donald Ban. For
this reason it has been assumed that the second part was written 1094 x 1097
(Picts and Scots, p. xl). But in the description of the last Scottish reigns
there are errors that could not have been made by a contemporary ; such
as, for instance, the statement that Malcolm III died in Rome. It is
foretold that four or five unnamed Scottish kings will reign after Donald,
in Ireland, before the Judgement Day (see year 1094). The fifth king
of Scotland after Donald would have been William, who reigned 1165-1214.
Thus both the Irish part and the Scottish part appear to extend beyond the
year 1165. It is possible that the poem was composed between that year
and the time when it was quoted in the Book of Leinster. Since no
mention is made of the English invasion of Ireland in 1169, th^
original composition of the Prophecy may be dated conjecturally 1 165 x i i6g.
In its present form, it dates probably from 1315 x 1318.
The Berchan to whom the first part is ascribed is supposed to have
spoken in ?7i8 ; and to have died in ?778. The prophecy of the reigns of
Irish kings begins in stanza 15, and includes kings who lived in the 5 th
century, in the time of St Patrick and of St Bridget. The prophet of the
second part is supposed to have spoken in .''461, and to have died in ? 521.
It follows that stanzas 1-14, or some of them, belong to a pre-existing
nucleus upon which the later work was imposed. Berchan's monastery is
xxxvi BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
mentioned also in stanzas 29 and 32 ; and the glosses in this part of the
work (stanzas 1-32) may be incorrect.
The pedigree of "Berchan, prophet and bishop and poet," in the Book
of Leinster, p. 350, column 5, makes him a great-grandson of Ainfcellach
[king of Dalriata 696-697 ; 1719] : this was Berchan of Clonsast, in King's
County. See Oengus (1905), 256. He was no doubt the prophet to whom
the nucleus of the Prophecy was ascribed.
Another "Berchan, son of Beoaid Barrfind, of Corcothri" in Sligo, is
also named "Mobi of Glasnevin among the Foreigners" (near Dublin),
in the Book of Leinster, p. 351, column 7, Cf. Oengus (1905), 322-224.
This Mobi was called "the Flat-faced." He was the son of Uanfind,
daughter of Findbarr (ibid., 372, column i). He died in 545 (according to
the Annals of Ulster ; but in [546] according to Tigernach and the
Chronicon Scotorum, both of which identify him with Berchan, and appear
to speak of him as a poet). Mobi and Berchan are entered consecutively
but separately in the Martyrology of Tallaght under October 12th (Book
of Leinster, 363, column 7 ; Brussels version, ed. Kelly, p. x.\xvi). The
identification of these two men is almost certainly erroneous.
Berchan Beoaid's son may possibly have been the Berchan upon whom
the whole Prophecy was fathered ; but it seems incredible that the writer
should not have known the legend of Mobi's Girdle (cf. Stokes, Lismore
Lives, 26-27 ; L.H., i, 87), and the facts that it contains : that Mobi was a
teacher of Columba, and died immediately before Columba established his
first monastery in Derry.
The saint who died on the day of Columba's birth, and who is said to
have prophesied of him, was Buitte, the first abbot of Monasterboice. It is
possible that the introductory stanzas (97-113) of the second part contain
verses that existed previously, and may have been attributed to Buitte.
The historical value of this Prophecy is very low.
For other prophecies ascribed to Berchan, see O'Curry, MS. Materials,
417-418, 628 ; and Giraldus Cambrensis, v, 384-385. Cf. i.a. the Martyrology
of Donegal, pp. xxxii-xxxiii. In O'Reilly's Irish Writers, p. xliv, it is stated
that "Ware says, that the prophecies of Braccan were collected and
published by Walter de Islip, in the year 1317 " (before the death of Edward
Bruce).
Bernard of Clairvaux (tii53): Vita S. Malachiae. In A.S., Nov., ii,
1, 143-146; P.L. 182, 1073-1118. See Potthast's Bibliotheca, ii, 1445-1446.
An excellent translation with critical notes has, since this work was finished,
been produced by Dr H. J. Lawlor (" St Bernard of Clairvaux's Life of
St Malachy of Armagh" ; 1920).
This Life of Maelmaedoic, bishop of Armagh, was written 1148X 1152.
Maelmaedoic had twice visited Clairvaux ; on the second occasion in
1 148, he died there. '
Bernoldus (fnoo ; a monk of Saint-Blaise, afterwards of SchafFhausen)-
Chronicon (to iioo), ed. Pertz, M.G.H., Scriptores, v (1844), 400-467. Also
in P.L. 148 (1853), 1299-1432. Extracts in B.R., xi, xiv. For other works
see Potthast, Bibliotheca, i, 154-156. '
Bertholdus (tio88 ; pupil and continuator of Herimannus Augiensis);
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xxxvii
Annales (1054-1080), ed. Pertz, M.G.H., Scriptores, v (1844), 267-326. Also
in P.L. 147 (1853), 343-442. Extracts in B.R., xi, xiv.
Blskupa Sogur, ed. G. Vigfusson, J. Sigurdsson, G. Hansen. HiS
Islenzka Bokmentafelag' (Copenhagen, 1858-1878).
Black Book. See Black Book of the Exchequer.
Black Book of Carmarthen. See Welsh Triads.
Black Book of Paisley. See Bower.
Black Book of the Exchequer, The Smaller. T. Hearne : Liber Niger
Scaccarii (Oxford, 1771, or 1774). This was perhaps compiled by Alexander
de Swereford (t 1246), before 1216. See R.S. 99, i, pp. xxxv-xlix ; Hi, Ivi,
Ixii, etc.
Bliss, W. H. : Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers, relating to
Great Britain. Rolls Series. Vol. i (i 198-1304), London, 1893.
Bond, J. J. : Handy-book of Rules and Tables for verifying Dates
within the Christian Era (London, 1889).
Book of Armagh. Liber Ardmachanus . . . edited, with Introduction
and Appendices, by John Gwynn (R.I. A., 1913). See also Life of St
Patrick. The Book of Armagh was written in 807 by Ferdomnach, a
scribe of Armagh (t 846 ; A.U.). See P.R.I. A., iii, 316-324; Tr. R.I. A..
XX, 329-332.
Book of Ballymote, published in photo-lithographic facsimile under
the title "The Book of Ballymote, a Collection of Pieces, Prose and Verse,
in the Irish Language, compiled about the beginning of the fifteenth
century : now for the first time published from the original manuscript in
the library of the Royal Irish Academy, by the Royal Irish Academy. With
Introduction, Analysis of Contents, and Index, by Robert Atkinson . . ."
(Dublin 1887). Cf. the facsimile pages in National MSS. of Ireland, iii,
nos. 25-27.
This is a miscellaneous collection, compiled and translated from various
sources at different times. Part was written 1384x1406 ("about 1400"
Atkinson).
Book of Coupar. .See Bower.
Book of Deer. This is an incomplete copy of the Gospels, in Latin ;
written in the 9th century. Notes of grants, and translations of charters,
have been added, in early G.nelic, or middle-Irish ; also a copy of a Latin
charter, confirming the rights of the clerics of Deer, as written in their
book. If this charter is genuine, and the book referred to is the present
Book of Deer, the Gaelic additions would have been made before the
year 1 1 50.
The edition referred to here is that of J. Stuart : The Book of Deer
(Spalding Club [no. 36], Edinburgh, 1869). This edition contains text and
translations (pp. xlvii-lvii), with facsimiles, of the additions. The additions
had previously been edited and translated : — by C, Innes, Scotland in the
Middle Ages (i860), 321-325; [by Stokes?] in the Saturday Review for
i860, 734-735 ; [by Joseph Robertson] in Illustrations of the topography
and antiquities of the Shires of Aberdeen and Banff, iv, 545-550 (Spalding
Club [no. 32], 1862) ; by C. Innes, in National MSS. of Scotland, i, nos. i,
18 (Southampton, 1867), with facsimiles. Text, translation, and glossary,
xxxviii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
are given by Whitley Stokes, in Goidelica (1872), 108-111, 115-121 ; and
by Alexander Macbain, Gaelic Society of Inverness (1885), xi, 144-149,
158-166. Translations and some texts are in L.C., nos. i, 95, 97, 107, 224.
All these editions have valuable notes. Cf. L.C., 219-220.
The grants recorded in the additions are tabulated in Stuart's Preface,
pp. Ixi-lxiii. Cf. Macbain's ed., 151.
These additions appear to be written at a later date than the charters
copied in the Book of Kells (q.v.). Cf. below, note under no. 7 ; year
1131X.
Book of Kells Charters in the Book of Kells, ed. J. O'Donovan, in
Irish Archaeological Society, Miscellany, i, 127-158 (Dublin, 1846). These
were copied, according to J. T. Gilbert, " towards the latter part of the
i2th century." Cf. National MSS. of Ireland, ii, nos. 59-61.
Book of Leinster (R.I. A. MS. H. 2. 18). " The Book of Leinster, some-
time called the Book of Glendalough, a collection of pieces, prose and
verse, in the Irish language, compiled, in part, about the middle of the
twelfth century. . . . With introduction, analysis of contents, and index by
R. Atkinson" (Dublin, 1880). In facsimile.
This collection was written at various times. A note on p. 275 fixes the
date of that part of the MS. as ist August, 11 66. A note on p. 288 (written
1166x1167) laments the expulsion of Diarmait Murchaid's son (tii7i).
The original book ends on p. 354. It was added to at various times.
See Todd, R.S. 48, pp. ix-xii ; O'Curry, MS. Materials, 184-186. Cf.
above, under Berchan. Facsimile pages are given by Gilbert in the
National MSS. of Ireland, ii, nos. 53-55.
Book of Lismore. W. Stokes : Lives of Saints from the Book of
Lismore. Anecdota Oxoniensia, Medieval and Modern Series, part 5
(Oxford, 1890). The Book of Lismore "was compiled from the lost Book
of Monasterboice and other manuscripts, in the latter half of the 15th
centuiy" (Stokes).
Book of Iilandaff : edited by Evans and Rhys, Welsh Texts, iv (Oxford,
1893). Previously edited and translated by W. J. Rees ; Llandovery, 1840.
A collection of various historical materials, made about 1132.
Bouquet, Martin; and others. Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et
de la France. Paris, 1738- 1876.
Bower, Walter : Scotichronicon [to 1437]. Edited by Walter Goodall
(Edinburgh, 1759) ; previously by Thomas Hearne (Oxford, 1722).
This is a recension of Fordun's work. Fordun's continuator (to 1437)
was born in 1385, and began to write his compilation in I44r. He may
have been named Bower, Bowyer, or Bowmaker. It is convenient to retain
the name by which he has been known.
Goodall's text is based upon a MS. in Edinburgh University Library.
The "Book of Coupar" (Advocates' Library MS. 35. i. 7) is, according
to Skene, an abridged text by the same compiler. Another abridge-
ment (the "Book of Perth") was made by a Carthusian at Perth probably
before 1451 (Advocates' Library 35. 6. 7 ; paper). In this MS. the
statement appears that the first 5 books had been written by "John
Fordoun, a priest" ; the other 11 books by "the reverend father in Christ,
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xxxix
sir Walter Bowmaker, formerly abbot of the island of St. Columba
[Inchcolm], who died in the year of the Lord 1449." In another paper MS.
(Adv. Lib. 35. 5. 2), Fordun's continuator is called Walterus Boware.
Another text is the "Black Book of Paisley" (British Museum, Royal
Library MS. 13 E X).
For the various manuscripts see Skene's Preface to Fordun.
Bower's work is not included here ; but is occasionally quoted and
referred to, principally for ecclesiastical details. He drew from sources of
information that have now been lost.
Brandkrossa Thdttr, ed. G. Thordarson, in Nordiske Oldskrifter, v
(1848) ; Vigfusson, Origines Islandicae, ii, 533-536 ; J. Jakobsen, Samfund,
29, 183-191 (Copenhagen, 1903). This is an unhistorical fragment, con-
taining some genealogical details. It may have been composed originally
in the 13th century ; but survives in manuscripts of the 17th and i8th
centuries.
Brechin. Registrum Episcopatus Brechinensis ; ed. C. Innes, B.Cl.
102 (1856).
Brenna Adams Byskups (t 1222), in Fl., ii, 529-530; ed. Vigfusson
and tr. Dasent, R..S. 88, i, 229-230 ; iii, 232-233. Also in Collectanea,
355-356.
Breviary of Aberdeen. Edited by William, bishop of Aberdeen ; vol. i
(the winter part; December to June) published on 1st February, 1509;
vol. ii (the summer part) published on 4th June, 15 10 (Edinburgh). Both
volumes were reprinted in facsimile for the Bannatyne Club (and simultane-
ously for the Spalding Club and the Maitland Club) in 1854 (London).
This contains a collection of local traditions of saints' lives, preserved
orally or in writing ; it is of value as evidence of the existence of traditions
in the beginning of the i6th century.
The martyrology is the 3rd section with separate pagination in both
volumes.
Brevis Relatio de Origine Willelmi Conquestoris. Edited by J. A.
Giles, Scriptores Rerum Gestarum Willelmi Conquestoris, 1-23 (Caxton
Society, 1845). Apparently written in the time of his son, king Henry I.
Brompton, John of (fl. 1437): Chronicon (to 1198). Twysden,
Scriptores, 721-1284. An inaccurate compilation, of uncertain date.
Brut d' Angleterre. See Wace.
Brut y Saesson. Two Welsh chronicles are called by this name. One
(to 1 197) was edited from Cottonian MS. Cleopatra B V, fos. 109-162, in
Myvyrian Archaiology, 652-684 (Denbigh, 1870). This is part (Brenhined
y Saesson) of the chronicle beginning on fo. i, and entitled the Brut, or
Ystoriaeu Brenhined Ynys Brydeyn.
Another (850-1382) is edited from the Red Book of Hergest (a MS. of
the end of the 14th century), by J. G. Evans, in Rhys and Evans's Bruts
from the Red Book of Hergest, 385-403 (Oxford, 1890).
Brut y Tywyssogion ("Chronicle of the Princes"). Two Welsh
chronicles have been called by this name. One (running from 680 to
1282) has been edited by J. G. Evans, from the Red Book of Hergest, a
MS. of the end of the 14th century (Rhys and Evans, Welsh Texts, vol. ii :
xl BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Bruts from the Red Book of Herg-est, 257-384 ; Oxford, 1890). It was
previously edited, from the same MS., in Myvyrian Archaiology (1801 ed.,
ii, 391-582 ; (1870 ed.), 602-651 ; from the same and other MSS. by J. W.
Ab Ithel, in R.S. 17 (i860) ; and, to 1066, by Aneurin Owen, in Petrie's
M.H.B., 841-855 (1848).
The value of extracts given from this chronicle is uncertain. I refer to
the pages of Evans's edition. For the MSS. used by Ab Ithel, see his ed.,
pp. xlv, xlvii-xlviii.
According to Liebermann (M.G.H., xxvii, 444-446) the nucleus of this
work is a Welsh translation (ascribed to Caradoc of Llancarvan) of the
Annales Cambriae to 954; probably also of their continuation, to 1 100,
although it is uncertain whether the continuation is not derived from the
Brut. From iioo to 11 20 the Brut is ascribed to Caradoc (who died about
the middle of the 12th century). From 1120 to 1282, the chronicle is the
work of various hands ; the part relating to the 13th century being attributed
to Cistercians of Strata Florida.
None of the surviving copies appears to be earlier than the 14th century.
Another chronicle of the same name (from 660 to 1196) was edited by
Owen Jones in the Myvyrian Archaiology (1870 ed., pp. 685-715).
Cambuskenneth. Registrum monasterii S. Marie de Cambuskenneth,
ed. Sir William Fraser. Grampian Club, 4 (Edinburgh, 1872).
Camden, William : Anglica, Normannica, Hibernica, Cambrica, a
veteribus Scripta (Frankfurt, 1602, and 1603). Britannia (London, 1586;
latest ed., 1607 ; tr. R. Gough, 1789, and 1806).
Carmen de Morte Sumerledl, by William, a priest of Glasgow. Edited
by Skene, Fordun, i, 449-451 (1871), from MS. C.C.C.C. 139, fo. 133 (the
12th-century MS. of S.D., s.f.) ; independently by J. Raine, S.S. 70, 78-80
(1880 ; cf. S.S. 51 (1868), p. Ixix) ; by T. Arnold, R.S. 75, ii, 386-388 (1885) ;
and from Skene, in L.A., 80-83.
This "Song upon the death of Someried" is written in doggerel Latin
verse, m lines of 15 syllables, with artificial alternate accent. There is
usually dissyllabic end-rhyme or assonance, in couplets. The rhyming
syllables would be unaccented in prose. There is usually also internal
rhyme or assonance of syllables 3-4 with syllables 7-8 in each line.
Chalmers, George : Caledonia. New edition. (Paisley, 1887-1902)
First published in London, 1807-1824.
Chronicle in Edinburgh University Library MS. no. 27 (1057-1401) ;
ed. Miss C. R. Boriand, Catalogue of the Western Medieval MSS. in
Edinburgh University Library, 329-332 (Edinburgh, 1916).
Chronicle of Anjou (to 1057, with continuation to 1251). Called also
Chronicle of Vendome ; ed. Marchegay and Mabille, Chroniques des
Eghses d'Anjou, 155-177. Selections are edited in B.R., vi-viii, x-.xii. xviii
Chronicle of Anjou. The chronicle quoted under 1174 is one' of the
chronicles of St Albinus' abbey in Angers. It runs to the year 1200 and
has later additions. It is edited in Labbe's Nova Bibliotheca, i 27C-280
(Pans, 1657). ^
Chronicle of Carlisle, ed. Palgrave, 68-76. This chronicle was sent to
king Edward on 20th May, 1291, by the canons of the cathedral church of
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xli
Carlisle. The seal of the chapter was attached. The manuscript was
endorsed Cronica de Karleolo. It has much in common with the Chronicle
of Huntingdon. See also Chronicles of 1291.
Chronicle of Dalriata. See Chronicles of the Kings.
Chronicle of Holyrood. The edition referred to here under this name
is that of C. W. Bouterwek : Monachi anonymi Scoti Chronicon Anglo-
Scoticum. Elberfeld, 1863. This version is inaccurately edited from a MS.
(Durlacensis, no. 38 ; Karlsruhe, no. 345) in the Karlsruhe library of the
Grand-Duke of Baden. The chronicle runs from before the Christian era
to 734, and from 1066 to 11 89, all written in one hand, of the 12th (or early
13th) century. Additions have been made, for 1286, in a I3th-I4th century
hand ; and for 1266, 1296-1318, 1355, in hands of the I4th-I5th centuries.
The version in Lambeth MS. no. 440 (beginning on fo. 122) was edited
by Robert Pitcairn for the Bannatyne Club (no. 20; Edinburgh, 1828),
under the title (borrowed from Wharton) : Chronicon Coenobii S. Crucis
Edinburgensis. Part of this version, from 596 to 1163, had previously been
edited in Wharton's Anglia Sacra, i, 152-162 (London, 1691). The whole is
translated by Joseph Stevenson, in his Church Historians of England, iv,
1, 61-75 (London, 1856). The Lambeth version breaks off, incomplete, in
the year-section for 1163; but otherwise has the same contents as the
Karlsruhe version. According to Henry Petrie, the writing of the Lambeth
version appears to belong to the I2th century.
On foho 2 of the Lambeth MS., this note is written, in a hand of the
13th century: "Book of St Mary of St Serf's [Liber S. Mariae de S.
Servand], by gift of William, Duncan's son, formerly parson of that church."
It seems, therefore, that the MS. volume (or part of it) in which the Lambeth
copy is now bound was presented, in the 13th century, to a church of the
parish of St Serffs, dedicated to St Mary. This parish is now included in
the parish of Redgorton, near Scone. A William, Duncan's son, probably
a churchman, flourished in 1202 ; North Berwick, no. 6 (cf. Moray, no. 50 ;
1206x8).
Both versions are probably copied from one source. Errors are common
to both codices under the years 668, 685, 1068, 1153, 1160. But the Karls-
ruhe copy has preserved the true reading under 1162 ; the Lambeth copy
under 11 54. The error at 1153 (where the age of king Malcolm at his
accession is said to have been 42 years, instead of 12) shows that the
common source cannot have been written contemporaneously with this
event.
The source copied in the Karlsruhe MS. was probably compiled in, or
soon after, 1189. It was derived from various chronicles, and from original
notes made or preserved in the monastery of which the writer was an
inmate.
That the chronicle was written at Holyrood abbey is fairly deducible
from original notes in the year-sections of 1150, 1152, 1154, 1155, 1160,
1 161, 1 163 (cf. the borrowed notes under 1178, 1180; and original refer-
ences to Lothian affairs, under 1125, 1163, 1164. The words apud Scotiam
— s.aa. 1 153, 1 154 — suggest that the place of writing was to the south of
the Forth). Bouterwek (p. viii) argued that the writer was a monk of
xlii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Coupar-Angus (cf. year-sections 1164, 1170, 1186, 1187). It is possible
that the chronicle was begun at Holyrood (which was founded in 1 128),
and continued at Coupar (which was established in 1164); but the connection
with Coupar is by no means proved.
The Chronicle of Holyrood, though brief, is valuable. It is the only
early Scottish companion to the Chronicle of Melrose. Unfortunately,
there is no satisfactory edition of either : the sources have not been
critically traced.
The notes entered in the Holyrood chronicle are often so curtailed that
it is difficult to ascertain their origin. Original notes appear from the
year 1136 to the end. The Chronicle of Melrose has been borrowed from,
down to the year 1169; but the indebtedness may in some cases be
reversed : the Melrose chronicle having made use of the notes upon which
the Holyrood chronicle is based.
Bede, with his continuator, is the principal source of the Chronicle of
Holyrood down to the year 734. Other sources drawn from independently
(not merely through the Chronicle of Melrose) are : — a list of popes (1084 ;
the other papal successions may have been derived from the Chronicle of
Melrose); some Salisbury source (1078, io8g, 1092; cf 1099, 1102, 1107,
1 138, where the Salisbury events may have been derived from various
chronicles) ; the Translatio S. Cuthberti (1069 and 1104) ; the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle (version E? ; to 1109) ; Florence of Worcester (to llio) ; Simeon
of Durham (to 1123) ; William of Malmesbury (1133) ; John of Worcester
(to 1 140) ; John of Hexham (to 1152) ; and a history of the crusades (iioi,
nil, 1118, 1152, 1187. Cf notes otherwise obtained under 1096, 1098,
1099).
From 1066 to 1102, 1107, and perhaps later, the Chronicle of Holyrood
appears to have been used by the Annals of Margan.
Chronicle of Huntingdon ; Cronica Canonicoriim Beaie Marie Hunting-
donie. Edited in Palgrave, 98-104; and in Skene's Picts and Scots,
209-213. I refer to the pages of Skene's edition.
This is one of the chronicles of 1291. It concludes thus : "And at the
command of our noble king the common seal ... [of the chapter of the
canons] of St Mary of Huntingdon has been appended to this."
It appears to derive much of its information from the Chronicle of
Melrose.
Chronicle of Lanercost (1201-1346). Joseph Stevenson : Chronicon de
Lanercost. B.Cl. 65 and M.Cl. 46 (Edinburgh, 1839). This work, in its
survivmg form (Cottonian MS. Claudius D VII), was written in the 14th
century ; but it is in part copied from an earlier chronicle. It borrows
material from a source that is used by the Chronicle of Man, and from that
part of the Chronicle of Melrose that ends in 1264; see below, and year
1251, note. Down to 1273, the original version was written x 1275 (see
below, year ?I266). Down to 1279 or further, it was written before 1296
(see below, year 1279). Verses that are entered 1280-1290 were written
by Henry de Burgo, who became prior of Lanercost in 1310 (f 1315) The
section for the year 1289 was (? partly) written by a contemporary of
iatrick, 7th earl of Dunbar (+1289) (cf year-sections 1248, 1267 1289)-
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xliii
and (? partly) during the lifetime of Duncan, loth earl of Fife (earl
1288-1- 1353): therefore 1289x1353. Part of the same year-section was
written 1306X.
From 1272 to 1346, the chronicle has been translated by Sir Herbert
Maxwell in S.H.R., vi-x ; reprinted, Glasgow, 1913.
Chronicle of Maillezais (Vendee) (to 1134); ed. B.R., vii, ix-xii. The
writer borrows from Julius Florus, who wrote of affairs of Aquitaine to
1 140.
Chronicle of Man (to 1257, with additions to 1376). Chronicon Regum
Manniae, ed. Goss : Chronicles of Man and the Sudreys, vol. i ; Manx
Society, 22 (Douglas, 1874. No. 23, vol. ii, contains an appendix of
documents). Goss gives a translation. His edition is based upon the
edition and notes of P. A. Munch (Christiania, i860). Text also in J. R.
Oliver's Monumenta de Insula Manniae, Manx Society, 4, 127-205
(Douglas, i860) ; part in Camden, in Johnstone's Antiquitates Celto-
Normannicae, and in Langebek, iii, 209 (1774). Translated by Stevenson,
Church Historians, v, 1.
This chronicle is part 3 of Cottonian MS. Julius A VII. It dates from
the middle or latter half of the 13th century, with additions of the 13th and
14th centuries. It begins at the year 1017, and is carried down by
successive hands to 1257, 1274, and 1316. A list of bishops appended to
it was begun by the first chronicler, and continued by various hands to 1376.
There are considerable errors in the year-numbers. The years numbered
1000-1023 are intended for 1017-1040; 1027-1056=1046-1075 ; 1073-1077 =
1093-1097. 1140=1148, 1141-1144=1151-1154. Calculations of the duration
of reigns and bishoprics are inaccurate.
The Chronicle of Man uses, for the history of the islands, a source that
is used also by the Chronicle of Lanercost. It borrows, down to 1190, from
the Chronicle of Melrose, edition to 1197 ; and adds original material from
1066 onwards.
Cf. Alunch's ed., pp. xxvii-xxviii.
Chronicle of Melrose (731-1263, with continuation 1263-1270)- The
edition used here is that of Joseph Stevenson : Chronica de Mailros
(Bannatyne Club, no. 49), Edinburgh, 1835. The chronicle was previously
edited by William Fulman, in his Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores, i, 135-244 ;
Oxford, 1684. I refer to Fulman's book under the usual but incorrect
designation of Gale's Scriptores, vol. i. Joseph Stevenson translated this
chronicle in his Church Historians of England, iv, 1, 79-242 ; London, 1856.
The chronicle with its additions (fos. 1-74) occupies folios 2-75 of the
Cottonian MS. Faustina B IX. This is the original codex, to which
additions were made from time to time, during perhaps a hundred years,
by successive historiographers of the monastery of Melrose.
The changes in handwriting should be an aid towards determining the
times at which the various parts were written. This is a matter for a
palaeographical expert. The same hand varies at different times, and with
different pens, inks, and qualities of parchment. Writers of one school
form characters in similar ways ; and, in finishing a partly-filled page,
a writer sometimes imitates his predecessor's style.
xliv BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
So far as I can tentatively judge, new hands appear in the following
year-sections of the chronicle (to 1263) 1—956 ; 970; 1017 ; 1172; 1198;
1215; 1215; 1216; 1217; 1218; 1221 ; 1222; 1223; 1234; 1234; 1240;
1244; 1245 ; 1246.
Each year-section is begun upon a new line. From 974 onwards, a line
is frequently left blank after year-sections. A half-page was left blank after
1016. From 1171 onwards, space is left at the end of the year-sections, for
the accommodation of additional notes. These spaces have sometimes
been filled up afterwards.
The first edition of the chronicle (to 1171) was completed 1178x1198,
and perhaps 1185x1186. See below, year 1170, note. This section of
the chronicle was used (down to 1169) by the compiler of the Chronicle
of Holyrood ; and (from 1141 to 1 168) by Roger of Hoveden.
Original material appears under the years 1128, 1134, 1136, and from
1 140 onwards. Probably the compiler of the 1171 edition utilized historical
notes made and preserved in the monastery of Melrose, which was founded
in 1 136.
Among the sources used are : — Bede, and his continuator ; the Anglo-
Saxon Chronicle ; Florence of Worcester ; Simeon of Durham ; William of
Malmesbury ; John of Worcester ; John of Hexham.
From 1 172 onwards, the work was continued by various writers, more or
less contemporaneously with the events described. The chronicle to 1263
was completed after 21st January, 1264. It ran to folio 62, but did not
include folios 60 and 61. It contained three added leaves : — folio 13,
written in 1263 (or 1264), and added to the year-section of 1056 (see below,
year 1249); folio 37 (on the capture of Damietta, in 1219), inserted in the
middle of the year-section of 1221 ; and folio 53 (in an early 13th century
hand; relating to years 945-1193), inserted between the year-sections of
1245 and 1246.
In the blank space after year 1016, on folio 10 verso, this note has been
added, in a late 13th-century hand: — "Memorandum: that the abbot of
Dundrennan has borrowed the chronicles of Melrose, in which were 14
quires, 1 19 leaves " (i.e., 28 folded sheets, bound in fours ; and 3^ single
leaves: in all, 119 pages, or 59^ folios). The book borrowed must have
been the 1264 edition of our Chronicle of Melrose ; because it contains 59i-
folios, of which three were added leaves.
In the lower margin of folio 45 verso, under the year-section of 1243, the
following note has been written : " The abbot of Dundrennan has received as
a loan the remainder of these chronicles. Vide." The two year-sections that
follow, 1244 and 1245 (folios 46-52), were probably copied in 1263.
In the upper margin of folio 52 verso, the writer who copied the
year-section of 1245 (folios 48 verso-52 verso) has written the date : "Henry,
the king of England, the son of king John, has now reigned for 47 years" ;
and in the lower margin, the note : "Alexander, king of Scotland." King
Henry IPs 47th year was completed on 27th October, 1263.
The 1264 edition of the chronicle was used (down to 125 1) by the
writer of the Chronicle of Lanercost.
The added folios 60-61 were written after [263. They describe miraculous
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xlv
incidents of life at Melrose ; and contain additional year-sections for the
years 1260 and 1261.
On folio 62 verso, lists of Melrose abbots, and promotions of Melrose
monks, have been added.
The continuation (for years 1263-1270 ; folios 63-73) contains, under the
years 1263, 1264, 1268, a treatise upon the affairs of Simon de Montfort.
Folio 74 is entirely occupied with the history of the crusades. It ends
incomplete ; the remainder of the chronicle is lost. This continuation has
probably been copied by three hands, which have written respectively folios
63-68, 69-71, and 72-74. Part of the annal for 1265 was written 1267 x;
perhaps 1270 x.
Notes for the years 1271-2, 1275= ?i272, 1272-3, and 1274-5, have been
added on folios 62, 59 verso, and 51.
A Prose Chronicle of the Kings of Dalriata and of Scotland has been
inserted under their death-years, from 741 to 1165 ; and, along with this, a
Verse Chronicle (called by Stevenson and others the Chronicon Rythmicum
and Chronicon Elegiacum) has been inserted, from 843 to 12 14. These,
and many other marginal notes (indicating successions of bishops and
abbots, deaths of kings and popes, etc.), have been added to the chronicle
in hands of the early 14th century, and later (cf. Stevenson's edition, p. xiv).
There are several erased or illegible notes, in margins and blank spaces.
Some added notes have been entered by a contemporary reviser ; some, by
the next continuator.
The Chronicle of Melrose is the principal early monastic chronicle of
Scotland. Its only companion, later (for the period it covers) and briefer,
is the Chronicle of Holyrood. Unfortunately, neither of these chronicles
has been edited in such a manner as to indicate the parts that are original,
or the sources from which material has been derived.
In addition to Scottish affairs, the Melrose chroniclers have described
events in England, Ireland, France, and Palestine ; and have had access
to documents relating to the crusades, and the quarrel between the empire
and the papacy.
Chronicle of Peterborough (654-1 368) : Chronicon Angliae Petriburgense,
ed. J. A. Giles. Caxton Society (London, 1845). This is a compilation of
little value. It is largely derived from chroniclers of Northampton and
Huntingdon shires. The earlier part of the work has been ascribed to a
John of Peterborough (John de Caleto, abbot of Peterborough 1250-1262 ;
or John Deeping, abbot 1410-1439). The fact that the writer borrowed
from CM. under 1244 does not prove that the annal for that year was
written after 1263. See under Chronicle of Melrose.
Chronicle of Saint-Aubin of Anjou (to 1200) ; ed. Labbe, Nova
Bibliotheca. See Chronicle of Anjou.
Chronicle of the Picts. See Chronicles of the Kings.
Chronicle of Vendome. See Chronicle of Anjou (to 1251).
Chronicles of the Kings. These are divisible into three groups :— lists
of the kings (i) of the Picts ; (2) of the Scots of Dahiata ; (3) of Scotland,
after the union of Picts and Scots. In dealing here with different versions
in each group, I find it necessary to distinguish the versions by group-
xlvi BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
names (" Chronicles of Dalriata," " of the Picts," and " of the Kings of
Scotland") and letters, which unfortunately do not correspond with the
letters used in D.K.
These chronicles were named by Skene : " Pictish Chronicle" ; " Chronicle
of the Scots " ; " Chronicle of the Scots and Picts " ; " Chronicle of the
Picts and Scots," according to the contents of their earlier parts. I have
rejected these names, because I found their use impracticable.
The Chronicles of the Kings of Scotland (after the union) are preserved
in several versions. These vary from mere lists of reigns to meagre
histories ; and are carried down to different periods, according to the time
of their composition. I refer to the following versions by letters : —
A. Colbertine MS., Bibl. Imp. Paris. 4126 ; ed. Innes, Critical
Essay, 416-418 ; Pinkerton, Enquiry, i, 494-497 ; and Skene, Picts and
Scots, 8-10, no. I. See version E.
This is a considerably expanded version. It ceases before 995. Van
Praet's description of the MS., corrections of Innes's transcripts (in ist ed.),
and diplomatic copy, were printed in Pinkerton, i, 476-487. A facsimile is
in P. & S., 2 X 3.
B. Bodleian MS., Laud 610 ; ed. O'Donovan, in Todd's Irish Nennius,
p. Ixxv ; and Skene, P. & S., 29-30, no. 5 c.
This is an unexpanded version, preserved as an addition to the Irish
version of Nennius. It was composed before 1093.
C. Trinity College of Dublin MS., H. 3. 17 ; in Todd, u.s., 162 ; and
P. & S., 400, Appendix no 2.
This also is a mere list, an Irish version, composed before 1093.
D. Advocates' Library MS. 34.7.3 ; in Skene, P. & S., 151-152, no 23.
An expanded version, running to 1058 ; probably composed before
1093.
Version D begins with this prologue (Skene's P. & S., 148) : " Short
Chronicle. The sum of the years of the first Scots, who reigned before the
Picts, 260 years and 3 months. The sum [of the years] of the Picts, 1061
years. The sum [of the years] of the Scots after the Picts, 337 years and
5 months. The sum total, 1,668 years and 8 months.
" It is to be noted that the kingdom of Scotland began 443 years before
the Lord's Incarnation."
Skene dates this in 1187.
The "sum total" shows error in addition, or in the transcription of
some of the figures. 337 years 5 months from 843 would give 1180 or 1181 ;
but the chronicle stops at 1058. It is probable that this prologue is later
in origin than the chronicle.
E. Colbertine MS. (as A). In Innes, Critical Essay, 419-420 ; Skene,
P. & S., 130-133, no. 16.
Unexpanded to 1005; much expanded from 1018 to 1165, as if in
continuation of A. Composed before 1214.
F. Register of the priory of St. Andrews, Harleian MS. 4 628 In
Innes, Essay, 423-425 ; Skene, P. & S., 174-176, no. 29.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xlvii
A somewhat expanded version, composed before 1249, and continued
to 1255.
G. Cottonian MS. Vitellius A XX. In P. & S., 301-303, no. 39.
This is the second version in this MS. See under version M. Version G
is an expanded one from 1057. It was composed before 1249, and after-
wards continued to 1286.
H. John of Eversden's version, in E.H.S. ed. of Florence of Worcester,
ii, 252-253 ; E.G., 2-3.
This version is unexpanded, and seems to have been composed originally
1281 X 1286.
I. Sir T. Phillipps MS. 31 19. In P. & S., 288-290, no. 36.
An expanded version, composed 1286 x 1292.
K. Thomas Gray's Scalachronica, in the Corpus Christi College of
Cambridge MS. Edited by J. Stevenson, M.Cl. 40 (1836), 116-118; and
by Skene, P. & S., 204-208.
This is an Old-French rendering of an expanded version composed
1292 X 1296.
L. Cottonian MS. Claudius D VII ; ed. Stevenson, M.Cl. 28, 137-139;
Skene, P. & S., 295-297, no. 38.
This version goes down to 1334, and was probably written 1334 x 1335.
It is expanded at the end. In addition to its primary source, version L
refers also to a secondary source (L 2), which runs to 1249.
M. Cottonian MS. Vitellius A XX. In P. & S., 299-301, no. 39.
This version is expanded from 1057 ; it stops at 1290. The MS. appears
to have been written 1348 x . Cf. under version G.
N. Harleian MS. 1808. In P. & S., 305-307, no. 40.
This version (slightly expanded) is dated 1465, in a different hand ; but
the last king mentioned is Robert III, who died in 1406. There are some
strange errors in this version. It is probably based upon a version that
ran to William's reign. A Sumnia annoivm is entered after William's
death. See below, year 859, note.
I refer generally to the editions in Skene's Picts and Scots.
Prefixed to their Chronicles of the Kings of Scotland, versions ABC
contain a Chronicle of the Picts ; versions EN, a Chronicle of Dalriata ;
versions DFIK, Chronicles of the Picts and of Dalriata.
The three sections are distinctly separated in FIK. In A, the Chronicle
of the Picts (with a title) forms the preface. In ABC, the conclusion of the
first section is marked by the word "and" preceding the last king of the
Picts. In E, the kings of Scotland follow the kings of Dalriata without
interruption ; but the title of the whole is applicable to the Chronicle of
Dalriata only. In N, the Chronicle of Dalriata (with a title) forms the
preface. In 'D,_filius, in patronymics of the Pictish kings, gives place to mac
in patronymics of the kings of Scotland. Filius appears throughout in
AEILM. In the Chronicle of Dalriata in N, mak appears. In the
Chronicle of the Picts in BC, 7nac is used down to Nechtan Mor-brecc ;
xlviii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
fiUus, afterwards, except for Brude Maelchon's son, Gartnait Foith's son, and
Giric Dungal's son. Mac (or ua) appears in B from 1034 to 1058 ; in C,
from 1005 to 1058 ; in D, from 843 to 1040 ; in F, from 843 to 1097 {filius
from 1 165) ; in G, from 843 to 997 ; in H, from 843 to 1058 (except at 1034,
nepos); in K, from 877 to 997; in N, from 843 to lo\o ijilius ixom 1 165
onwards).
Fordun in his Ciironicle (IV, 10, 12; i, 152-155) gives a version of the
Chronicle of the Picts. It stops at the union, with the words "Deo gratias."
Some of the notes are attributable to Fordun himself. Skene's edition does
not profess to give the exact spelling of Fordun's words.
Versions of the Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland are the basis of the
Duan Albanach (which contains also the kings of Dalriata) ; the Chronicle
of Huntingdon ; the Verse Chronicle ; and the Chronicon Rhythmicum
(containing also the kings of Dalriata).
Chronicles of 1291. In obedience to king Edward's command, search
was made in the chronicles that were preserved in religious houses ; and
abstracts of material pertinent to the relations between England and
Scotland were sent in from Bath, Battle, Bridlington, Burton-upon-Trent,
Carlisle (see Chronicle of Carlisle), Crowland, Dover, Evesham, Faversham,
Gloucester, Huntingdon (see Chronicle of Huntingdon), London, Malmes-
bury, Newburgh, Norwich, Reading, Salisbury, Sawtry, Tewkesbury,
Worcester (these are edited in Palgrave, 56-134) ; Chester (noticed in Bain,
ii, 313-214) ; and others.
These abstracts are generally derived from surviving chronicles (notably
F.W., H.H., W.M.), and have no special value.
The commissioners appointed for the purpose made a summary return
of the salient contents of these abstracts ; ed. Palgrave, 134-137.
King Edward's letter to pope Boniface was based upon the finding of the
commissioners, and states the case of England in her claim to superiority
over Scotland.
Chronicon Fiscanense (Chronicle of Fecamp; to 1220), ed. Labbe, and
P.L. 147, 479-484. Extracts in B.R., xi, xii, xviii, xxiii.
Chronicon Hanoniense (to 1278). Extracts ed. J. Heller, M.G.H,,
Scriptores, xxv, 419-467.
Chronicon Rhythmicum (to 1437) ; ed. Skene, P. & S., 332-340. Previ-
ously ed. in the Appendix to Innes's Essay, 426-431. Written ? 1454
(1437x1460).
This verse history is preserved in MSS. of Fordun. It contains versions
of the Chronicles of Dalriata and of the Kings of Scotland. Innes (331) and
Skene (p. Ixx) claim part to have been written before the death of
Alexander III ; but the poem appears homogeneous. I give very few
references to this chronicle, and have not collated it with the Chronicles
of the Kings.
Chronicon Scotorum (to 722, 804-1135, 1141-1150), ed. W. M. Hennessy
R.S. 46 (1866). '
This contains a somewhat inaccurate abridgement of Tigernach's
Annals, or copy of Tigernach's source. It preserves a version of the years
804-973, and 1004-1016, that are missing in the surviving copy of Tigernach.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xlix
Down to 643, the years are indicated by frequent ferial numbers ; but these
have been carelessly copied, and are almost valueless for the identification
of the years intended. See under Tigernach, below. From 1098 onwards,
the years are sufficiently indicated by calendar data.
The year-sections are dated in the edition by sequence, without regard
to the ferial numbers, down to 1131 = 1135. Hennessy has added one year
between the sections numbered by him 429 and 431, and between his 471
and 473. Otherwise his dates are useful, because they show the interval of
years in the chronicle between events. Hennessy's years 1012-1061 are
behind the true number of the year intended by 2 years ; 1063 - ca. 1069,
by 3; 1092-1131, by 4. His year-numbers 1141-1150 are correct.
Chronicon Vizeliaeense (Chronicle of the monastery of V^zelay).
Partly edited (660-1316) in Labbe's Nova Bibliotheca, i, 394-398 (1657).
Extracts in B.R., xi, xii, xviii.
Chronlque de Normandle. Extracts (to 1174) in B.R., xi, 320-343 ; xiii,
221-256. Written in the 13th century ; a version (to 1106) and continuation
of Wace's Roman de Rou.
Chronlque de Saint-Denis (to 1223, with continuations to 1461), ed. B.R.,
iii, v-viii, x-xii, xvii.
Cistercian Foundations to 1234. Cottonian MS. Faustina B VII,
fos. 36-39; ed. W. de G. Birch, J.B.A.A., xxvi, 281-292. Folio 39, for the
years 1191-1234, is written in a later hand than that which wrote the
previous folios (for 1098-ligo).
Cistercian Foundations to 1247. Cottonian MS. Vespasian A VI,
fos. 55 verso-60; ed. W. De G. Birch, J.B.A.A., xxvi, 357-365.
These lists of foundations were derived from a complete list which
appears to have been kept in the monastery at Cileaux.
Claudian (Claudius Claudianus Alexandrinus, t in the beginning of the
5th century) : Carmina, ed. T. Birt, in M.G.H., Auctores, vol. x (1892).
Claudian speaks several times of the British islands and their inhabitants,
but in a manner difficult to turn to historical use. He is one of the sources
for the history of Britain under the Romans. Some of his writings were
known to Gildas.
Close Rolls, i (1204- 1 224), ed. T. D. Hardy (Record Commission, folio,
1833). The following volumes of the octavo series (H.M. Stationery Office)
are distinguished by their years of publication : — 1902 (1227-1231), 1905
(1231-1234), 1908 (1234-1237), 1911 (1237-1242), 1916 (1242-1247) ; and the
Calendars of the Close Rolls, (abstracts of their contents) ed. W. H.
Stevenson: — 1900 (1272-1279), 1902 (1279-1288), 1904 (1288-1296), 1906
(1296- 1 302).
Clyn, John: Annales Hiberniae (to 1349), ed. R. Butler, in Annals of
Ireland. Irish Archaeological Society (1849).
Colgan, J. : Acta Sanctorum Veteris Scotiae seu Hiberniae (Louvain,
1645). 1st January to 31st March.
Colgan, J. : Trias Thaumaturga (Louvain, 1647). Contains Lives of
Patrick, Columba, and Bridget. This is vol. ii of Colgan's Acta Sanctorum.
Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis, ed. lona Club. W. F. Skene contri-
buted to the contents : — extracts translated from Icelandic literature ; Iri'sh
d
1 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
materials reprinted from O'Conor's Rermn Hibernicarum Scriptores, with
translations ; some Higliland pedigrees ; and a late history of the origin
of the Macdonalds.
Corpus Poetloum Boreale, ed. G. Vigfusson and F. Y. Powell (Oxford,
1883). A collection of Icelandic verse ; now more critically edited by
F. Jonsson. See under Jonsson.
Coupar. Rental Book of the Cistercian abbey of Cupar-Angus, with
the Breviary of the Register ; ed. C. Rogers. Grampian Club, 17 (London,
1 879- 1 880).
Cuanu's Book. See under Annals of Ulster. The book was written in
the 8th century, or later. There is nothing to show from which Cuanu this
work took its name : possibly he may have been the abbot of Louth, who
died in 825.
Oummine (abbot of lona, ca. 657-669). The Life of Columba attributed
to Cummine is the First Life in Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga, 321-324. It
is also in Pinkerton's Vitae, and Metcalfe's Lives (i, 51-69).
Cummine wrote a Life of Columba, which was used by Adamnan. A
quotation from Cummine in Adamnan's Life of Columba (III, 5) does not
represent the exact words of the Life attributed to Cummine, but is in
Adamnan's own style. See below, pp. 55, 160-161. There are one or two
points of difference between Adamnan and the earlier part of the Life
attributed to Cummine, where it might be thought that that Life had been
earlier than Adamnan's ; but if the earlier part was written by Cummine,
the last chapters must have been added later : they are abridged from
Adamnan. The only distinct evidence of Cummine's authorship of any
part is the fact that his name appears in one of the MSS.
The Life attributed to Cummine frequently omits proper names which
Adamnan gives. This would prove that Cummine's Life was derived from
Adamnan's, but for the fact that Adamnan wrote on the spot where such
information could have been obtained.
Transcribers might have been responsible for the later spellings of
names in Cummine than in Adamnan (cf. e.g. Hyona in Cummine with
loua in Adamnan ; Fernaus in Cummine, c. 1 5, with Virgnous in Adamnan,
III, 19).
The parts of Adamnan's Life that might have been derived from the
Life attributed to Cummine are shown by itaHc type in Dr Fowler's
excellent edition of Adamnan. It seems to me, however, that the
attribution to Cummine must be rejected, since there is practically no
evidence in its favour.
D'Achery, Luc: Veterum Scriptorum Spicilegium (Paris, 1655-1677 ;
and 1723).
Daventry, Chartulary of the Priory of Cottonian MS. Claudius D
XII.
De Bello Hastingensi Carmen, ed. M.H.B. ; Giles, Scriptores, 27-51 ;
and C.A.N., iii. The author was Wido (? Guy of Amiens, t ca. 1075).
De Domibus Religiosis. De Partitione Anglie per Comitatus, et
domibus religiosis in eis contentis. Cottonian MS. Cleopatra A XII,
fos. 46-57 ; ed. J.B.A.A., xxviii, 61-62. The Scottish part was edited by
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES li
Stevenson, Gray's Scalachronica, 241-242 ; in H. & S., ii, 181-182 ; part in
Skene's Celtic Scotland, ii, 510. Lothian, Scotland, and Wales, are placed
at the end of the list.
On the page preceding this tract, a list of the archbishops of Canterbury
is brought down by the original hand (a hand of the latter half of the 13th
century) to 1279 (written 1279 x 1292 ; with additions to the i6th century).
Before the list of archbishops is the chronicle of Henry de Silgrave, carried
down to 1272 ; with a space left blank for additions.
Deer. See Book of
De Inventione S. Crucis Walthamensis. Edited by W. Stubbs :
Foundation of Waltham Abbey (Oxford and London, 1861). Part in
Michel's C.A.N. , ii, 223-254.
De Miraculis, see De Translationibus, and Miracula.
De Morte Sumerledi. See Carmen.
De Obsessione Dvmelmi, ed. T. Arnold, R.S. 75, i, 215-220 (also in
Twysden). Composed in the lifetime of a grandson of a granddaughter of
Uhtred (t ioi6) ; preserved in a late 12th-century MS.
De Origine Comitum Andegavensium. Edited as Historia Comitum
Andegavensium, in Marchegay and Salmon's Chroniques des Comtes
d'Anjou, 319-363 (S.H.F., 1871). Partly ed. in B.R., xii, 534-539. This is
an early work, attributed (without evidence) to Thomas Pactius or de Parce,
prior of Loches (t 1168). Cf. Potthast, Bibliotheca, ii, 1066.
De Origine 'Willelmi. See Brevis Relatio.
De Primo Saxonum Adventu, ed. J. H. Hinde, S.S. ed. of S.D., i,
202-215 ; and T. Arnold, R.S. 75, ii, 365-384.
Dermot and the Earl, Song of: ed. G. H. Orpen, with translation
(Oxford, 1892). Previously ed. F. Michel : An Anglo-Norman poem of the
Conquest of Ireland (London, 1837).
This is an Old-French poem, incomplete at the beginning and end ; it
does not extend to the death of Strongbow. It was written ca. 1225
(Orpen, pp. xx-xxii). The writer claims the direct authority of Morice
Regan, Diarmait's interpreter (Orpen's ed., 2 ; cf 32, 122), who was sent to
demand the surrender of Dublin in 1 170.
De Situ Albanie, ed. Skene, P. & S., 135-137 ; previously by Innes,
Critical Essay, Appendix, 411-413. Van Praet's corrections of Innes's
text are published in Pinkerton's Enquiry, i, 477. Also in Johnstone's
Antiquitates.
This is a geographical tract, taken from the same Colbertine MS. that
contains versions AE of the Chronicles of the Kings. It is dated by Skene
in 1 165, because it sums up to that year the years of the Scottish dynasty.
De Translationibus S. Cuthberti, ed. T. Arnold, R.S. 75, i, 229-261,
ii, 333-362; J. H. Hinde, S.S. ed. of S.D., i, 158-201. Part at least of this
work is earlier than S.D.'s Histories.
Dlceto, Ralph de (t 1202 or 1203): Ymagines Historiarum (i 148-1202),
ed. W. Stubbs. R.S. 68 (1876).
Diouil: Liber de Mensura Orbis Terrarum, ed. G. Parthey (Berlin, 1870).
This is a geographical work, written by an Irishman in 825 (p. 85). In
speaking of the smaller islands of Britain, Dicuil says (41) : " In some of
lii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
them I have dwelt, others I have visited, others only seen ; of others
I have read."
Diplomatarium Norvegicum, ed. C. R. Unger, etc. (Christiania,
1849 etc.).
Donegal. Martyrology of Donegal, ed. J. H. Todd and W. Reeves.
Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society (Dublin, 1864). This is a calendar
of saints, compiled from various sources (many old, some lost) by Michael
O'Clery, in 1630.
Doomsday Book. Domesday Book, seu Liber Censualis Wilhelmi
Primi, regis Angliae, ed. A. Farley and H. Ellis ; Record Commission
(1783-1816). Edited also in facsimile, for the different counties separately
(Southampton, 1861-1864). Translated (with indices) in the Victoria
County Histories. See under Ellis. Cf Gross, 319-321.
This book contains the records of the survey of 1086 (cf. F.W. ; CM.).
Dowden, Ep. John: The Bishops of Scotland, ed. Dr J. Maitland
Thomson. Glasgow, 1912.
Droplaugarsona Saga, ed. J. Jakobsen, Samfund, 29, 141-17S (Copen-
hagen, 1902-1903). Previously ed. K. Gislason (Nordisk Literatur-samfund,
Copenhagen, 1847); Mobius, Analecta Norrcena (1859), 184: Th. Jonsson
(Reykjavik, 1878); and (with translation of part) by G. Vigfusson, in
Origines Islandicae, ii, 536-561. An English edition is being prepared.
This is a romantic tale with an historical basis. It is preserved in a
13th-century form.
Dryburgh. Liber S. Marie de Dryburgh, ed. W. Eraser. B.Cl. 83
(Edinburgh, 1847).
Duald MacPirbis (Dubhaltach mac Firbisigh) : Annals of Ireland,
Three Fragments copied from Ancient Sources ; ed. J. O'Donovan, Irish
Archaeological and Celtic Society (Dublin, i860), with a translation, and
corrected dates supplied from the Annals of Ulster. Extracts in Skene,
P. & S., 401-407.
These Fragments are preserved in an early copy from Duald's copy.
They run : (I) from 573 to 735 ; (II) from 662 to 704 ; and (III) from 851
to 913 (according to the dates of A.U.). Duald's dates are rare, confused,
and untrustworthy. The Fragments are interesting, but legendary rather
than historical. The date of the sources from which Duald copied them is
unknown. They appear to favour the Ui-Neill, in opposition to Munster.
The language is late, with few survivals of early forms ; there seems to be
in it nothing that would prove great age. Tradition, handed down in
Duald's family, is without doubt a main source of these annals.
Although the Fragments have preserved some valuable scraps of
history, their trustworthiness is never certain. When they contradict other
sources (such as the sagas), they must be taken with reserve.
Duan Albanach, ed. Skene, P. & S., 57-64. Previously ed. by Pinkerton,
Enquiry, ii, 321-326 ; O'Conor, Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores, i,
pp. cxxiv-cxxx ; and Skene, Collectanea, 70-76.
It was edited by O'Conor from Stowe MS. XLI, fo. 237, and from
a transcript made by his grandfather : the latter version had previously
been printed in Pinkerton. ©'Conor's text was reprinted by Skene in the
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES liii
Collectanea ; Skene's text in the Picts and Scots was taken from Duald
Mac-Firbis's version, which had previously been edited in the Irish
Archaeological Society's ed. of Duald.
This is a verse chronicle, composed 1058 x 1093, of Dalriata and the
Kings of Scotland.
Dublin Annals of Innisfallen (to 1318) ; ed. (from 250 to 1014, with
extracts to 1088) by C. O'Conor in his Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores,
vol. ii, part 3, pp. 1-83 (1825)
The MS. was written by John O'Conor in 1775, ''•nd is apparently a copy
of an earlier chronicle, probably compiled in Munster (perhaps in
Inishfallen), in the 14th century, but including older annalistic notes.
Years are dated by Dionysian numbers.
The MS. (B.M. Additional MS. 4787, fos. 86-91) quoted by O'Conor in
his notes upon these Annals is an abstract, copied in 1624 from the
Bodleian MS. of A.I.
Ducliesne, Andr6 : (H.N.S.) Historiae Normannorum Scriptores
Antiqui (1619).
(i-v) Historiae Francorum Scriptores (1636-1649).
Dudo of Saint- Quentin : De Moribus et Actis Primorum Normanniae
Ducum, ed. J. A. Lair, M6moires de la Societe des Antiquaires de la
Normandie, 23 (Ser. 3, vol. iii, part 2). Also separately published in the
same year (Caen, 1865). The two publications have the same pagination,
but different appendix and corrigenda. Part was edited by Duchesne,
H.N.S., 51-151 ; reprinted in P.L. 141, 609-758. Years 936-960, in Pertz,
M.G.H., Scriptores, iv, 93-106.
Dudo was born shortly after the middle of the loth century, and died
before 1043. Scandinavian writers justly deny the trustworthiness of his
account of the early Scandinavian settlements in France.
Dunbar, Sir ArcMbald H. : Scottish Kings (1005-1625), 2nd ed. (Edin-
burgh, 1906). A very helpful work, with useful chronological apparatus.
Dunfermline. Registrum de Dunfermelyn, ed. C. Innes. B.Cl. 74
(Edinburgh, 1842).
Badmer (til24): Historia Novorum (to 1122), ed. M. Rule, R.S. 81
(1884).
Badmer : De Vita et conversatione Anselmi, R.S. 81, 305-424.
Badmer : Miracles of St Anselm, ed. F. Liebermann, in Ungedruckte
Anglonormannische Geschichtsquellen (1879).
Edward I, Letter to pope Boniface VIII ; in Foedera, i, 2, 932-933
(first edition, ii (1705), 883-888). Written 7th May, 1301. This is a
statement of Edward's claim to superiority over Scotland. It is based
upon the results of searches made by the king's orders, in the records
and chronicles, in 1291 (see above : Chronicles of 1291), and again in 1300
(September 26th ; Foedera, i, 2, 923 ; cf. 924).
Egils Saga. The edition referred to here is that of Finnur Jonsson in
part 3 of the Alt-nordische Saga-Bibliothek of G. Cederschiold, etc. ; Egils
Saga Skallagrimssonar (Halle a. S., 1894). The edition with readings of
different MSS. is that of F. Jonsson, in the Samfund til Udgivelse af
Gammel Nordisk Litteratur, 17, 1-3 (Copenhagen, 1886-1888). The text
liv BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
is also published by V. Asmundarsson in the Islendinga Sogur, no. 4
(Reykjavik, 1892) ; an English translation by W. C. Green (London, 1893).
After c. 56 Jonsson's and Green's chapters differ.
This saga was perhaps written towards the end of the 12th century.
It is one of the less historical of the great Icelandic sagas. It gives a
clear narrative, but with literary tendencies that reduce its historical value :
the narrative is frequently extravagant and untrustworthy. While it doubt-
less contains much genuine tradition, it has not great authority for the
history of Britain. Its evidence, when not otherwise corroborated, has
little value.
Eglnhard (Einhard) : Annales Francorum (to 829), ed. and tr. A.
Teulet, Einhardi Opera, i (S.H.F., 1840), 1 18-401. Also ed. G. H. Pertz,
M.G.H., Scriptores, i, 134-218 (1826) ; in Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum
(1839) ; and in P.L. 104, 368-508 (1851).
Bginhard (Einhard): Vita Karoli Imperatoris (750-814), ed. and tr.
A. Teulet, Einhardi Opera, i, 2-1 15 (S.H.F., 1840). Also in P.L. 97, 25-62
(1851); ed. Pertz, M.G.H., Scriptores, ii, 443-463 (1829); A. Holder,
Biicherschatz, ii (1882) ; Garrod and Mowat (Oxford, 1915). Several
translations and other editions.
This Life was written in the 9th century.
Eginhard was abbot of Seligenstadt.
Biriks Saga RauSa, and Eiriks Th^ttr RauBa. See Eric the Red's
Saga.
BlrspennUl. This is an early manuscript, containing versions of the
histories of Norwegian kings from Magnus the Good to Hakon Hakon's
son ; but the last part of the latter saga has been lost. From Sverri's Saga
onwards, Eirspennill has been edited by C. R. Unger ; Konunga Sogur,
1-449-
Bkkehard : Chronicon Universale (to 1106, and continued to 1125),
ed. G. Waitz, M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 17-265. Also in P.L. 154, 499-1060
(1853).
Ellis, H. : General Introduction to Domesday Book. Record Com-
mission, 8vo (1833). Contains indices of tenants-in-chief and under-tenants
in 1086 ; and of holders of land before 1086.
Encomium Bmmae, ed. M.G.H., Scriptores, xix, 509-525 ; also in
Duchesne's H.N.S. ; Langebek, ii ; Maseres ; P.L. 141.
Brie the Red's Saga, Karlsefni's Saga ; Tale of Eric Red, Tale of the
Greenlanders.
Two Icelandic accounts of the discovery of America are preserved.
(1) The first is in two sagas, in most respects identical: (i) Thorfinn
Karlsefni's Saga, in Hauksbok, ii, 425-444 ; and (2) Eric the Red's Saga, in
the Arnamagnaean MS. 557, a 15th century copy. These sagas belong
originally to the latter part of the 13th century. A reconstructed text has
been edited by G. Storm (Eiriks Saga RauSa ; Samfund, 21, Copenhagen,
1891). I refer to both versions in Storm's edition, by the name "Eric the
Red's Saga " ; and give preference to Hauksbok. A large part of the
version in A.M. 557 is published in Vigfusson and Powell's Icelandic Prose
Reader, 123-141 (see Origines, ii, 595-597). It is translated into English
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Iv
by Vigfusson in Origines, ii, 610-625, under the title "Thorfinn Karlsefni's
Saga."
Both these versions are edited, with translation and facsimiles, in
Reeves's Wineland the Good, 104-139, 28-52. Eric the Red's Saga is
translated by G. Storm : Erik den Rodes Saga, eller Sagaen cm Vinland
(Christiania, 1899).
Hauk, Erlend's son, for whom Hauksbok was written, traced his descent
from Karlsefni's son, born in America (cf. Reeves, 22 ; Landnamabok).
(II). The second account (of lower authority) is in the Flatey-book
version of OlafTryggvi's son's Saga. It is in two parts : — (i) the Tale of Eric
the Red ; and (2) the Tale of the Greenlanders. Both parts (Flateyiarbok,
i, 429-432, 538-549) are edited under the latter title by Storm (u.s.) ; and
with translation and facsimiles by Reeves (u.s., 140-158, 60-78). They were
translated by Vigfusson under the name "The Wineland Voyages," in
Origines Islandicae, ii, 598-609.
Both accounts are of very great interest.
V.i.a. Gustav Storm's Studies on the Vineland Voyages (Oldskriftselskab,
Memoires, N.S., 1888, pp. 307-370 ; Copenhagen) ; Fischer's Entdeckungen
der Normannen in Amerika (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1902 ; tr. B. H. Soulsby,
London, 1903).
Evans, J. Gr. Bruts from the Red Book of Hergest. See Brut y
Saesson, Brut y Tywyssogion.
Eversden, John of (fl. 1300): Continuation (1265-1296) of the Chronicon
ex Chronicis of Florence of Worcester. See Sir Ernest Clarke's Bury
Chroniclers of the 13th century, 4, 8-10 (Bury, 1905) ; Gross, Sources (1915),
397-398. Edited by B. Thorpe, E.H.S. ed. F.W., ii (1849).
Extracta e Variis Cronicis Scocie, ed. W. B. B. Turnbull. Abbotsford
Club, 23 (Edinburgh, 1842). This is a I5th-i6th century compilation,
seldom referred to here.
Eyrbyggla Saga. Ed. H. Gering, Altnordische Sagabibliothek, part 6
(Halle, 1897).
Parts of this saga were edited and translated by G. Vigfusson in
Origines Islandicae, i, 252-266, ii, 93-135; cf ii, 88-93. The text had been
published by Vigfusson and Mobius (Leipzig, 1864); but this ed. I have
not seen. A translation appears in Morris and Magnusson's Saga
Library, ii.
Vigfusson attributed the first 1 1 chapters to Ari. But they appear to
contain a later version of the story of the Hebrides than is found in
Landnimabok ; although not so late as that in the Laxdoela Saga.
Eyrbyggia Saga is one of the greater Icelandic sagas. It may, in its
present form, have been composed before the end of the 13th century. It
is more literary than historical ; but contains traditions of some historical
value.
Eyton, R. W. : Court, Household, and Itinerary of king Henry II
(London, 1878).
Paereyinga Saga. This is found in the Flatey-book, which is the
principal text of the edition quoted here : that of CC. Rafn (Copenhagen,
1833), with Faroese and Danish translations.
Ivi BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
This is one of the historical sagas, but it magnifies the deeds of its
heroes.
Fagrskinna, ed. F. Jonsson ; Samfund, 30 (Copenhagen, 1902-1903).
This is the name given by Torfaeus to a version (Noregs Kononga tal)
of the kings' sagas, from Halfdan the Black to \\^^. It was written by
an Icelander in Norway, about the year 1240 ; in the time of king Hakon
Hakon's son (t 1263), and probably for king Hakon himself.
This version is contemporary with the earlier written sagas, and is a
work of some authority and importance.
A previous edition (with different capitulation) was made by P. A.
Munch and C. R. Unger (Fagrskinna : Kortfattet Norsk Konge-Saga, fra
Slutningen af det tolfte, eller Begyndelsen af det trettende, Aarhundrede),
under the auspices of Det kongelike norske Frederiks - Universitet
(Christiania, 1847).
Pantosme, Jordan (de) : Chronique de la Guerre enlre les Anglois et
les Ecossois (1173-1174). Edited and translated, by F. Michel, in Surtees
Society, 11 (1840); and in his ed. of Benoit, iii, 531-613 (1844): and by
R. Howlett, in R.S. 82, iii, 202-377 (1886). Partly edited in M.G.H.,
Scriptores, xxvii, 54-59, by F. Liebermann (1885) ; and a specimen in
Paget Toynbee's Specimens of Old French, 111-114 (Oxford, 1892).
Stevenson's translation, in Church Historians, iv, 1, 245-288 (1856), is
based upon Michel's. The selections translated in Lawrie's Annals,
between pages 119 and 188, are derived from Michel and Howlett.
Fantosme was a clerk of Henry of Blois, bishop of Winchester ; and
may have become chancellor of that diocese.
PlandMainlstrech (i.e. "of Monasterboice") : Synchronisms. This is a
list of the kings of the different parts of Ireland, and of Dalriata. The parts
that relate to Scotland were edited by Skene (Picts & Scots, 18-22) from
the oldest manuscript, Advocates' Library Gaelic MS. 28 (Kilbride 24);
he collated it with and supplemented it from the Book of Lecan, and
Rawlinson MS. B 512. A version is in the Book of Ballymote, 11-13.
Eland's Synchronisms are incorporated in the Annals of Clonmacnoise.
Skene's edition gives no indication of the parts that he omits, and is
not very accurate.
Eland died in 1056 (A.U., C.S., D.A.I.) ; on 25th November, 1056,
according to Tigernach (where for moon xui we must read xiii) ; on
i8th November, according to F.M. (where perhaps this date, 14 kal.
Dec, has been erroneously assimilated to a date given a few lines before,
14 kal. Jul.). He is said to have been a lector in the schools of Monaster-
boice.
Eland's work, like the Duan Albanach, is older than most of the other
lists of kings, and is valuable for comparison with them.
Platey-book Annals (to 1394). See Icelandic Annals, version A.
Plateyiarbbk, ed. C. R. Unger and G. Vigfusson (Kildeskriftfond ;
Christiania, 1859-1868), from Royal Library of Copenhagen MS. 1005 folio.
This is a collection of Icelandic literature, written some years befoi'e and
after 1380. It is a valuable work, but has not so high authority as the
earlier written sagas. See Vigfusson's description of it in R.S. 88, i, pp.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ivii
xxv-xxx (on XXV, 1. 8, read "A veritable" instead of " Available " ) ; and the
Fortale, in Fl., iii.
Plbamanna Saga: ed. Vigfusson and Mobius, Fornsdgur, 119-161.
This is a late and very fabulous story of early times in Norway, Iceland,
and Greenland. Its authority is generally null ; but it may contain some
genuine traditions.
Plodoardus (priest of Rheims ; 1 966) : Annales (919-966), ed. Pertz,
M.G.H., Scriptores, iii. This is a primary and trustworthy source for the
Lotharingian period.
Florence of Worcester (filiS): Chronicon ex Chronicis (450-1117),
ed. B. Thorpe, E.H.S. (1848-1849). Florence was a collector and careful
editor of materials drawn from earlier sources. He was continued by John
of Worcester (to 1141), John of Taxter (to 1265), and John of Eversden
(to 1295).
Floras Historiarum (to 1326). Chetham MS. (with additions from
Eton MS.) ed. H. R. Luard, R.S. 95 (London, 1890). Eton MS. (to 1306)
ed. M. Parker (London, 1567) ; reprinted (Frankfurt, 1601). See Luard's
ed., i, pp. xii-xvii, xliii-1. This work was written from time to time, between
1259 and some date soon after 1326.
Poedera. I refer to the Record Commission's edition (1816-1869). Cf.
under Hardy.
Pordun, John of (i.e., of Fordoun in the Mearns) ; Chronicle (referred
to here by books and chapters), and Annals (referred to by chapters).
Edited by W. F. Skene, Johannis de Fordun Chronica Gentis Scotorum,
with translation, notes, and index (Historians of Scotland, i and iv ;
Edinburgh, 1871, 1872). To 1066, ed. Gale, iii, 565-699. For other
editions, see under Bower.
The Chronicle (to 1153) contains five books, and appears to have been
concluded 1384x1387 (V, 30; i, 251, xiv). It is continued by the Annals
(Gesta Annalia, to 1385). Chapters describing English history, down to
1066, were prepared, according to Skene, for a 6th book of the Chronicle
(i, 387-401). Chapters prefixed to the Annals (i, 406-437) describe English
and Scottish affairs, to 11 53: these seem to have contained an (earlier?)
edition of book V. In them, and in book V, Fordun claims the authority
of a work written by Turgot. This work has not been preserved. It is
uncertain how much Fordun took from it.
The edition of Fordun is considered to have been Skene's best work.
Whether it can be trusted might appear if another edition were brought out.
For an account of the manuscripts, see Skene's Preface. His text is
primarily based upon
(A) the Book of St Andrews, entitled Liber monasterii Santi Andree
in Stocia (a MS. in Wolfenbiittel library) ; with collation of: —
(B) Cottonian MS. Vitellius E XI (paper, i6th century) ;
(C) Trin. Col. Camb. MS. Gale O IX. 9 (paper) ;
(D) Trin. Col. Dublin MS. E 2.28 (paper, i6th-i7th c.) ;
(E) Harleian MS. 4764 (apparently written in 1497) ;
(F) Edinb. Cath. Lib. MS. (apparently written in 1509) ;
numerous 15th-century MSS. being rejected.
Iviii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Fordun's name is preserved in an acrostic at the beginning of his
1st book.
Fordun is the earliest Scottish historian. His work is not a mere
repetition of earlier authorities. He has attempted to synchronize events
in Scotland with events in other countries ; and to explain the course of
history according to his own theories. It is difficult to distinguish between
his statements that rest upon ancient authority, and those that are derived
from his own speculation.
He must be consulted, like a modern historian, in conjunction with the
sources. I do not as a rule quote his words. My references to him are
not to be regarded as in any way complete.
Pornaldar Sogur Nordrlanda, eptir Gomlum Handritum ; ed. C. C.
Rafn (Copenhagen, 1829-1830). This is a collection of Icelandic Sagas,
most of them translated into Danish by Rafn in Nordiske Fortids Sagaer
(Copenhagen, 1829-1830).
Pornmanna Sogur, ed. for Det Kongelige Nordiske Oldskriftselskab
(12 volumes ; Copenhagen, 1825-1837). Translated into Danish for the
same Society: Oldnordiske Sagaer (Copenhagen, 1826-1837) ; and into
Latin under the title : Scripta Historica Islandorum (Copenhagen,
1828-1846).
This is a collection of kings' sagas taken from early manuscripts. It
was well edited for its time ; but most of the texts have been superseded
by later editions. The translations of verse-passages are not trustworthy.
Pornsogur, ed. Vigfusson and Mobius (Leipzig, i860). Contains
Vatnsdoelasaga, Hallfredarsaga, Floamannasaga.
Fountains, see Walbran.
Pour Masters. Annals of the kingdom of Ireland (to 1616), ed. J.
O'Donovan (Dublin, 1851). To 1171, inaccurately edited by O'Conor
(Scriptores, iii).
This is a compilation made from all available Irish annals, and from
tradition, by Michael O'Clery, and two other O'Clerys, and Forfeasa
O'Mulconry, in the years 1632-1636. It is a valuable collection ; but the
compilers have given theoretical dates of their own to all the annals down
to 658 ; and have altered their materials to make them agree with these
dates.
No other collection of Irish annals draws from so large a number of
sources ; but in no other have the compilers taken such liberties with their
materials.
Freeman, B. A. : History of the Norman Conquest (Oxford, 1867-1879 ;
3rd ed. of vols, i and ii, 1877).
Frisbdk. C. R. Unger : Codex Frisianus, en Samling af norske Konge-
sagaer (Christiania, 1871).
This is a valuable collection of the kings' sagas, written early in the
14th century. It omits St Olaf's Saga, and includes Hakon Hakon's son's
Saga. Down to the end of Harold Hardradi's Saga it follows the
Heimskringla version ; after Hardradi, it agrees with Heimskringla less
closely.
Purness. See Atkinson.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES lix
Galmar, Geoffrey : Estorie des Engles (495-: loo), ed. T. D. Hardy and
C. T. Martin, R.S. 91 (1888-1889). Previously ed. T. Wright, Caxton
Society (1850); to 1066, in Petrie's M.H.B., 764-839; from 1066 to iioo,
in Michel's C.A.N. , i, 1-64. Translated in Stevenson's Church Historians,
ii, 2 (1854) ; and by Martin in R.S. 91, ii.
Gaimar wrote 1135 x 1147. For his sources, see R.S. 91, ii, pp. xvii-xxiii.
They included Geoffrey of Monmouth, A.S.C., F.W., S.D.
G-ale. The titles Gale's Scriptores, vols, i, ii, iii, indicate : —
(i) William Fulman's Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores (Oxford, 1684) ;
(ii) Thomas Gale's Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores Quinque (Oxford,
1687);
(iii) Gale's Historiae Britannicae . . . Scriptores Quindecim (Oxford,
1691).
G.E.C. Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain,
and the United Kingdom (London, 1887-1898). New ed., 1910-1921
(incomplete).
Geoffrey of Bruil. See Geoffrey ofVigeois.
Geoffrey of Monmouth (t 1 1 54) : Historia Regum Britanniae, ed. J. A.
Giles. Caxton Society (Condon, 1844) ; ed. San-Marte (Halle, 1854).
Translated into 14th-century Welsh, ed. Rhys and Evans, in Bruts from
the Red Book of Hergest ; into English, by J. A. Giles, in Six Old English
Chronicles (London, 1848).
Geoffrey wrote x 1 147.
He used as his authority " a very ancient book in British speech,"
brought from Brittany, and given to him by Walter, archdeacon of Oxford
(I, I ; XII, 20). The antiquity of this book is unknown. Geoffrey did not
always adhere to it (cf. XI, i : " Concerning this . . . Geoffrey of Monmouth
will be silent"). So far as can be judged from Geoffrey's paraphrase, his
Welsh book can have had but little age or authority.
Geoffrey's work is historically valueless. Some of the persons named
by him may have existed. The popularity of Geoffrey's History submerged
any previous legends that may have existed, concerning king Arthur.
Geofftey of Vigeois (or of Bruil ; prior of Vigeois, in diocese of
Limoges): Chronicon Limovicense (Chronicle of Limoges, 996-1184). Ed.
in B.R., x-xii, xviii ; previously in Labbe, Nova Bibliotheca, ii, 279-342 ;
part ed. Holder-Egger, in M.G.H., Scriptores, xxvi, 199-203.
This somewhat credulous chronicler has value for English affairs in
France.
Geoffrey the Pat. See Life of Bernard.
Gerald du Barri. See Giraldus Cambrensis.
Gesta Here-wardl, ed. F. Michel, Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, ii
(1836).
Gildas (born ? 490x500; f 57o) : De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae,
ed. T. Mommsen, M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 25-85 (1898). Previously ed.
Stevenson (E.H.S., 1838); and in Petrie's M.H.B. (1848). Translated by
T. Habington (1638, 1652) ; and J. A. Giles (1841 ; and 1848, in Six English
Chronicles). See H. & S., i, 108-113.
This is the only contemporary British authority for the history of the
Ix BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Saxon conquest of England. Gildas's work is presumably genuine, but is
absolutely untrustworthy for events that occurred before his own time.
It is a sermon, rather than a work of history.
Gildas wrote before 547. In the Rhuys Life of Gildas (ed. Mommsen)
he is stated to have been the son of Caw {Caunus), king of Dumbarton
{Arecluta). But Anscombe says that Gildas's "name does not occur in
any list of the children of Caw " (Archiv fiir celtische Lexicographie, ii, 184).
Gildas speaks of Latin as "our tongue." This may mean that Latin
was in his time still studied by nobles in Britain, as in the time of Patrick.
Gildas was perhaps the last British writer of empire Latin. His style is
florid, metaphorical, and obscure. His meaning is often doubtful, yet he
seems to have expected British kings to understand it.
Giles, J. A. : Patres Ecclesiae Anglicanae (1843- 1848).
Giles, J. A. : Scriptores Rerum Gestarum Willelmi Conquestoris, Caxton
Society (London, 1845).
Glllacoemain : chronological verses, ed. from the Book of Leinster by
W. Stokes ; R.S. 89, ii, 530-540. These are calculations of periods,
composed in 107 1, of little value.
Gillacoemgin, translation of Nennius. See Irish Nennius.
Giraldus Cambrensis (" Gerald the Welshman " ; also Barrensis, " de
Barri"). Works, ed. R.S. 21 (1861-1891). Gerald wrote voluminously in
the end of the 12th and beginning of the 13th century (born ?ii47,
■|-ca. 1220).
His Topographia Hibernica and Expugnatio Hibernica (in vol. v, ed.
J. F. Dimock ; 1867) were completed ii88x 1189. They show bias against
the Irish, and in favour of his kinsmen. His De Principis Instructione
(in vol. viii, ed. G. F. Warner ; 1891. Also in Anglia Christiana Society),
probably concluded about 1217, contains out-spoken criticism of king
Henry II and his family. It is translated by J. Stevenson ; in Church
Historians, v, 1.
The Descriptio Cambriae (written ca. 1194 ; 2nd ed., ca. 1215) is in
vol. vi ; Vita S. Hugonis (bishop of Lincoln, t 1200), in vol. vii (both ed.
Dimock); De Vita Gaufredi Archiepiscopi (of York, ti2i2), in vol. iv
(ed. J. S. Brewer).
The Irish and Welsh works were edited in Camden's Anglica Scripta ;
and have been translated by T. Forester and R. C. Hoare. See also Gross,
nos. 1782, 2242.
eialber, see Rodulphus.
Glasgow. Registrum episcopatus Glasguensis, ed. C. Innes. B.Cl.
75, and M.Cl. 61 (Edinburgh, 1843).
Gorham, G. 0. : History and Antiquities of Eynesbury and St Neot's in
Huntingdonshire (London, 1824),
Gorman, Martyrology of: ed. from Brussels MS. 5100-4 by W. Stokes.
Henry Bradshaw Society, 9 (London, 1895).
The manuscript was transcribed ca. 1630 by Michael O'Clery. The
author was Maelmaire Ua-Gormain, or Marianus Gorman ; he wrote
ii66x 1 174.
Grace, James: Annales Hiberniae (1074-1370), ed. R. Butler. Irish
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES hi
Archaeological Society (Dublin, 1842). Written ca. 1538. For our period,
parallel with the Annales Hiberniae edited in Camden's Britannia.
Graenlendinga Thdttr. See Eric the Red's Saga.
Green, J. R. : The Making of England (London, 1897).
Gretti's Saga, ed. R. C. Boer. Altnordische Saga-bibliothek, part 8
(Halle, 1900). Other editions are those of Magnusson and Thordarson,
with Danish translation (Nordisk Literatur Samfund : Nordiske Oldskrifter,
16, 25; Copenhagen, 1852, 1859). There is a translation into Norwegian
(Landsmaal), by Ola Rokke : Soga um Grette Aasmundsson (Gamalnorske
Bokverk, 11. Oslo, 1912) ; an English translation by E. Magnusson and
W. Morris (London, 1869 ; reprinted, 1900). Boer's differs from previous
editions in the chaptering, after c. 71. Boer has drawn up a chronological
table, on pp. xxxv-xxxvi.
Gretti's Saga was composed about the middle of the 13th century. Its
surviving form is somewhat later.
This is one of the greater Icelandic Sagas. It contains much that is
fabulous ; but its historical preface (cc. 1-13) has no less authority than the
best of the sagas.
Gross, C. : Sources and Literature of English History (to 1485). London,
1900 ; 2nd ed., 1915. This is a most useful book.
Guibertus (abbot of Nogent-sous-Coucy ; +1124): Historia Hieroso-
lymitana (1095-1110), ed. P.L. 156, 679-838.
Guisbrougli. Cartularium Prioratus de Gyseburne, Eboracensis
Dioceseos, Ordinis S. Augustini ; fundati 11 19. Ed. W. Browne. Surtees
Society, nos. 86 and 89 (1889, 1891).
Guisbrough, Walter of. See Hemingburgh.
Gunnlaug Serpent's-tongue's Saga. Saga Gunnlaugs Ormstungu, ed.
Mobius, Analecta Norroena, ist ed., 135-166 (Leipzig, 1859) ; also ed. in
Sigurdsson and Rafn, Islendinga Sogur, ii (Oldskriftselskab ; Copenhagen,
1847) ; and in V. Asmundarsson's Islendinga Sogur, 9 (Reykjavik, 191 1).
This is one of the shorter early Icelandic sagas. It has literary and
some historical merit ; but (like most sagas) tends to eulogize its hero.
Gutliorm Sigurd's son's Saga. See under Hakon Sverri's son's
Saga.
Haddan, A. W., and W. Stubbs : Councils and Ecclesiastical
Documents (Oxford, 1869-1878).
Hakon Hakon's son's Saga is preserved in Frisbok (Unger's Codex
Frisianus, 387-583); in Eirspennill (Unger's Konunga Sogur, 239-484);
in the Flatey-book (Vigfusson and Unger, Flateyiarbok, iii, 3-233) ; and
in Skalholtsbok (Kjser, Det Arnamagnasanske Haandskrift 81 a Fol., pp.
292 onwards). Notwithstanding its omissions, Eirspennill seems to
represent an early text of the saga. It may be a later abbreviation ; but
(errors apart) it may be the most authoritative text. Passages omitted by
it are under the suspicion of not having belonged to the earliest edition of
the saga. I have therefore given preference to the text of Eirspennill.
This saga has been translated by A. Bugge, in Norges Kongesagaer,
iv, 57-295 (Christiania, 19 14). Parts were edited, and translated into
English, by J. Johnstone :— Anecdotes of Olave the Black [1229-1231]
Ixii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
(1780) ; The Norwegian Account of Haco's Expedition against Scotland,
A.D. 1263 (1782).
The whole saga, ed. Vigfusson, tr. Dasent, is in R.S. 88, ii, iv.
Hakon Hakon's son's Saga was composed by Sturla, Thord's son, as he
(or a continuator) says in the Islendinga Saga (Sturlunga Saga, ed.
Vigfusson, ii, 272): "And a little later, Sturla came into the greatest
friendship with king [Magnus] ; and the king had him much in his counsels,
and laid upon him the task of putting together the saga of king Hakon^
his father, following [Magnus's] own advice, and the accounts of the wisest
men. But before the king caused the saga to be put together, king Hakon
had died in the Orkneys ; and men thought that great tidings, through all
the northern lands ; and the greatest loss." Sturla's saga of Hakon was
therefore composed 1263 x 1284.
Sturla had abundant materials, documentary and oral. The verses
included in the saga are embellishments, introduced after the model of the
verse-quotations in the older sagas, but are not, as in the older sagas,
quotations of earlier sources.
Hakon (Sverrl's son), Guthorm, and Ingi's Saga. This saga is
preserved in the Eirspennill ; ed. Unger, Konunga Sogur, 203-238. It
was edited previously by Thorlacius and WerlaufF (Noregs Konunga
Sogur, iv) ; and in F.S., ix, 1-56 ; and tr. into Danish and Latin in
Oldnordiske Sagaer, ix, and Scripta Historica Islandorum, ix. Another
version (entitled Boglunga Sogur, or Sagas of the Croziers) is preserved
in Skalholtsbok, ed. A. Kjsr ; and tr. A. Bugge, in Norges Kongesagaer,
iv, 1-56 (Christiania, 1914).
Hakon Sverrl's son's Saga ; Guthorm Sigurd's son's Saga ; and Ingi
Bard's son's Saga. The original of these sagas is lost, but there is an old
Danish translation in Peter Clausson's Snorre Sturlesons Norske Kongers
Chronica, pp. 528-587 (Copenhagen, 1633). Reprinted in vol. iv of
Schoning, Thorlacius, and WerlaufPs Noregs Konunga Sogor (Copenhagen,
1813), and in vol. ix of the Fornmanna Sogur (Copenhagen, 1835). They
have been translated into modern Danish in Oldnordiske Sagaer, vol. ix.
They were translated into Icelandic and Latin by Sveinbiorn Egilsson, in
Fornmanna Sogur, vol. ix ; and Scripta Historica Islandorum, vol. ix.
Hardy, T. D. : Descriptive Catalogue of Materials relating to the
History of Great Britain and Ireland (to 1327). R.S. 26 (1862-1871).
Hardy, T. D. : Itinerary of King John, in Introduction to his Patent
Rolls in the Tower (1835, folio) ; and after his Description of the Patent
Rolls (1835, 8vo). Cf Archaeologia, xxii (less comprehensive).
Hardy, T. D. : Le Neve's Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae (to 1715).
Oxford, 1854. A useful collection of dates.
Hardy, T. D. : Syllabus of Documents in Rymer's Foedera. London,
1869-1885. This corrects some (but not all) of the errors in the editions
of Rymer.
Hartshorne, C. H. : Itinerary of King Edward I. British Archaeological
Association : Collectanea Archaeologica, ii, 1 15-136 (London, 1863).
Hauksbdk, ed. E. and F. Jonsson. Oldskriftselskab (Copenhagen,
1892-1894). This is a collection of Icelandic literature partly written by.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixiii
partly for, lawman Hauk, Erlend's son, an Icelander in Norway, who died
in 1334. Cf. under Eric the Red's Saga.
Heimskrlngla. See Snorri Sturla's son.
Hemingburgh, Walter of (or of Hemingford, or of Gisburn) : Chronicon
de Gestis Regum Angliae (1048-1346), ed. H. C. Hamilton. E.H.S.
(London, 1848-1849). Parts (1066-1273) in Gale, ii. 455-594; (1274-1346)
ed. T. Hearne (Oxford, 1731).
Years 1316-1326 are missing. A continuator may have written the part
for 1 3 14- 1 346, or 1297-1346. This chronicle becomes of value for Scottish
history after the period of the present book.
Henry of Huntingdon: Historia Anglorum (to 11 54). Ed. T. Arnold,
R.S. 74 (1879). Except for the period 11 26- 11 54, Henry usually follows
earlier sources. When original, his information is not always correct.
Herimannus Augiensis (1013-1054); Chronicon de Sex Aetatibus
Mundi (to 1054), ed. Pertz, M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 67-133. An excellent
source for continental history of the period 1039-1054.
Herimannus Tomacensis (Herimann of Tournai ; abbot of St Martin's
of Tournai, 1127-ca. 1138; tii47x): Narratio Restaurationis abbatiae
S. Martini Tornacensis, ed. G. Waitz, M.G.H., Scriptores, xiv, 274-317.
Partly ed. in B.R., x, xi, xiii, xiv. Also in D'Achery's Spicilegium, xii ;
2nd ed., ii, 882, ff. ; P.L. 180.
Higden, Randolph (f 1364) : Polychronicon (to 1352), ed. (with Trevisa's
translation) by Babington and Lumby ; R.S. 41 (1865-1886). A compilation,
used by Fordun.
Hinde, J. H. : History of Northumberland (Newcastle, 1858).
See also under Simeon of Durham.
Histoire de Guillaume le Mar6ohal (earl of Pembroke, 11219), ed. P.
Meyer, S.H.F. (Paris, 1891-1894). Written ca. 1225 ; a valuable work.
Histoire des Duos de Normandle, et des Rois d'Angleterre, ed. F.
Michel. S.H.F. (Paris, 1840). According to Michel, the first part, to 1199,
is an unimportant analysis of William of Jumi^ges, with some continuations.
The second part, from 1199 to 1220, is interesting and valuable, the work
of a contemporary.
Historia Brittonum, cum additamentis Nennii ; ed. T. Mommsen, in
M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 143-219 (1894). Previously ed. J. Stevenson,
E.H.S. (1838) ; in Petrie's M.H.B. (1848) ; also in Gale, iii (1691). For
other editions, and a conspectus of opinions, see Gross, no. 1375.
Translated by J. A. Giles (Six Old English Chronicles ; London, 1848).
See also under Irish Nennius, and Map Urbagen.
Nennius thus describes his work and its sources (143): "The island
of Britain's briefest eulogy, which Nennius, pupil of Elvodugus, has
collected.
" I, Nennius, pupil of Elvodugus, have endeavoured to write some
extracts, which the stupidity of the nation of Britain had cast aside ;
because the learned men of Britain had no skill [in writing] \j)erifiain\
nor did they place any commemoration in books. But I have collected
all that I have found, from the annals of the Romans as well as from the
chronicles of the holy fathers, that is of Hieronymus Eusebius, of Isidore,
Ixiv BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
of Prosper ; and from the annals of the [Irish] Scots, and of the Saxons ;
and from the tradition of our old men \veierw)i\.
"What many learned men and transcribers [doctores atque librarii]
have attempted to write, they have (I know not why) left more difficult ;
whether because of the most frequent mortalities, or the most numerous
slaughters in war. I ask every reader who reads this book to pardon me,
who have dared to write so great matters after such great men, like a
chattering bird, or like some inconclusive witness \guasi garrula avis vel
quasi quidam invalidiis arbiter]. I yield to him who is more sufficiently
skilled in these matters \_qui plus noveritin ista peritia saiis] than I."
Genealogies of the Saxon kings appended to the Historia " were put
together at various times between the end of the 7th and middle of the 8th
centuries" (Phillimore).
The Historia Brittonum was probably written before Bede's History ;
it borrowed from a Life of Germanus. This work was probably edited
by Nennius, with materials added from a Life of Patrick, traditions of
Arthur, and Anglo-Saxon historical notes.
Historia Nonvegiae, ed. G. Storm, in his Monumentahistorica Norvegiae,
71-124. Only a fragment of this work is preserved. It was originally
written, according to Storm, towards the end of the 12th century : later
than Ari's work, Adam of Bremen, and an English chronicle of about 1170
(De Legibus Angliae ; used by Hoveden, ii, 215) ; but earlier than the time
when most of the sagas were first written. It has therefore value from its age.
History of Northumberland (Newcastle and London, 1893-1907). E.
Bateson edits vols, i and ii ; A. B. Hinds, vol. iii ; J. C. Hodgson, vols, iv,
vii ; H. H. E. Craster, vol. viii.
Hodgson, John: History of Northumberland (Newcastle, 1820-1858).
Completed by J. H. Hinde and J. Raine.
Hogan, E. : Onomasticon Goedelicum Locorum et Tribuum Hiberniae
et Scotiae. Dublin and London, 1910.
Holyrood. Liber cartarum Sancte Crucis, ed. C. Innes. B.Cl. 70
(Edinburgh, 1840).
Homily on St Columba, in Lebar Brecc (q.v.), the Book of Lismore
(q.v.), and the Advocates' Library of Edinburgh Gaelic MS. no. 40. Trans-
lated by W. M. Hennessy in Skene's Celtic Scotland, ii, 468-507.
Horoy : Medii ^vi Bibliotheca Patristica (Paris, 1879-1880). Contains
letters of pope Honorius III, from 1217 to 1225 (in ii, 2, iv).
Horstmann, C. : Sammlung altenglischer Legenden (Heilbronn, 1878);
Altenglische Legenden, Neue Folge (Heilbronn, 1881) ; Barbour's
Legendensammlung (Heilbronn, 1881-1882).
Hoveden, Roger of: Chronica (to 1201), ed. W. Stubbs. R.S. 51 (1868-
1871). Previously ed. in Savile's Scriptores. Tr. H. T. Riley (London,
1853). Down to 1 192, this work is copied or compiled from other sources.
The part for 734-1148 is based upon a Historia Anglorum sive Saxonum
post Bedam (written x 1161; i, 129, and preface), derived from S.D. and
H.H. For Hoveden's sources, see R.S. 51, i, pp. xxv-lxxi.
Hrblf Gautrek's son's Saga, ed. F. Detter, in Zwei Fornaldarsogur,
3-78 (Halle, 1891). This is an unhistorical saga of early times.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixv
Hraifs Saga Kraka, ed. F. Jonsson. Samfund, 82 (Copenhagen, 1904),
This is a story of early kings of Denmark.
Huntingdon Chronicle : see Chronicle of Huntingdon.
Icelandic Annals. Edited by Gustav Storm : Islandske Annaler
indtil 1578 (Det norske historiske Kildeskriftfond, Christiania, 1888). A
previous composite edition was made by E. C. Werlauff and others :
Islenzkir Annalar, sive Annales Islandici, ab anno Christi 803 ad annum
1430 (Legatum Arnse-Magnceanum, Copenhagen, 1847). The Annales
Regii (C) were edited, from a manuscript in the Royal Library at Copen-
hagen, by Vigfusson, in his Sturlunga Saga, vol. ii, pp. 348-391 ; and the
Flateybook Annals (A) were edited in Unger and Vigfusson's Flateyiarbok,
vol. iii, pp. 477-583-
WerlaufPs edition was based upon the Flateybook Annals, with collation
of 13 other versions ; and it distinguished the different versions arbitrarily,
and sometimes incorrectly, by letters. These letters I have thought it
convenient to retain.
Storm edited the versions named in Werlauffs edition KBOCDNEP,
with parts of A and L, and with collation of I and H. See Storm's preface
for a detailed account of the manuscripts used ; and, for a general account
of the annals, ibid., pp. Ixviii-lxxxiv.
The earliest of these annals are versions KBOCDE.
K (Annales Reseniani) runs to 1295. Compiled after 1303.
B (Annales Vetustissimi) jumps from 999 to 1270; runs to 1306; and
is continued to 1313. It is based (to 1290) upon K. Edited also in
Langebek, ii, 177. Written before 1319.
O (Henrik Hoyers Annaler) runs to 1310. It is a late copy, largely
derived from B.
C (Annales Regii) runs to 1306, and is carried on to 1341. Edited also
in Langebek, iii, 12.
D (Skalholts-Annaler) runs to 1356 = 1362. It contains an earlier
version that ran to 1348.
E (Logmanns-Annall) runs to 1362, and is continued to 1392.
A (Flateybook Annals) runs to 1394. It was perhaps written con-
temporarily from 1390. It is based upon a version parallel to C, and D.
Storm edits selections from 1150 to 1269, and a complete text from 1283 to
1394 ; and gives (492-497) corrections of Vigfusson's edition. The year-
letters of one year, 1007, were omitted by the compiler : the year-numbers
were counted backwards, without this omission being observed. There-
fore from 520 to 1006, the numbers are too large by one. They were
corrected by Torfaeus, and Arngrim Jonsson. In Vigfusson's edition, the
corrected year-numbers are printed. Storm gives the uncorrected numbers
in his index. But the year-letters indicate the correct year ; and I have
preferred to give the corrected numbers.
P (Gottskalks-Annall) contains a version that ran to 1394. I (to 1394),
F (to 1396), and H, are cognate with this source. L (Oddverja-Annall)
may contain a version that ended in 1313. M runs to 1400.
e
Ixvi BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
The years in K are indicated by Dionysian numbers and dominical
letters ; in O, by numbers only ; in BCDEAPL, by dominical and paschal
letters, with occasional Dionysian numbers. See the Calendar Notes,
pp. civ-cv. The system of distinguishing the years by dominical and
paschal letters suggests that in Iceland, as in Ireland, the annals had their
origin in annotated Easter tables. They are later than the sagas, and
derive much of their information from them. The common source of the
annals was compiled not long before 1300. Among its sources were Ari ;
Adam ; Ekkehart ; and an erroneous list of Wessex kings, which was used
also by the writers of the sagas (see Storm, pp. Ixxviii-lxxix).
Icelandic Sagas. The sagas were derived from tradition ; from poems
(frequently cited) ; and probably from chronological jottings (preserved in
the 14th-century annals). A chronicle of English kings was used both by
the saga-writers and by the annalists.
The Icelandic Annals were generally later than, and largely derived
from, the sagas. The verses quoted in the sagas were often genuine, and
contemporary with the events ; but they are obscure. Their meaning is
frequently too uncertain to be of much value as historical evidence. They
do not add to, but must be explained by, the prose narrative in which they
stand. They were part of the large oral literature of Iceland : a literature
which developed among the Icelanders remarkable tenacity of memory,
and gave exceptional value to the traditions preserved among them.
None of the sagas is historical throughout. Several of them have,
however, a common historical framework, which is remarkably consistent
and uniform ; and which is full of genealogical details, many of them
unnecessary to the story in which they occur.
The style of the narrative very often shows whether the composer aimed
at historical veracity or at literary effect. The larger is the element of
romance, adventure, and marvel, the smaller is the element of history.
As a general rule, the sagas' evidence is good for events that are narrated
briefly, without romantic setting ; and not good for events that cannot be
removed from their romantic setting.
Their reckoning of time is not, as a rule, to be relied upon without
other support, in the earlier centuries. Dates given or implied by them
for events in the British Islands are frequently erroneous (for instance, the
date of the battle of Clontarf).
Icelandic literature is among the most notable of all traditional heroic
literatures, centring round certain families and men ; and is one of the
most remarkable phenomena in the literary history of Europe.
The best editions are published by the Samfund til Udgivelse af
gammel Nordisk Literatur ; by Det kongelige nordiske Oldskriftselskab ;
and in the Altnordische Sagabibliothek. The best edition of the verses is
that of Jonsson in his Skjaldedigtning. Cheap reprints of the sagas are
edited by V. Asmundarson, in his series of Islendinga Sogur. The first
place among translations must be given to G. Storm and A. Bugge's Norges
Kongesagaer.
A complete collection from the sagas of all the passages that touch
upon Scotland could not be given here ; the most important of these
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixvii
passages could not be left out. I have given a liberal selection, which
will, I hope, be found interesting and useful.
Ideler, Ludivlg : Handbuch der Chronologie (Breslau, 1883).
Inchafifray. Charters, Bulls, and other Documents, relating to the
Abbey of Inchaffmy, ed. W. A. Lindsay, J. Dowden, J. M. Thomson.
S.H.S. 56 (Edinburgh, 1908).
Ingl Bard's son's Saga. See under Hakon Sverri's son's Saga.
Innes, Cosmo, and others : Origines Parochiales Scotiae. B.Cl. 97
(Edinburgh, 1851-1855).
Innes, Thomas : Critical Essay on the Ancient Inhabitants of Scot-
land, ed. G. Grub, Historians of Scotland, viii (Edinburgh, 1879). 'st ed.,
London, 1729.
Irish Annals. V.i.a. under Annals of Innisfallen, Annals of Ulster,
Tigernach.
The Irish annals are based upon historical notes kept in monastic
houses, and often entered in the margins of paschal calendars. See
A.S.C., version I ; and cf. A.C., A.I., and Icelandic Annals.
In the end of the 7th century, collections of these notes were made, and
were continued as yearly chronicles. The earliest surviving collections
are compilations and continuations of these chronicles. From the 8th
century onwards the Irish annals contain approximately contemporary
records of events.
As a survival of their origin in annotated paschal calendars, Irish annals
indicated the years by data copied from a calendar : such as the number in
the week of the ist of January (the ferial number), and the age of the moon
on that day (the epact) ; and sometimes the concurrents, and Dionysian
Golden Numbers. (See below, under the Calendar Notes.) But copyists
often omitted these data, and indicated a new annal solely by the
abbreviation K., or Kl., i.e. ," Kalends of January." Years entered in this
way without events were in danger of being omitted altogether by later
copyists. When several years in succession were entered without events,
errors were sometimes made in the number of K's transcribed. The result
is that the sequence is an insufficient indication of the years intended.
Events copied from annotated calendars were not always correctly
placed. Conflicting accounts are sometimes entered from different sources.
Foreign events were generally entered by the compilers from foreign
sources, and are of little value in distinguishing the years. More help is
obtained from notes of eclipses.
The early annals are brief, and frequently refer to events instead of
describing them ; so that it is sometimes impossible to tell what person or
place is spoken of: but their brevity has not been embellished by the
compilers. The compilations of Irish annals as a whole show extraordinary
fidehty to their sources. With small variations, the Irish annals generally
support one another ; and the early collections when used together provide
a very valuable body of evidence, from the year 432 onwards.
So long as lona was a link between Ireland and Scotland, Scottish affairs
received considerable attention from the Irish monks. The later annals
become more exclusively histories of Irish affairs.
Ixviii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
O'Conor's editions, in Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores, are very
inaccurate ; but have not been superseded for the Annals of Innisfallen,
Dublin Annals of Innisfallen, and Annals of Boyle (all in vol. ii). Skene's
extracts in Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis (212-280) are taken from
O'Conor. Excerpts from the annals, relating to lona, were edited by
Dr Reeves (as a " Chronicon Hyense") in his edition of Adamnan ; and
aftervi'ards by Skene.
Irish annals have hardly yet received the editing that they deserve.
The Irish type used in the editions favours misprints, does not lend itself
to the devices of editors, and is unnecessary. It is to be hoped that
critical editions of those Irish annals that remain practically unedited will
be produced ; especially of the Annals of Innisfallen. Stokes's edition of
Tigernach also is a mere transcript with translation.
For the language of the Irish annals, see Stokes's Linguistic Value of the
Irish Annals, in the Transactions of the Philological Society for 1888-1890,
pp. 365-434 ; and T. 0-Maille's Language of the Annals of Ulster (1910).
The Annals of Ulster are so faithful to their sources that 0-Maiile has
endeavoured to date from them the times of changes that gradually took
place in the Irish language. 0-Miille's work confirms the belief that the
sources were generally written at a time nearly contemporaneous with the
events described. Both age of language and style of writing must be
considered in judging particular entries in the annals. Those that are
proved in this way to be ancient have special value. Those vv'hose
language is later may have been taken from a source whose spelling had
been altered by copyists ; they may be equally early ; but their antiquity
IS not certain.
In the early Irish annals, the year begins on ist January ; and the day
(in winter-time at least) at 6 p.m. The "night of Christmas " means the
night before Christmas, from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. An eclipse of the moon
noticed by A.U. "in the first hour of the night" of Tuesday, i8th December,
921, took place, according to L'Art de Verifier les Dates, about 7 p.m.
(Paris time ; 36 minutes earlier at Armagh) on 17th December, which was
a Monday. The same Annals note an eclipse of the moon in 1023, on the
14th day of the January moon, January loth, a Thursday : but it occurred
at 8 p.m. (Paris time), of Wednesday, 9th January (the 13th day of the
calendar moon). For an instance of Sunday beginning before sunset, see
below, vol. i, p. 163.
According to the Cdin Domnaig, Sunday was observed "from vespers
on Saturday to the end of matins on Monday" (Anecdota from Irish MSS.,
iii, 21) ; but " to sunrise on Monday," in L.B., 204 (Atkinson).
The Scandinavian invaders of Ireland are spoken of by various names
which I have translated as literally as possible. At first Gaill " Foreigners "
and Gente "Gentiles" mean the Norwegians. Later, they may mean
either Norwegians or Danes (and, finally, English) : but distinctive names
also &^^ft2ix -.—Nortmamia '' tionhmen," Fmd-gaill "White Foreio^ners "
and Find-gente " White Gentiles," mean Norwegians ; while Dub-^aill
"Black Foreigners," and Dub-gents "Black Gentiles," mean Danes.
Lochland I have generally translated by "Scandinavia"; Lochlaind,
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixix
Lochlaniiaig, by "Scandinavians": these names usually mean "Norway"
and " Norwegians," but the meaning in early times is somewhat uncertain.
Irish Life of Columba. See Homily on St Columba.
Irish Life of Patrick. See Homily on St Patrick.
Irish Nennius. Edited and translated by J. H. Todd and A. Herbert
(Leabhar Breathnach ; Irish Archaeological Society, Dublin, 1848) from
three manuscripts :— (D) Trin. Col. of Dubl. MS. H. 3. 17 ; (B) the Book of
Ballymote ; (L) the Book of Lecan. A fragment occurs in Lebar na h-Uidre
(facsimile, pp. 3-4), and has been edited by E. Hogan (Todd Lecture Series,
vi, 1-16 ; Dublin, 1895). The Irish Nennius was translated into Latin by
H. Zimmer, under the title Nennius Interpretatus, in M.G.H., Auctores,
xiii, 147 ff. (parallel with the Latin Nennius).
The Irish Nennius was translated from a version of Nennius's Historia
Brittonum. It is uncertain whether the occasional additions that occur in
the Irish version were written by the Irish translator (Gilla-Coemgin), by
Nennius in a later edition, or by a later editor of Historia Brittonum.
Isidore of Seville (t636). Isidorus Hispalensis : Chronica Majora
(to 615). Ed. T. Mommsen, in M.G.H., Auctores, xi, 394-410 (Berlin, 1894).
In the same volume are Isidore's Chronica Minora ; and additions to his
Chronica Majora.
Isidore's chronicles were used by Bede, and by the Irish annalists.
Islendlngabdk. See Ari.
Islendlnga Sogur (1829- 1 830), ed. Hit Konungliga FornfraeSa F^lag ;
(1843- 1 847), ed. Sigurdson and Rafn, Oldskriftselskab. See Icelandic
Sagas.
Jaff6, P. : Regesta Pontificum Romanorum (to 1198), (Berlin, 1851) ed.
W. Wattenbach (Leipzig, 1885-1888). Very valuable to chronology. See
Potthast.
Janauschek, P. L. : Origines Cistercienses, vol. i. Vienna, 1877.
larla Saga. See under Orkneyinga Saga.
Jocellne of Purness. See Life of Kentigern.
John of Eversden. See Eversden.
John of Peterborough. See Chronicle of Peterborough.
John of Salisbury (tii8o): Historia Pontificalis (1148-1152), ed.
M.G.H., Scriptores, xx, 515-545. This is a continuation of Sigebert.
John of Salisbury: Letters (1155-1180). Ed. J. A. Giles, Joannis
Saresberiensis Opera Omnia, i-ii (Patres Ecclesiae ; Oxford, 1848) ; also in
P.L. 199 (1855). Some are in R.S. 67, v-vii (1881-1885) ; and in B.R., xvi,
489-625 (1814).
John of Salisbury was an associate of Thomas Becket. In 11 76, he
was made bishop of Chartres.
John of Taxter. See Taxter.
John of "Worcester: continuation of Florence of Worcester (to 1141).
In E. H. S. ed. of F. W. Separately ed. J. R. H. Weaver (Oxford, 1908).
Written before 11 54.
Johnstone, James : Account of Haco's Expedition, and Anecdotes of
Olave the Black ; see under Hakon Hakon's son's Saga.
Johnstone, James : Antiquitates Celto-normannicae (Copenhagen,
Ixx BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTP^S
1786). Contains the Chronicle of Man ; extracts from A.U. ; De Situ
Albaniae ; and Chronicles of the Kings, AEF.
Johnstone, James: Antiquitates Celto-Scandicae (Copenhagen, 1786).
Contains selections from sagas, relating to British history, to 1066 ; with
a Latin translation. Among the sources used are Heimskringla ; Landn^-
mabok ; Egil's Saga; Nial's Saga; Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga ; Knytlinga
Saga ; Orkneyinga Saga.
Idmsvlkinga Saga (saga of the pirates of Wollin island). Ed. from
Arna-magnffian MS. 291 (of the I3th-I4th century) by C. af Petersens, in
Samfund, 7 (Copenhagen, 1882 ; a diplomatic edition). The same version
had been edited in F.S., xi, 1-162 (Copenhagen, 1828). Another version is
inserted in the Flatey-book's Olaf Tryggvi's son (Fl., i, 96-106, 153-205).
The shortest and probably earliest version was edited by G. Cederschiold,
from the Royal Library of Stockholm MS. 7 (Lund, 1875 ; I have not seen
this edition) ; and later by A. Joleik (Gamalnorske Bokverk, 9 ; Christiania,
1910; with Landsmaal translation). C. af Pedersens published a
15th-century text, from A. M. MS. 510, in 1879 ("o* seen). A. Jonsson's
Latin translation is edited by A. Gjessing in Det Norske Historiske
Kildeskriftfond, 11 (Kristianssand, 1877).
Jones, Owen. See Myvyrian Archaiology.
Jdnsson, Flnnur : Den norsk-islandske Skjaldedigtning (Kommission
for det Arnamagnseanske Legat ; Copenhagen and Christiania, 1908-1916 :
incomplete). This work supersedes the editions in the Corpus Poeticum
Boreale.
Keith, Robert : Historical Catalogue of the Scottish Bishops (to 1688).
Ed. M. Russel (Edinburgh, 1824). Contains (383-480) An Account of all
the Religious Houses that were in Scotland at the time of the Reformation,
by John Spotiswood.
Kelso. Liber S. Marie de Calchou, ed. C. Innes. B.Cl. 82 (Edinburgh,
1846).
Kemble, J. M. : Codex Diplomaticus ^vi Saxonici. E.H.S. (London,
1839-J848).
Kinloss. Records of the monastery of Kinloss, ed. J. Stuart. S.A.S.
Publications, 9 (Edinburgh, 1872).
Kialnesinga Saga. This is one of the less trustworthy of the historical
sagas. It appears to have been written in the end of the 13th century, or
early in the 14th. The manuscripts are later, and mostly corrupt.
The text used here is that in Islendinga Sogur, vol. ii, pp. 395-460
(Copenhagen, 1847).
Knytlinga Saga: ed. Fornmanna Sogur, xi. A fragment ed. and tr.
in Antiquites Russes, i, 66-86 (Societe Royale des Antiquaires du Nord,
Copenhagen, 1850).
This is an Icelandic history of Danish kings.
Konunga-tal, Ndregs. This is an enumeration in verse of the reigns
of kings in Norway, from Halfdan the Black to Sverri. It was composed
between 1 184 and 1202. The earlier part is based upon Saemund Prodi's
work. It has been edited in Fornmanna Sogur, x, 422-433 ; in Vigfusson
and Powell's Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ii, 310-321 ; in Flateyiarbok, ii.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixxi
520-528 ; and (the best edition) in Jonsson's Skjaldedigtning, i, 575-590.
Jonsson calls it : "a poem about Joan Lopt's son, ca. 1190."
Krlngla. This is a manuscript written about the year 1260 ; the
surviving leaf contains a fragment of Hakon Hakon's son's Saga. It is
edited in photo-lithographic facsimile by F. Jonsson, for the Samfimd, no.
24 (Copenhagen, 1S95).
Krlstnl Saga. Ed. B. Kahle, Altnordische Sagabibliothek, xi (Halle,
1905). Also ed. by Vigfusson in Biskupa Sogur, i, 3-32 ; ed. and tr. in
Origines Islandicae, i, 376-406; and ed. F. Jonsson in Hauksbok, 126-149.
This is a collection made in the 13th century. Its historical value
varies. The most historical part deals with the period of the Christianiza-
tion of Iceland (before and after 1000 A.D.).
Labbe, Philippe : Nova Bibliotheca (Paris, 1657).
Landndmabdk, ed. F. Jonsson (Oldskriftselskab ; Copenhagen, 1900).
Ed. also in F. Jonsson's Hauksbok (Oldskriftselskab, 1892-1894): in
Islendinga Sogur (1829) i, (1843) '> and by V. Asmundarson. An abridged
text and translation are in Origines Islandicae, i. There is a convenient
English translation by T. Ellwood : Book of the Settlement of Iceland
(Kendal, 1898).
Hank's version is the earliest, and is the one referred to here where
another version is not indicated. Hauk (t 1334) says that it was com-
pleted "according as learned men have written : — first, the priest Ari the
Learned, Thorgils' son ; and Kolskegg the Wise. And [1,] Hauk Erlend's
son, have written the book, after the book that has been written by the
most learned man Sturla the Lawman, and after the other book written by
Styrmi the Wise. And I had [copied] it from which of the two was fuller ;
but much the greater part was what they both related alike. And there-
fore it is not to be wondered at that this Landnamabok is longer than any
other."
No doubt much of the work is derived from Ari.
Lanfranc (archbishop of Canterbury; t 1089) : Letters, ed. J. A. Giles,
in Patres Ecclesiae ; Beati Lanfranci Opera, i, 17-81 (Oxford and Paris,
1844). Also ed. P.L. 150.
Langebek, Jacob : Scriptores Rerum Danicarum Medii JE\\ (Copen-
hagen, 1 772- 1 878).
Langtoft, Pierre de : Chronicle (to 1307), ed. T. Wright. R.S. 47
1866-1868). Part ed. in C.A.N. , i, 127-165. Langtoft is a contemporary
authority from 1272 onwards.
Lappenberg, J. M. See Thorpe.
Lappenberg, J. M. : Hamburgisches Urkundenbuch (Hamburg, 1 842).
L'Art de V6rifer les Dates (Paris, 1750, 1783-1787, and 1818-1844).
This contains a valuable list of eclipses, calculated to within a quarter of an
hour, in Paris time.
Lawrie, Sir Archibald: Early Scottish Charters (to 1 153}, with notes
and index (Glasgow, 1905) ; Annals of the Reigns of Malcolm and William,
Kings of Scotland (1153-1214, with notes and index (Glasgow, 1910). These
are most useful works.
Laxdoela Saga, ed. K. K^Iund, A.N.S.B., iv (Halle, 1896). A comparative
Ixxii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
edition by the same editor is in the Samfund, no. 19 (Copenhagen, 1889-
1891). Incomplete text and translation are in Origines Islandicae, ii, 141-
187. A translation into Landsmaal was made by S. Frich in Gamalnorske
Bokverk, no. 3 (Christiania, 1907) ; into English, by M.A.C. Press (Temple
Classics; London, 1899: the earlier saga); and by R. Proctor (Chiswick
Press ; London, 1903).
This important Icelandic saga was written before the end of the 13th
century, and was continued about the middle of the 14th century. It has
greater literary than historical merit.
Lebar Brecc. " Leabhar Breac, The Speckled Book, otherwise styled
Leabhar Mor Diina Doighre, The Great Book of Dun Doighre ; a collection
of pieces in Irish and Latin, compiled from ancient sources about the close
of the fourteenth century" ; published in facsimile from J. O'Longan's copy
by the Royal Irish Academy (Dublin, 1876). Cf. facsimiles 28-29 in the
National MSS. of Ireland, iii.
This is an Irish manuscript collection (R.I.A. MS. 23. P. 16), probably
of the 15th century ; drawn from older sources. The subjects are principally
ecclesiastical.
Lebar Brecc. Stokes, Three Middle-Irish Homilies on the Lives of
Saints Patrick, Bridget, and Columba. Privately printed (Calcutta, 1877).
Lebar Lalgnech. See Book of Leinster.
Lebar na h-Uldre (R.I.A. MS. 23. E. 25). Leabhar na h-Uidhri . . .
compiled and transcribed about A.D. iioo, by Moelmuiri mac Ceileachair
. . ." ; ed. in facsimile by the Royal Irish Academy (Dublin, 1870).
Maelmuire died in 1 106, according to the Four Masters, ii, 982. This
is a collection of Irish literature, made from earlier Irish manuscripts.
Legend of St Andrew, ed. Skene, Picts and Scots, 183-193, from the
i8th century abstract of the Register of St Andrews (Harleian MS. 4628).
Previously edited by Pinkerton (Enquiry, i, 456-466). See below, p. Ixxxii.
A legend from the Colbertine MS. was edited by Pinkerton (ibid., 496-498) ;
an Old-Scots legend, by Horstmann (Altenglische Legenden, N.F., 3-10).
The readings in the Breviary of Aberdeen (i, 3, Ixxxii) are also ed. in
Metcalfe's Lives, ii, 289-290.
Liber Hymnorum. J. H. Bernard and R. Atkinson : The Irish Liber
Hymnorum . . . with translations, notes, and glossary. Henry Bradshaw
Society (London, 1898). Much of this work was edited by Dr Todd, under
the title : Leabhar Imuinn, the Book of Hymns of the Ancient Church of
Ireland ; Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society (Dublin ; part i, 1855 ;
part ii, posthumously, 1869). The hymns that are written in Irish, and the
prefaces that are partly so written, were edited by Stokes in his Goidelica
(2nd ed. ; London, 1872). The Irish hymns are also edited by E. Windisch,
in Irische Texte, i, 5-58 (Leipzig, 1880).
The earliest manuscripts of this Liber Hymnorum are the Trinity
College of Dublin MS. E. 4.2, and a MS. in the Franciscan Convent,
Dublin. The former is somewhat earlier than the latter. Both are of the
nth century. According to Bernard, the Trin. Col. MS. "perhaps belongs
to its earlier years." Some of the contents appear also in the Lebar Brecc.
Atkinson (ibid., ii, p. xxxiii) dates the earliest MSS. "about the year
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixxiii
lioo"; and says that "the prefaces are quite unhistorical, and the verses
contain abundant proofs of middle Irish forms, so that they are assuredly
not to be taken as mere copies of Old Irish poems." Bernard is disinclined
to admit that the text of the hymns is earlier than the notes and glosses
(i, p. xii).
The prefaces have historical value only as evidence of traditions.
There is no proof of the authenticity of the hymns attributed to
Columba.
Liber Pontificalis, ed. (to 530) by T. Mommsen : Gesta Pontificum
Romanorum, i (Berlin, 1898).
This is a collection of popes' lives, written at various early times. It is
a contemporaneous source for periods in the 6th and 7th centuries, and
from the 8th century onwards. Versions of this work were used i.a. by
Bede, and the early compilers of Irish annals.
Liber Vitae Eoclesiae Dunelmensis, ed. J. Stevenson. Surtees Society
no. 13 (1841).
Llebermann, Felix; Ungedruckte Anglonormannische Geschichtsquellen
(Strassburg, 1879).
Life of Adamnan. A fragment of an Irish Life was edited by Skene
from Reeves's transcript (Picts and Scots, 408-409). The source is Brussels
MS. 5101-4. The Life is edited by R. I. Best, in Anecdotafrom Irish MSS.,
ii, 10-20 (1908), from the Royal Library of Brussels MS., 4190-4200 (a 1628
transcript) ; and tr. by M. Joynt in Celtic Review, v, 97-105 (1908).
Life of Baithine, in the Salamanca MS. ; ed. Smedt and de Backer,
Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae ex Codice Salmanticensi, 871-878. This Life,
though late, may have some more ancient basis.
Life of Bernard, abbot of Tiron (t 1148), by Geoffrey the Fat ; ed. A.S.,
14 Apr. ii, 220-254 ; P.L. 172, 1363-1446.
Geoffrey was a monk of Tiron, and disciple of Bernard.
Life of Brendan of Clonfert, ed. Plummer, Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae,
i, 98-151. Cf. the Irish homily on Brendan, ed. Stokes, Lismore Lives,
99-116 ; tr., 247-261 (beginning : Beatus vir qui timet Dominum).
Life of Buitte (+ ca. 521), in Rawlinson MS. B 505. Extracts ed. Skene,
Picts and Scots, 410-41 1. Ed. Plummer, Vitae, i, 87-97, from a paper MS.
in the Franciscan convent library at Dublin.
Life of Catroe. Ed. Colgan, Acta Sanctorum, i, 494 ff. Part was
reprinted by Skene in Picts and Scots, 106-116. A better text (but not
complete) is that of the BoUandists ; A.S., March, i, 473-480 (1865).
Kaddroe, or more correctly Catroe (perhaps a Brythonic parallel of
Irish cathroe " battlefield "), was a Pictish saint. The Life was apparently
written by one Reimann, or Ousmann, who lived at a time when and in
a place where he might have been Catroe's pupil, but yet knew about him
only by hearsay (Dedicatio). The author writes as a contemporary
(in c. 24) ; and in the life-time of a man who had in his youth been cured
of a fever by Catroe (c. 29). The Life is dedicated to Immo, probably the
abbot of Wassor from about 982.
Life of Columba. See Adamnan, Cummine, Lebar Brecc, O'Donnell.
Life of Columba in the Salamanca MS., ed. Smedt and De Backer,
Ixxiv BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae ex Codice Salmanticensi, 845-855. This is
Colgan's Vita Secunda S. Columbae, in Trias Thaumaturga, 325-330. ^
This fragment is considerably more ancient than the manuscript in
which it occurs. It is derived in great part from Adamnan, or from some
source used by Adamnan.
Life of Harold, Godwine's son (t 1 066), ed. F. Michel, Chroniques
Anglo-Normandes, ii (1836) ; ed. and tr. W. de G. Birch : Vita Haroldi
(London, 1885). The MS. is Harleian MS. no. 3776.
Life of Kentigern (anonymous). Ed. by C. Innes, Register of Glasgow,
i, pp. Ixxviii-lxxxvi ; revised, by A. P. Forbes, Historians of Scotland, v,
243-252 ; and by Metcalfe, Lives, ii, 99-109.
This Life was written at the suggestion of Herbert, bishop of Glasgow
(1147-t 1164). A fragment only is preserved, in a corrupt copy of the
beginning of the 15th century. It is quoted by Fordun (III, 9) ; and was
the basis of the Life of Thanea or Thenew in the Breviary of Aberdeen
(ii, 3, 34-36) ; and in part of the Life of Kentigern given there (i, 3, 28).
The author says in his Prologue (ed. Forbes, u.s., 243-244): "I have
wandered through many districts, diligently investigating their manners,
and the devotion of their clergy and people : I have found every country
venerating its own provincial saints, with the laudation of its own people
and of others [alternis, for alienis]. But now that I have come at last to
the kingdom of the Scots, I have found it very rich in the relics of saints,
illustrious in its priests, famous in its princes ; nevertheless, it was still, in
comparison with the other kingdoms, indolent, almost torpid in the sloth of
neglect, in the veneration of its saints. Indeed, when I observed the
dearth of honour paid to the saints in wide areas [in spaciosisj possibly
for " in high places " ?], I took my pen ; and, as Simeon, former monk of
Durham, composed a history of his saint, Cuthbert, so I too (a cleric of
St Kentigern) at the suggestion of Herbert, the venerable bishop of
Glasgow, have devoutly composed, as well as I could, from the materials
found in a pamphlet of his virtues, and from the spoken words communicated
to me by the faithful \de . . . viva voce fidelium viicM relata], some kind
[of history] to the honour of the most holy confessor and bishop, Kentigern ;
who shines beside the rest like Lucifer among the stars. . . . Let all in
general know this, that for the sake of brevity I pass over many things that
are worthy of commemoration, in writing concerning the man of blessed
memory ; and shall publish in writing but a few out of very many things, in
order to avoid wearying those who are to read. This also any one can
faithfully observe, if he will apply his diligence to [Kentigern's] miracles
that still appear throughout Cambria. . . ."
Life of Kentigern, by Joceline of Furness ; ed. from Cottonian MS.
Vitellius C. VIII, fos. 148-195, by Pinkerton in his Vitae Antiquae, 191-297 ;
and by Metcalfe, Lives, ii, 1-96 : and from a Dublin MS. (Marsh V. 3.4. 16)
by Forbes, with collation (by Travers) of the Cottonian MS., in Historians
of Scotland, v, 159-242. Another version of this Life was edited in
Capgrave's Nova Legenda (1516), 207-212 ; and in A.S., 13 Jan. ii, 98-103.
See Hardy, Catalogue, i, 1, 207-209. Hardy remarked that these lives were
written during the episcopate of bishops who built the cathedral of Glasgow
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixxv
(dedicated 1197), and that they may have been intended to arouse interest
in the collection of funds for the building. Joceline's Life is dedicated to
Joceline, bishop of Glasgow (consecrated 1175 ; 1 1199).
Joceline claims to have had two authorities as materials for his work.
He says in the Prologue :"...! have explored the squares and streets
[plaieas et vicos\ of the city, according to your command, seeking the
written account of St Kentigern's Life, which your soul loves. . . . Therefore
I have sought diligently, if it should chance to be found, for a Life which
should seem to be supported by greater authority and more evident truth,
and to be written in a style more elegant, than is that which your church
employs ; because that [Life], many think, is stained throughout and
discoloured by inelegant speech, and beclouded by an ill-arranged style ;
and, what indeed every wise man abhors more than all these things, in the
very beginning of the narrative there appears plainly a thing which is
opposed to sound doctrine and to catholic faith.
"And I have found another pamphlet, dictated in the Scottish style,"
(i.e. written in Gaelic ?) " swarming with errors throughout, but containing
at greater length the life and acts of the holy bishop. Therefore seeing
that so precious a bishop's life (glorious in signs and prodigies, most
renowned for virtues and doctrine) should be blotted by a relation perverted,
and diverted from the faith, or should be exceedingly obscured by
barbarous speech, I grieved, I confess, and suffered. And therefore I
determined to restore and put together material collected from both these
books ; and, after my measure and according to your command, to savour
with Roman salt what had been barbarously written. I hold it absurd that
a treasure so precious should be wrapped in so worthless coverings ; and
so I shall endeavour to clothe it, if not in gold embroidery and silk, at
least in clean linen. . . ."
(The scandal referred to had not been sufficiently removed from the
version given by the anonymous Life.)
Life of Machar. An Old-Scots verse life of Machar (wrongly attributed
to Barbour) is edited by Horstmann in his Alt-englische Legenden, Neue
Folge, 189-208 (1881); by Dr W. M. Metcalfe, in his Legends, ii, 1-46
(1896), and in his SS. Ninian and Machor, 87-134 (1904). The conclusion
of this Life is the same as that of St Ninian's Life in the same (14th-
century) collection ; see Horstmann, u.s., p. cvi. The Life of Machar was
probably, like the lections in the Breviary of Aberdeen, based upon a lost
Latin Life.
Life of Maelmaedoie. See Bernard of Clairvaux.
Life of Magnus, earl of Orkney (t 1 1 16). Edited in Pinkerton's Vitae,
387-435 ; Metcalfe's Lives, ii, 214-258. See Magnus Erlend's son.
Life of Margaret, queen of Scotland. See Ailred of Rievaulx ; Turgot.
Life of Ninian, by Ailred of Rievaulx. Ed. from a 12th-century
Bodleian MS. (Laud Misc. 668, fos. 78-89), by Pinkerton in his Vitae
Antiquae ; revised, by A. P. Forbes, in Historians of Scotland, v, 137-157 ;
and in Metcalfe's Lives.
In his Praefatio (ed. Forbes, 140), Ailred, describing his sources, quotes
from Bede, and says : " But that which he [Bede] seems merely to have
Ixxvi BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
touched upon, briefly (as the course of his History appeared to require), a
book concerning [Ninian's] Life and Miracles, written in barbarous language
\barbarioj read barbarice ? ] proposes to relate to us more fully. This book,
however, (while nowhere deviating from the foundation of [Bede's] testimony)
only describes in historical manner how [Ninian] had such origin, how he
achieved such success, how he attained an end so praiseworthy" (cf.
Breviary of Aberdeen, ii, 3, 107). This earlier Life was perhaps written in
Anglo-Saxon. Ailred says : " ... Barbarous speech obscured the Life of
the most holy Ninian ; . . . and the less it delighted the reader, the less
it edified him." Ailred proposed to translate the Life into good Latin :
"... and to rescue it from rustic speech as from darkness, and bring it
forth into the light of Latin diction."
Ailred's Life was the basis of the Life of Ninian in the Old-Scots verse-
collection.
Life of Ninian in the Scottish verse Lives of Saints. C, Horstmann
summarized the contents of this Life in his Altenglische Legenden, Neue
Folge, pp. cii-cvi ; and edited it in his Barbour's Legendensammlung, ii,
121-138. It is edited by Dr Metcalfe in his Legends, ii, 304-345 (S.T.S.,
1896) ; and again in his SS. Ninian and Machor (Paisley, 1904). Buss and
Metcalfe have shown that Barbour was not the author.
Life of Serf, ed. from Marsh MS. V. 3. 4. 16 (assigned to the 13th
century), by Skene, Picts and Scots, 412-420; and by Metcalfe, Lives, ii,
1 19-128. This Life was the basis of Wyntoun's account.
Life of Thanea (or Thenew), in the Scottish verse Lives of Saints. Ed.
Horstmann, Barbour's Legendensammlung, ii, 79-83 ; and by Metcalfe,
Legends, ii, 215-222.
Life of Waltheof, ablbot of Melrose (tllS9), by Jordan, a monk of
Furness ; ed. A.S., 3 August, i, 249-278. This work is quoted by Bower
(VI, I, etc.) ; who calls the author Jocelin. The Life was written ca. 1207.
The author addresses his work to William, king of Scotland ; and his
son, Alexander ; and brother, earl David. It was written at the request
of Patrick, abbot of Melrose ; and was finished after Patrick's death
(.•. 1207 X 1214).
Cf. the Life in Capgrave's Nova Legenda (1516), 293-295.
Life of Waltheof, Siward's son (t 1075). Edited by F. Michel, in
C.A.N. , ii, 99-142, from a manuscript of the I2th-i3th century (Library of
Douai MS. no. 801). This Life appears to have been compiled from
previous Lives. It contains these sections : Epitaphium (prose ; 99-103) ;
Epitaphium (verse; 103-104); Gesta Antecessorum (104-111); Vita et
Passio (111-120); Epitaphium (prose; 121-123); Epitaphium metricum
(123); De Comitissa (123-131) ; Miracula (t3[-i42). There is an edition
in Langebek's Scriptores, iii, 288-300 (1774).
Llna, B. H. : Norsk-islandska Dopnamn ock Fingerade Namn fran
Medeltiden (Uppsala, 1907-1915).
Llndores. Chartulary of the Abbey of Lindores, 1195-1479; ed J.
Dowden (Edinburgh, 1903).
List of Bishops and Archbishops of Norway (written in 1325) ; ed.
Langebek, Scriptores, vi, 615-621.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixxvii
List of Bishops of Man. See Chronicle of Man.
Lorenzen, M. : Gammeldanske Kroniker. Samfund, no. 18(1887-1913).
These Danish chronicles are later than the early Icelandic Annals, and
have little value for the purpose of this book.
Magnus Erlend's son's Saga : Saga of St Magnus, ed. Vigfusson, R.S.
88, i, 237-280 ; tr. Dasent, ibid., iii, 239-282.
Magnus Erlend's son's Saga : Shorter Saga of St Magnus, ed. Vigfusson,
R.S. 88, i, 281-298 ; tr. Dasent, ibid, iii, 283-301.
For the Latin Life of St Magnus, see under Life of Magnus.
Magnus Hakon's son's Saga. Only a fragment of this saga has been
preserved. It is edited in Thorlacius and WerlaufPs Konunga Sogur, v,
384-392; Rafn's Fornmanna Sogur, x, 155-163; Vigfusson's Icelandic
Sagas, R.S. 88, ii, 361-368. An additional fragment believed by Vigfusson
to belong to this saga is published ibid., ii, 368-373. Translations into
Danish and Latin accompany the Danish editions ; a translation into
English, by Dasent, the English edition (ibid., iv, 374-386). It is translated
into Danish by A. Bugge, in Kongesagaer, iv, 296-305 (Christiania, 1914).
This saga was composed by Sturla, Thord's son. See the Islendinga
Saga (Vigfusson's ed. of Sturlunga Saga, ii, 272) ; where, after telling of
his being commanded to write the saga of Hakon Hakon's son, Sturla (or a
continuator) says : "And then, upon the second of Sturla's expeditions, he
was with king Magnus again, well esteemed and held in high honour.
Then he put together the saga of king Magnus, in accordance with
documents [eptir brefu7n\ and [Magnus's] own advice. Then he became
a guardsman of king Magnus, and afterwards his cup-bearer. . . ."
Malmesbury, see William of.
Mantissa. This is a name given to a collection of historical notes,
originally written in Icelandic in the 12th century ; they are of some value
and fair authority. I have used the composite edition of Vigfusson
(Origines, i, 267 ff.).
Map-Urbagen (Filius Urbacen) : the Chartres MS. of the Historia
Brittonum ; Mommsen's MS. Z (written in the loth century). This is
represented by cc. 38-48 of the Historia Brittonum. Ed. L. Duchesne,
Revue Celtique, xv, 174-180 (1894).
See L. Duchesne, in R.C., xv, 187 ; L. Traube, in Neues Archiv der
Gesellschaft fiir altere deutsche Geschichtskunde, xxiv, 721-724 ; and
T. Mommsen, ibid., xix, 285-293.
Marcellinus Comes (t?534): Chronicon (379-518, continued to 534),
ed. T. Mommsen, M.G.H., Auctores, xi, 60-104 (1893); the anonymous
continuation (to 548), ibid., 104-108.
Marcellinus continued the work of Jerome. Both MarceUinus and his
continuator are valuable authorities for the history of the empire.
Marianus Soottus (1028-1083) : Chronicon (to 1082 ; with continuations
for 1083-1106, 1 133, and 1083-1087). Edited by G. Waitz, in M.G.H.,
Scriptores, v, 495-564 (Hannover, 1844). Also published in Migne's
Patrologia Latina, 147, 623-796 (1853). Selections in Bouquet's Recueil,
v-viii, xi.
The original manuscript — Codex Palatino-Vaticanus, no. 830— was
Ixxviii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
partly written by Marianus himself, and has additions made by him.
Many of these additions do not appear in the copy preserved in the
Cottonian MS. Nero C. V ; this also being an nth-century MS. Perhaps
the Cottonian MS. was copied before Marianus had inserted the additions
that it does not contain. For the first MS., see B. MacCarthy : The
Codex Palatino-vaticanus no. 830 (Dublin 1892). Part of it was copied in
1072, by an Irish monk who went to Mainz from Scotland in that year.
Marianus was an Irishman. He was called, in Irish, Maelbrigte the
Recluse. He became a monk at Koln, on ist August, 1056 ; was con-
secrated priest at Wiirzburg on 13th March, 1059; and became a recluse
at Fulda on 14th May, 1059. Released after 10 years, he was again
immured, on 3rd April, 1069, at Mainz ; and remained a recluse until
his death.
The first edition of his chronicle appears to end in 1073. The initial
letters of the words of verses entered under 1076 form an Irish sentence
indicating the author's name : " Maelbrigte the Recluse compiled me."
His work was the nucleus of Florence of Worcester's chronicle.
Martyrologies, see Donegal, Gorman, Oengus, Tallaght.
Maseres, Francis : Historiae Anglicanae . . . Monumenta (London,
1807). An edition of parts of Duchesne's H.N.S.
Mas Latrie: Tresor de Chronologie (Paris, 1889).
Matthew of Westminster. See Flores Historiarum.
Maufe (or Malfe), Alexander: Statement regarding the foundation of
Sawtry abbey, Huntingdonshire, ed. R.S. 79, i, 160-166 ; D.M., v, 523-525.
This statement was written 1147X 1153.
May. Records of the Priory of the Isle of May, ed. J. Stuart. S.A.S. 8
(Edinburgh, 1868).
Melrose. Liber S. Marie de Melros, ed. C. Innes. B.Cl. 56
(Edinburgh, 1837).
Metcalfe, W. M. : Legends of the Saints, In the Scottish Dialect of
the 14th century. Scottish Texts Society, is (Edinburgh, 1896). Legends
of SS. Ninian and Machor, from an Unique MS. in the Scottish Dialect
of the 14th century (Paisley, 1904 ; a corrected text). Both works are
edited with notes and glossary.
Metcalfe, W. M. : Pinkerton's Lives of the Scottish Saints, revised and
enlarged (Paisley, 1889). Regrettably few copies of this valuable work
were published.
Metrical Chronicle of York, ed. Raine's York, R.S. 71, ii, 446-463.
Written during the archbishopric of William III of York; i.e., either
W. Wykewane (1279x1285), or W. of Greenfield (1306x1315); probably
the latter.
Michel, Prancisque: Chroniques Anglo-Normandes (Rouen 1836
1836, 1840).
Migne, J. P. : Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Latina (Paris,
1844-1864). Series Graeca (1857-66; 1912). This immense collection,
principally of reprints, has the merit of being generally accessible.
Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Auctores Antiquissimi (Berlin,
1877-1905); Gesta Pontificum Romanorum (Berlin, 1898); Scriptores
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixxix
(Hannover, 1826-1905) ; Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum (Hannover,
1885-1909) ; etc. Series of critically edited texts.
Monumenta Hlstorioa Britannica (to 1066), ed. H. Petrie and J. Sharpe.
Record Commission (1848). A collection in one volume of the principal
sources for the history of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom, elaborately edited, with
a useful index.
Moore, Miss M. P. : The Lands of the Scottish Kings in England : the
Honour of Huntingdon, the Liberty of Tyndale, and the Honour of
Penrith (London, 191 5). A very useful work.
Moray. Registrum episcopatus Moraviensis, ed. C. Innes (Edinburgh,
1837).
Morkinskinna (Royal Library of Copenhagen MS. 1009 folio), ed.
C. R. Unger (Christiania, 1867).
Morkinskinna contains an early version of the kings' sagas, written in
the first half of the 13th century (from Magnus the Good to Sigurd
Bad-deacon).
Morton, James: Monastic Annals of Teviotdale : or, the History and
Antiquities of the abbeys of Jedburgh, Kelso, Melros, and Dryburgh
(Edinburgh, 1832).
Mothers of Irish Saints, a tract written after 927, and wrongly attributed
to Oengus the Celede, in the R.LA. MS. Book of Lecan, and MS. Rawlinson
B 512 ; accessible to me only in the fragments in L.L., 372-373, and B.B.,
212-214.
Muirchu Maccu-mactheni : Memoirs of the life of St Patrick, ed.
Hogan (see Life of Patrick in the Book of Armagh) ; ed. Stokes, R.S. 89,
ii, 269-300 ; tr. A. Barry (Dublin, 1895) ; tr., with notes, by N. J. D. White,
in St Patrick : his Writings and Life (1920), pp. 68-137.
According to Duchesne (R.C., xv, 188), Muirchu's work dates from the
end of the 7th century.
Munch, P. A.: Det Norske Folks Historic (Christiania, 1852-1863).
Myvyrian Archaiology. Owen Jones, E. Williams, and W. O. Pughe :
The Myvyrian Archaiology of Wales, collected out of Ancient Manuscripts
(Denbigh, 1870; ist ed., 1801).
National Manuscripts of Ireland, ed. J. T. Gilbert (H.M. Stationery
Office).
National Manuscripts of Scotland, ed. C. Innes (H.M. Stationery
Office).
Nennius, see Historia Brittonum ; Irish Nennius ; Zimmer.
Newminster. Chartularium abbathiae de Novo Monasterio ordinis
Cisterciensis, ed. J. T. Fowler. Surtees Society, 66 (Durham, 1878).
Nicolas, Sir Harris: The Chronology of History (London, 1833;
1838, etc.).
Nielsen, O. : Old-danske Person-navne. Universitets Jubilaeets dansk
Samfund, xv (1882).
Nidi's Saga. K. Gislason and E. Jonsson : Njala. Oldskriftselskab
(Copenhagen, 1875, 1889). This is a composite text. Gislason's cc. 68-159
are cc. 69-160 in Olafsson's edition (Copenhagen, 1772) ; Gislason's cc. 58-
159 are cc. 57-158, and Gislason's cc. 97-104 are differently arranged, in
Ixxx BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
G. W. Dasent's translation (The Story of Burnt Njal ; Edinburgh, 1861 :
the text reprinted in Everyman's Library).
A good and convenient edition is that of F. Jonsson : Brennu-Njalssaga
(A.N.S.B. 13; Halle, 1908). This text is based primarily upon Arna-
magnaan MS. 468, 4° (for MSS. and editions, see the Einleitung ; pp.
xxxix-xlv). A description of the MSS. is given in the Oldskriftselskab ed.,
ii, 649-787 ; facsimile specimens appear at the end.
Extracts are ed. and tr. in R.S. 88, i, 319-340 ; iii, 344-365 ; in
Johnstone's Antiquitates Celto-Scandicae ; and in Collectanea de Rebus
Albanicis, 334-338.
This is one of the greatest sagas of Iceland. According to Vigfusson
(Prolegomena, p. xliv), it was composed between 1230 and 1280. Although
its basis is historical, its character is less historical than literary and
romantic. It is not very trustworthy for Scottish history, which it touches
incidentally. The last chapters, describing real events of 1013 and 1014,
are partly fabulous.
Norgate, Miss K. ; England under the Angevin Kings (London, 1887).
John Lackland (London, 1902).
Northampton. Register of the Priory of St Andrews of Northampton.
Cottonian MS. Vespasian E XVII.
Northamptonshire, see Surveys.
North Berwick. Carte monialium de Northberwic, ed. C. Innes.
B.Cl. 84 (Edinburgh, 1847).
O'Clery's Calendar. See Donegal, Martyrology of.
Odd's Olaf's Saga (Oddr Muncr : Saga Olafs Konungs Tryggvasonar).
Ed. P. Grot : Det Arnamagnaeanske Haandskrift 310, 4to. Norsk Historisk
Kildeskriftfond (1895). Previously ed. in F.S., x, 216-376. The beginning
of this version is lost. A complete version from a somewhat different' text,
a MS. in the Royal Library in Stockholm, was edited by P. A. Munch
(Christiania, 1853).
These are Old-Norse translations of a saga written in Latin by Odd
towards the end of the 12th century. Odd's work was used by Snorri
Sturla's son in the Heimskringla.
Cf. the Latin legends in Langebek, ii, 529 ff.
O'Donnell's Life of Columba, partly ed. R. Henebry, in Zeitschrift fiir
celtische Philologie, iii-v ; and by A. O'Kelleher, ibid., ix, x. Large extracts
from it were edited by John Colgan in his Trias Thaumaturga. Since the
conclusion of the present work, a complete edition (from Bodleian MS.
Rawlinson B 514), with translation, glossary, etc., has been produced by
A. O'Kelleher and G. Schoepperle (Urbana, Illinois; 1918).
This Life was written in 1532. It is derived from previously written
Lives, and from tradition. It is only exceptionally cited here.
Oengus, Martyrology of. First edited by W. Stokes for the Royal
Irish Academy, Irish Manuscript Series, 1 : — On the Calendar of Oengus
(Dublin, 1880). Three versions are printed in parallel, with many notes
from the Lebar Brecc. Again edited by the same scholar : — Felire
Oengusso Celi De : The Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee. Henry
Bradshaw Society, 29 (London, 1905). In the latter edition, the text is
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixxxi
corrected by collation of ten manuscripts ; selected notes from different
versions, and a translation, are given.
This is a versified calendar of saints, composed originally about
800 A.D. The earliest (but not always most accurate) of the manuscripts
is the Lebar Brace. According to Stokes, the notes date from the 13th
century. The 2nd edition, with notes, glossary, etc., is a very valuable
book.
Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga (Olafs Saga Tryggvasonar). Edited in
Fornmanna Sogur, i-iii ; tr. in the corresponding volumes of Oldnordiske
Sagaer and Scripta Historica Islandorum ; and into English, by J. Sephton
(London, 1895). Selections are ed. and tr. in Johnstone's Antiquitates
Celto-Scandicae ; and tr. in Collectanea.
This is a 13th-century collection of histories of the kings of Norway,
from 862 to 1045. It was nearly contemporary with the Heimskringla, and
they are both derived from the same sources. See also Odd's Olaf's Saga.
Oldskriftselskab. Det Kongelige Nordiske Oldskriftselskab. Many
excellent Icelandic texts are published by this Society.
Oliver, J. R. : Monumenta de Insula Manniae. Manx Society, 4, 7, 9.
Orderlous Vitalis : Historia Ecclesiastica (to 1 141), ed. A. Le Prevost.
S.H.F. (Paris, 1838-1855). This excellent edition was unfortunately
inaccessible to me when I compiled Scottish Annals from English
Chroniclers. Other editions are in H.N.S., 321-925 (1619) ; P.L. 188,
15-984 (1855). Tr. by T. Forester (London, 1853-1856). Fragments ed.
B.R., ix-xii ; M.G.H., Scriptores, xx, xxvi.
Of English birth, Orderic lived in Normandy from an early age.
His work is valuable for the history of England after the conquest. He
derives material from William of Poitiers and William of Jumieges.
Origines Islandicae, edited and translated by G. Vigfusson and F. York
Powell (Oxford, 1905).
Origines Paroehiales Sootiae ; B.Cl. 97 (Edinburgh, 1851-1857).
Orkneyinga Saga (to 1222), ed. G. Vigfusson, tr. G. W. Dasent. R.S.
88, i, iii (1887, 1894). This is a composite text. A better edition, but also
composite, is being brought out by S. Nordal, in the Samfund, 40. Nordal's
chapters are not the same as Vigfusson's. The whole Orkneyinga Saga is
distributed through the Flatey-book (ed. C. R. Unger) ; and a translation
by J. A. Hjaltalin and G. Goudie is edited by Joseph Anderson (Edinburgh,
1873). Extract tr. Skene, Collectanea, 339-346.
Vigfusson's text is constructed from Arna-magnsean MS. 332 (MS. A ;
a paper MS. of the end of the 17th century) ; A.M. MS. 325 (MS. C ; of
the end of the 13th century) ; a vellum fragment (MS. 6 ; of the same date) ;
a 16th-century Danish translation ; and Fl. (the O.S. part of which was
written, according to Vigfusson, ca. 1380). Fl. alone contains the whole
saga.
A larla Saga existed at the time when Landndmabok was written. The
form in which we have it, however, (to 1064 ; O.S., cc. 4-38 ; i, 1-59) is of
much later and uncertain date. A late version of c. 6 occurs in the
surviving Landndmabok. The earliest version is that which is given by
Snorri in the Heimskringla (St Olaf, cc. 96-103, represented by O.S. in
/
Ixxxii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
cc. 4-9, 12-22 ; while cc. 4-8 and 12 appear more fully in H., Harold
Fairhair, cc. 10, 22, 24, 27, 30-32 ; Hakon the Good, cc. 3, 4, 5, 10 ; Olaf
Tryggvi's son, cc. 30, 46, 47).
Chapters 9 (Ragnhild) to 11, and 22 (Karl Hundi's son, etc.) to 38,
appear not to have been among Snorri's materials. With cc. 4-12 of O.S.,
cf. cc. 95-98 of Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga (F.S., i, 192-202).
Snorri's version is briefer than O.S., and written in a more restrained
style ; although there is often a close verbal resemblance between the two.
Snorri seems to have used an earlier and less legendary version, presumably
the version that he found in Ari's larlabok. The chapters omitted by
Snorri are generally more romantic in subject and manner, and must take
a lower place as historical evidence, than those that he gives. In the
chapters that are common to H. and O.S., preference must be given to H.
The chapters of Orkneyinga Saga's larla Saga that are not in
Heimskringla contain :— the story of Ragnhild (also in Olaf's Saga, c. 97) ;
Skull's battles with Liot and earl Macbeth at Skidmoor (in Olaf's Saga,
c. 97) ; the raven banner episode ; Thorfinn's battles with Karl Hundi's
son and earl Moddan, and king Karl's repeated defeats ; Thorfinn's advance
to Fife ; Thorfinn's generosity to his men. Also the affairs of Ronald,
Brusi's son, in Russia and in Norway ; his league with Thorfinn, and
peaceful acquisition of two-thirds of the islands ; their common plunderings ;
their campaign in England ; the quarrel between them over one-third of
the islands, and its dramatic result, whereby the islands became subject to
king Magnus ; the dramatic attack of Ronald upon Thorfinn, and Thorfinn's
equally dramatic reprisal ; Thorfinn's triumphal progress through Norway,
Denmark, and Saxony, and his absolution at Rome : — all these stories are
brilliantly told, and highly interesting ; but they cannot be accepted as
history.
Paisley. Registrum monasterii de Passelet, ed. C. Innes. M.Cl. 17
(Edinburgh, 1832).
Palgrave, Sir Francis : Documents and Records Illustrating the
History of Scotland, vol. i. Record Commission (8vo, 1837).
Paris, Matthew ; Chronica Majora (to 1259), ed. H. R. Luard. R.S. 57
(1872-1883). Part ir. J. A. Giles (London, 1852-1854).
Paris, Matthew: Historia Anglorum, or Historia Minor (to 1253), ed.
F. Madden. R.S. 44 (1866-1869).
For his own time (1236-1259), Paris's works are of very great value.
Patent Rolls, i (1201-1216), ii (1224-1227), ed. T. D. Hardy (Record
Commission, folio, 1835, 1844). The following octavo volumes (pubhshed
by H.M. Stationery Office) are distinguished by their years of publication :—
1901 (1216-1225), 1903 (1225-1232); and the Calendar of the Patent Rolls
(abstracts of their contents) :— 1906 (1232-1247), 1908 (1247-1258), 1910
(1258-1266), 1913 (1266-1272), 19C1 (1272-1281), 1893 (1281-1292), 1895
(1292-1301).
Pictish Chronicle. See Chronicles of the Kings.
Pingr6 : Cometographie, ou Traite Historique et Theorique des Cometes
(Paris ; vol. i, 17S3).
Pinkerton, John : Enquiry into the History of Scotland preceding the
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixxxiii
Reign of Malcolm III (London, 1789). "A new edition, with corrections
and additions," Edinburgh, 1814. The 1814 edition is the one referred to
here.
Pinkerton, John : Vitae Antiquae Sanctorum qui habitaverunt in ea
parte Britanniae nunc vocata Scotia, vel in ejus insulis (London, 1789).
Re-edited by W. M. Metcalfe (Paisley, 1889).
Plummer, C. See Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and Bede.
Plummer, O. : Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae (Oxford, 1910). Latin Lives
of Irish saints, well edited.
Pontifical of St Andrews. Pontificale Ecclesiae S. Andreae : The
Pontifical Offices used by David de Bernham, ed. C. Wordsworth (Edin-
burgh, 1885), from Bibliothfeque Nationale of Paris MS. fonds Latin no.
12 18. See years 1240- 1249, below.
Potthast, August : Bibliotheca Historica Medii Mvi (2nd ed., Berlin,
1896). A very valuable historical bibliography.
Pottbast, August: Regesta Pontificum Romanorum (i 198-1304; Berlin,
1874-1875). See Jafife.
Procoplus Caesarlensls (f ca. 562) : Historia sui temporis (De Bello
Persico, De Bello Vandalico, De Bello Gothico), ed. B. G. Niebuhr, Corpus
Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae [no. 10 in British Museum] (Bonn, 1833-
1838). Procopius was not well informed regarding British affairs.
Prose and Verse Chronicles. See Chronicle of Melrose, and Verse
Chronicle.
Ragnar Lodbrok's Saga, ed. Magnus Olsen. Samfund, xxxvi, 2, lll-
175 (Copenhagen, 1907).
This is an unhistorical tale of Ragnar and his sons, and their warfare
with king ^lle in England. The Tale of Ragnar's sons, a shorter account,
is in Hauksbok, ii, 458-467.
Raine, James (the elder) : History and Antiquities of North Durham
(London, 1852). With a valuable appendix of documents.
Raine, James (the younger) : Historians of the Church of York. R.S.
71 (1879-1894). The Priory of Hexham. S.S. (1864-1865).
Ralph de Diceto. See Diceto.
Ralph Niger (" the Black"): Chronicon a Christo nato (to 11 70; with
continuation, 1162-1178; and additions made by a monk of Coggeshall).
Chronicon ab initio mundi (to 1199). Ed. R. Anstruther. Caxton Society,
13 (London, 1851). Extracts, and the continuation, ed. R. Pauli, in M.G.H.,
Scriptores, xxvii, 331-344.
The continuation seems not to have been written by Ralph Niger, and
was presumably written after 1194. Ralph Niger describes affairs of the
empire and of Rome, and is not trustworthy for British history.
Ramsay, Sir J. H. : the Angevin Empire (London, 1903).
Ramsay, Sir J. H. : The Foundations of England (55 B.C.-11S4 A.D.)
(London, 1898).
Ramsey, Chartularies of. Cartularium monasterii de Rameseia, ed.
W. H. Hart and P. A. Lyons. R.S. 79 (1884-1893). Chronicon abbatiae
Rameseiensis, ed. W. D. Macray. R.S. 83 (1886). Of the latter, pp. 7-180
were previously edited in Gale's Scriptores, iii, 385-462.
Ixxxiv BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Rawlinson B 502, ed. in facsimile by Kuno Meyer (Oxford, 1909). A
collection of Irish writings, compiled in the nth and 12th centuries ; with
an index to the genealogies.
Records, Public. The following published records may be enumer-
ated : —
Pipe Rolls (etc.), for 1130-1131, 1155-1158 (ed. J. Hunter, Record Com-
mission, 8vo ; 1833 and 1844) ; 1158-1185 (Pipe Rolls Society ; 1884-1913) ;
1189-1190 (ed. J. Hunter; 1844); 1201-1203 (Antigraphum. Record
Commission, 8vo ; 1833). Abstracts of 1154-1155 are in the Red Book (q.v.).
Fine Rolls, 1182-1199 (Pipe Rolls Society, 17, 20, 23, 24) ; 1195-1214 (ed.
J. Hunter, Record Commission, 8vo ; 1835) ; king John's reign (ed. T. D.
Hardy, Record Commission, 8vo ; 1835).
Curial Rolls, 1194-1195 (ed. F. W. Maitland, Pipe Rolls Society,
14 ; 1891); 1194-1195, 1 198-1200 (ed. F. Palgrave, Record Commission, 8vo ;
1835)-
Liberate Rolls (etc.), for king John's reign (ed. T. D. Hardy, Record
Commission, 8vo ; 1835).
Charter Rolls, 1199-1216 (ed. T. D. Hardy ; Record Commission, 1837) ;
Calendar, 1226-1300 (i, ii ; 1903, 1906).
Patent Rolls, 1201-1232 ; Calendar, 1232 onwards (see under Patent
Rolls).
Close Rolls, 1 204- 1 224, 1 227- 1 247 ; Calendar, from 1272 onwards (see
under Close Rolls).
Calendar of Inquisitions post Mortem, for the reigns of Henry III and
Edward I (i-iv ; 1904-1913). See under Inquisitions. Calendar of Inquisi-
tions (Miscellaneous), 1219-1307 (i ; 1916).
Calendar of Chancery Rolls, 1277-1326 (1912).
Red Book of the Exchequer, ed. H. Hall, R.S. 99 (1896). Originally
compiled by Alexander de Swereford, ca. 1230 (see above : Black Book).
The 1 166 returns are copied from the Black Book.
Red Book of Hergest. See Brut y Saesson, Brut y Tywyssogion, Welsh
Triads.
Reeves, A. M. : The Finding of Wineland the Good (London, 1890).
See under Eric the Red's Saga.
Reeves, William : see Adamnan.
Reeves, William; Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Down, Connor, and
Dromore (Dublin, 1847). The Culdees of the British Islands (Dublin,
1864 ; also Tr. R.I. A., xxiv. Antiquities (1873), 119-264).
Richerus: Historiae (884-995); Annales (995-998); ed. Pertz, M.G.H ,
Scriptores, iii, 568-657 (Hannover, 1839) : in Scriptores Rerum Germani-
carum (1840, 1877) ; in P.L. 138, 17-17° (1853). Tr. by W. Wattenbach
(Leipzig, 1892) ; E. Babelon, Les derniers Carolingiens (Paris, 1878). See
Potthast, Bibliotheca, ii, 971.
Richer, a monk of Rheims, is an original and important source, the sole
authority for the close of the Carolingian period. His work was used by
Ekkehard.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Ixxxv
Rishanger, William (tafter 1312; perhaps 1327X): Chronica (1259-
1306), ed. H. T. Riley. R.S. 28 (1865).
To 1272, completed after 1290 ; the remainder, after 1327. Trivet is
among the sources used.
Robert of Torlgni (Robert de Monte; f 1 186) : Chronica (to 1 186), ed.
R. Hewlett. R.S. 82, iv (1889). Also ed. Leopold Delisle, Societe de
I'Histoire de Normandie (Rouen, 1872-1873) ; L. C. Bethmann, M.G.H.,
Scriptores, vi, 476-535 (Hannover, 1844); P.L. 160, 411-546 (Paris, 1854).
Tr. J. Stevenson, Church Historians, iv, 2.
This is a continuation of Sigebert of Gemblours.
To Robert is ascribed book VHI of William of Jumieges (q.v.).
Rodulfus Glaber (t ? 1047) : Francorum Historiae Libri Quinque (ca.
923-1044), ed. Maurice Prou : Raoul Glaber ; Les cinque livres de ses
Histoires (Paris, 1886). Also ed. B.R., x, 1-63 (viii, 238-240) ; in P.L. 142,
611-698; in Duchesne, H.F.S., iv, 1-58. Selections ed. Lappenberg in
M.G.H., Scriptores, vii, 51-72.
This History is confused in order, and mixed with fable ; but is never-
theless valuable for its period. Even in the end of the work (which appears
to have been written before Christmas of 1046), the year-numbers are
inaccurate: — its years 1041, 1045, 1046, stand for 1039, 1043, 1044, A.D.
Rolls Series. Rerum Brittanicarum medii ^vi Scriptores : Chronicles
and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland during the Middle Ages
(London, 1858-1911). Lists of the series are appended to the volumes;
and are in Potthast's Bibliotheca, Gross's Sources, Reading-room Catalogue
of the British Museum (Authors).
Since I sometimes refer to the books by their serial numbers, I give an
abbreviated list here : —
3 Lives of Edward Confessor.
6 Hector Boece.
16 Bartholomew Cotton.
17 Brut y Tywyssogion.
20 Annales Cambriae.
21 Giraldus Cambrensis.
23 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
28 Registers of St Albans,
William Rishanger,
John ( f Trokelowe,
Thomas Walsingham.
36 Annales Monastici ; —
i Margan, Tewkesbury, Burton,
ii Winchester, Waverley.
iii Dunstable, Bermondsey.
iv Osney, Worcester, Wykes.
38 Itinerarium regis Ricardi.
41 Higden's Polychronicon.
44 Matthew Paris : Historia.
45 Book of Hyde.
46 Chronicon Scotorum.
47 Pierre Langtoft.
48 Wars of the Irish.
49 Benedict of Peterborough.
5 1 Roger of Hoveden.
52 William of Malmesbury ;
Gesta Pontificum.
54 Annals of Loch Ce.
57 Matthew Paris : Chronica.
58 Walter of Coventry.
61 Raine's Northern Registers.
66 Ralph of Coggeshall.
68 Ralph of Diceto.
71 Raine's York : —
Eddi ; Thomas Stubbs.
73 Gervase of Canterbury.
74 Henry of Huntingdon.
75 Simeon of Durham,
John of Hexham.
Ixxxvi
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
76
79
81
Chronicles of Edward I and II:
i Annales Londonienses,
Annales Paulini.
Chartulary of Ramsey.
Eadmer.
Chronicles of Stephen : —
ii William of Newburgh.
ii Annals of Stanley,
Draco Normannicus,
Etienne de Rouen.
iii Gesta Stephani,
Richard of Hexham,
Ailred's De Standardo,
Jordan Fantosme,
Richard of Devizes.
iv Robert of Torigni.
84
88
90
91
93
95
96
99
Chronicle of Ramsey.
Roger of Wendover.
Letters of Canterbury.
Icelandic Sagas : —
iii Orkneyinga Saga,
Magnus Eriend's son,
, iv Hakon Hakon's son.
Tripartite Life of Patrick ;
Patrick ; Muirchu ; Tirechan.
William of Malmesbury :
Gesta Regum,
Historia Novorum.
Geoffrey Gaimar.
Adam of Murimuth.
Flores Historiarum.
Annals of St Edmund's.
Red Book of the Exchequer.
Romsey. H. G. D. Liveing : Records of Romsey Abbey (Winchester,
1906).
RotuU de Dominabus, et Pueris et Puellis, de donatione Regis, in XII
Comitatibus, ed. S. Grimaldi (London, 1830). Abstracts of the Inquisitions
made in 1185.
Bound, J. H. : Ancient Charters, prior to 1200 (Pipe Rolls Society, 1888).
Calendar of Documents preserved in France, illustrative of the History of
Great Britain and Ireland (vol. i, 918-1206 A.D.) (Record Commission ;
London, 1899). Commune of London (Westminster, 1899). Feudal
England: Historical Studies in the Xlth and Xllth Centuries (London,
1895; re-issued, 1909). Geoffrey de Mandeville : A Study of the Anarchy
(London, 1892). All very valuable.
Buodolf of Pulda : Annales (838-863). See Annals of Fulda.
St Andrews. Liber Cartarum prioratus S. Andree in Scotia, ed. T.
Thomson. B.Cl. 69 (Edinburgh, 1841). From a Panmure MS. The
folios containing notices of gifts to the celide of Lochleven are written
in a hand of the latter part of the 13th century; and purport to be an
abbreviated translation from an old volume, written in the ancient idiom
of the Scots (p. 113. See facsimile, 112x113).
St Andrews, 17th century abstract of the Register of. Harleian MS.
4,628, part 4, contains an early 18th-century copy of a 17th-century abstract
of the lost original Register. From this MS., Pinkerton edited "The
Contents of, and Extracts from, the Register of the Priory of St Andrew's"
(Enquiry, 2nd ed., i, 450-470). Cf. under Chronicles of the Kings, version F.
St Neots, Register of the priory of. Cottonian MS. Faustina A IV.
St Olaf s Saga (Saga Olafs bins Helga).
The shorter St Olafs Saga (written 1160X iiSo) was edited by R. Keyser
and C. R. Unger (Christiania, 1849).
Snorri's (the longer) St Olafs Saga, ed. in F.S., iv and v (1829-1830) ;
and by P. A. Munch and C. R. Unger (Christiania, 1853). This is a version,
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixxxvii
separately published, of St Olaf's Saga in Heimskringla (not in Frisbok).
It is probably earlier than the completed Heimskringla.
St Olaf s Saga in the Platey-book, ed. Fl., ii, 3-394.
Samfund til Udgivelse af Gammel Nordisk Litteratur (Copenhagen). A
series of critical texts is published by this Society.
Savile, Henry : Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam praecipui
(2nd ed. ; Frankfurt, 1601).
Saxo G-rammaticus (t 1204) : Gesta Danorum, or Historia Danica
(to 1 185), ed. Alfred Holder (Strassburg, i886). Part ed. in M.G.H.,
Scriptores, xxix, 43-161 (1892). The first nine books tr. Oliver Elton ; with
notes on Saxo's sources, and valuable commentary, by F. Y. Powell
(London, 1894). For other editions and translations see Potthast's
Bibliotheca, ii, 999-1000.
Scone. Liber ecclesie de Scon. B.Cl. 78 ; JM.Cl. 62 (Edinburgh, 1843).
Scots Peerage, ed. Sir James Balfour Paul (and others). Edinburgh,
1904-1914.
Scottish Chronicle. See Chronicles of the Kings.
Searle, i : Onomasticon Anglo-Saxonicum (Cambridge, 1897).
Searle, ii : Anglo-Saxon Bishops, Kings, and Nobles (Cambridge, 1899).
Senchus Albanach. A genealogical tract, edited by Skene in P. & S.,
308-317, from three MSS. : — Trinity College Dublin, H. 2. 7; the Book of
Ballymote ; and the Book of Lecan (in R.I.A., Dublin). This is a traditional
account of the origins of the families of Dalriata, and contains numbers of
their houses, with a view to military service. See below, pp. cl-cliii.
Sifridus de Balnhusln (a priest of Grossballhausen in Thiiringen) :
Historia Universalis (to 1304). Increased, and continued to 1306 (with
addition for 1307), under the title : Compendium Historiarum. Incom-
pletely edited (more completely from 1140) by Holder-Egger, M.G.H.,
Scriptores, xxv, 684-718. See Potthast's Bibliotheca, ii, 1015-1016.
Sigebert of G-emblours (Sigebertus Gemblacensis ; tiil2): Chrono-
graphia (381-1111), ed. L. C. Bethmann, M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 300-535.
Reprinted in P.L. 160. Parts ed. also in B.R., iii, v-viii, x, xi, xiii. There
are many additions and continuations. The Auctarium Affligemense
(1005-1163) is partly ed. in M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 399-405 (1844); the
Auctarium Aquicinense (651-1168), ibid., 393-398. See Potthast, ii,
1016-1017.
Sigebert is one of the great medieval historians of Europe. He is not
always accurate.
Sigebert says (s.a. 735) : " Henceforward I desist from noting [affairs of]
the kingdom of the English, because I have not histories written by our
ancestors [historias majormii\ to follow" (M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 331).
Simeon of Durham: Historia Dunelmensis ecclesiae (to 1096, with
continuations to 11 54), ed. T. Arnold, R.S. 75, i (1882) ; also in Twysden.
Translated by J. Stevenson, Church Historians, iii, 2 (1855).
This work was written 1 104 x 1 108.
Simeon of Durham: Historia Regum (to 1129), ed. T. Arnold, R.S. 75,
ii (1885) ; also in Twysden. Part ed. J. H. Hinde, Surtees Society, i
(Durham, 1868) ; and in M.H.B. Tr. Stevenson, u.s.
Ixxxviii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
The Historia Regum is based upon Florence of Worcester's chronicle.
It contains also versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and of a
Northumbrian chronicle ; both of value. See R.S. 51, iv, pp. xxviii-xxxi ;
735-802.
Sk^lholtsbdk : Det Arnamagnseanske Haandskrift 81 a Folio (Skil-
holtsbok yngsta), ed. A. Kja5r (Det Norske Historiske Kildeskrift-
commission ; Christiania, 1910). See under Hakon Hakon's son's Saga;
Hakon (Sverri's son), Guthorm, and Ingi's Saga; Sverri's Saga.
Skene, W. P. See Fordun, and Collectanea.
Skene, W. P.: Celtic Scotland (Edinburgh, 1876-1880 ; 2nd ed., 1886-
1890). The sources used are quoted in the notes.
It has become the custom to condemn Skene for uncritical work. It is
true that his theories must not be accepted without examination of their
bases ; and that later writers have frequently been misled by his errors.
But it is also true that some of Skene's theories will stand examination,
and that in spite of errors he did much useful pioneer work in Scottish
history. All those that condemn him use his books. He had to rely upon
untrustworthy editions of the Irish annals ; and in his own editions he
suffered from lack of the most necessary aids to Celtic study.
Skene, W. P. : Chronicles of the Picts, Chronicles of the Scots, and
other Early Memorials of Scottish History (Register House, Edinburgh ;
1867). Principally valuable for its collection of Chronicles of the
Kings (q.v.).
The literal accuracy of Skene's transcriptions is not certain ; and this
must be remembered in using such comparisons of proper names as those
I give under the Chronicles on pp. cxx-cxl. I have not verified these
forms in the manuscripts.
Snorrl Sturla's sou (Sturlusonr ; 11 78-1 241): Heimskringla, ed. Finnur
Jonsson ; Samfund (Copenhagen, 1893-1901). The edition by C. R. Unger,
Det Norske Oldskriftselskab, Samlinger, nos. 4, 7, 9, 10 (Christiania, 1868),
was reprinted by Schultz (Uppsala, 1869-1872), in better type, without the
preface and indices. S. Laing's English translation (London, 1844) was
revised by R. B. Anderson (London, 1889) ; and the Olaf Sagas have been
re-edited by J. Beveridge in Everyman's Library (1915). A more correct
translation is that of William Morris and E. Magnusson, in vols, iii-vi of the
Saga Library (London, 1893-1905), with valuable Indices, an Introduction,
and Genealogies. The best translation is Gustav Storm's : Snorre
Sturlason : Kongesagaer (Christiania, 1899; with also a cheap edition, in
the same year ; reissued as vols, i and ii of the collected edition, Norges
Kongesagaer, in 1914). An English version of Storm's translation of Olaf
Tryggvi's son and Harold Hardradi was made by E. M. Hearn (London,
191 1 ). Storm's translation follows the capitulation of Jonsson's text ; and
has useful maps, and a good account of Snorri in the introduction.
The Heimskringla is a collection of sagas of the Norwegian kings. It
was carried down from mythical times to the reign of Magnus Erling's son ;
that is, down to the beginning of Sverri's Saga. In its completed form,'
Heimskringla is later in date than Sverri's Saga. It is based upon earlier
histories ;— Ari's Konungabok, which it follows, more or less closely, down
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ixxxix
probably to the time of Magnus Bareleg and Sigurd Crusader : but Ynglinga
Saga in Heimskringla has other sources, and St OlaPs Saga has Odd
Snorri's son's work behind it ; while Eric Odd's son's work was a source
for Harold Gilli, and his sons.
See under Eirspennill, Fagrskinna, Frisbok, Kringla, Orkneyinga Saga,
St Olafs Saga.
The Heimskringla was begun after 1220, and finished after 1237. The
sagas were probably published separately, from time to time, as they were
written. Cf. St Olafs Saga.
As a collection of traditions, the Heimskringla is perhaps unrivalled
in European literature. The materials used had probably high authority.
Notwithstanding the presence in it of much that is obviously fabulous, the
Heimskringla is a very valuable historical work ; not only for Norway (the
basis of whose history it is), but also for neighbouring countries, including
England and Scotland. It is one of the most remarkable productions
of Icelandic literature.
Soutra. Registrum domus de Soltre . . ., ed. D. Laing. B.Cl. 109
(Edinburgh, 1861).
Spotiswood (Spottiswoode). See Keith.
Statistical Account of Scotland, New (Edinburgh and London, 1845).
Steenstrup, J. C. H. R. : Normannerne (Copenhagen, 1876-1882).
Stevenson, Joseph : Church Historians of England ; Pre-Reformation
Series (London, 1853-1858).
This is a collection of translations, including :— (i, 2) Bede ; (ii, 1)
A.S.C., F.W. ; (ii, 2) ^thelweard, Asser, Book of Hyde, John of Wallingford,
Gaimar; (iii, 1) W.M. ; (iii, 2) S.D. ; (iv, 1) J.H., R.H., C.H., CM.,
Fantosme ; (iv, 2) W.N., R.T. ; (v, 1) R.T., G.C., Chronicle of Man, Gesta
Stephani ; etc.
Stevenson, Joseph : Documents Illustrative of the History of Scotland,
1 2 86- 1 306 (Treasury Commission; Edinburgh, 1870).
Stevenson, Joseph: Illustrations of Scottish History, from the 12th
to the 1 6th century. M.Cl. 28 (Glasgow, 1834).
Stokes, Whitley. See Annals in the Book of Leinster ; Gorman ;
Muirchu ; Oengus ; Tigernach ; Tripartite Life.
Stokes, VHiitley : Goidelica. See Liber Hymnorum.
Stokes, Whitley : Lismore Lives. See Book of Lismore.
Stokes, WTiitley : Three Homilies. See Lebar Brecc.
Storm, G. : Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Det norske historiske
Kildeskriftfond, 21 (Christiania, 1888). The best collection of Icelandic
annals (q.v.).
Storm, G. : Monumenta historica Norvegiae. Kildeskriftfond, 14
(Christiania, 1 880). Latin writings of the history of medieval Norway. See
Historia Norwegiae ; Theoderic.
Storm, G., and A. Bugge : Norges Kongesagaer (1914)- Vols. 1 and n,
Heimskringla (previously published separately) ; vol. iii, Sverri's Saga ;
vol. iv, Hakon, Guthorm, and Ingi's Saga ; Hakon Hakon's son's Saga ;
and Magnus Hakon's son's Saga. This is the best translation of the most
notable historical sagas.
xc BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Stubbs, Thomas: Chronica Pontificum Ecclesiae Eboracensis (1147-
1373), ed. J. Raine, York, R.S. 71, ii ; also in Twysden.
Sturlunga Saga, ed. K. Kalund. Oldskriftselskab (1906-1911).
Sturlunga Saga, eSr Islendi'nga Saga hin mikia, ed. B. Thorsteinsson ;
Islenzk Bokmentafelag (Copenhagen, 1817-1818). The edition by G.
Vigfusson (Oxford, 1878) contains Prolegomena, which give a survey of
Icelandic saga literature. Sturlunga Saga has been translated into Danish
by K. Kalund and O. Hansen (Oldskriftselskab, 1903-1904). Maps of
Iceland are given at the end of Vigfusson's ed. and KAlund's tr.
Sugerius (abbot of Saint-Denis, Ii22-tii5r): Life of king Louis VII.
Ed. A. Molinier (Paris, 1887).
Surveys. The following are early surveys : —
X 1075 : Northamptonshire Geld-roll. Round's Feudal England
(1895), 147-156-
X 1086 : Inquisitio Comitatus Cantabrigiensis, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton
(London, 1876).
1086 : Doomsday Book (q.v.).
1108x1118: Worcestershire Surveys, ed. Hearne's Heming (1723), i,
313-316; tr. J. H. Round, V.C.H. Worcestershire, i, 324-326 (cf. ibid.,
327-331 ; Round's Feudal England, 170-175).
iii5x?iii8: Lindsey Survey, ed. Hearne's Liber Niger, ii, 399-423
(see Black Book); tr. R. E. C. Waters (1883); ed. in facsimile by J.
Greenstreet (London, 1884).
1124x1129: Leicestershire Survey, ed. Round, Feudal England,
197-203 ; tr. Stenton, V.C.H. Leicestershire, i, 344-354.
Originally XI135: Northamptonshire Survey, in Cottonian MS.
Vespasian E XXII ; tr. J. H. Round, V.C.H. Northamptonshire, i,
365-389 (cf. Feudal England, 215-219).
1 166: List of Knights' Fees; ed. in Hearne's Liber Niger, i, 49-340;
Red Book of the Exchequer, i, 186-445.
13th century: Testa de Nevill, sive Liber Feodorum, tempore Henrici
III et Edwardi I. Record Commission (1807).
Sven Aggl's son, ed. S. J. Stephanius : Svenonis, Aggonis filii, .
Opuscula (Sora, 1642).
Sverri's Saga (i 175-1202).
There are four published versions of Sverri's Saga : that in the
Eirspennill, edited by C. R. Unger (Konunga Sogur, pp. 1-202. Det Norske
Oldskriftselskabs Samlinger, nos. 13 and 15; Christiania, 1870- 187 1); that
in the Flatey-book, edited by Vigfusson (Flateyiarbok, vol ii, pp. 533-701) ;
that in MS. A.M. 327, 4°, edited in the Fornmanna Sogur (vol. viii, pp.
5-448) ; and that in the Skalholtsbok, edited by A. Kjffir (Det Arnamag-
nasanske Haandskrift 81 a, Fol. ; Skalholtsbok Yngsta, pp. 1-254. Det
Norske Historiske Kildeskriftfond. Christiania, 1910).
The saga was translated from the F.S. text into Danish, in Oldnordiske
Sagaer, viii ; into Latin, in Scripta Historica Islandorum, viii. There is
an excellent English translation, composite, but with the same text as
basis, made by J. Sephton (Sverrissaga : The Saga of king Sverri of Norway.
London, 1899). There is an excellent and cheap translation into Norwegian
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xci
(Landsmaal) by Halvdan Koht (Sverresoga. Det norske Samlaget ;
Gamalnorske Bokverk, 12-13. Christiania, 1913). Koht's translation is
made from Eirspennill and A.M. 327. The standard translation is Storm's,
in Norges Kongesagaer, iii (1914).
I have given the preference to Eirspennill's text, which, with errors of
omission, probably represents an earlier version than that represented by
the other manuscripts.
Sverri's Saga is based upon information given by Sverri himself to Karl,
Jon's son, abbot of Thingeyri in Iceland, and upon accounts given by
contemporaries of Sverri (see the Prologus ; F.S., viii, 5-b). Fl.'s version
declares itself to be copied by priest Magnus ThorhalPs son, from the copy
made by priest Styrmi the Wise (F.S., viii, i ; FL, ii, 533).
Sverri's Saga was composed earlier than Snorri's recension (the
Heimskringla) of the earlier kings' sagas. The Heimskringla was brought
down to the beginning of Sverri's Saga.
Symeon. See Simeon.
Tale of Cauo, in Y.B.L , 128-132. See below, vol. i, p 122.
Tale of Kagnar's Sons. See under Ragnar Lodbrok's Saga.
Tale of the Greeulanders. See Eric the Red's Saga.
Tallaght, Martyrology of Fragments of the larger version are in the
Book of Leinster ; 25th December to 29th January, on pp. 355-356 ; nth
March to 20th May, on pp. 357-360; ist to 20th August, on pp. 361-362 ;
22nd September to 30th October onpp. 363-364 ; and 17th to 24th December
on p. 365.
An abridged version, less incomplete (but jumping from 31st October
to 17th December), was published by M. Kelly from manuscript 5104 in
the Burgundian Librar)', Brussels, (from a transcript made by Tinbroeck,
and revised by E. O'Curry) in a small volume entitled : Calendar of Irish
Saints : the Martyrology of Tallagh (Dublin, 1857). The martyrology of
Tallaght occupies pp. xi-xlii.
The Brussels version is an abridgement of the version in the Book of
Leinster. Under April 17th, the Brussels version speaks of Donnan's
fellow-martyrs, " whose names we have written in the larger book " ; under
October 21st, of Fintan or Munna's fellow-martyrs, " Lasrian and Comain,
etc. ; the others' names we have written in the large [book]." Their names
appear in the Book of Leinster, 359, 364.
Tallaght Discourse, ed. and tr. E. J. Gwynn and W. J. Purton : The
Monastery of Tallaght (P.R.I. A., xxix (191 1), Archaeology, 127-164). An
account of the practice of the celide of Tallaght, written probably 830 x 841.
Taxter, John of: Chronica Abbreviata (to 1265), ed. (i 152-1265) by
B. Thorpe, E.H.S. ed. of Florence of Worcester, ii, 136-196 (1849) ; P'""''
ed. (1258-1263) by H. R. Luard, R.S. 16 (Bartholomew Cotton), 137-140
(1859). Taxter borrows from Paris, and becomes original after the period
of Paris's Chronicle.
Terry, C. S. : A Catalogue of the Publications of Scottish Historical and
Kindred Clubs and Societies, and of the volumes relative to Scottish
History issued by His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1780-1908 (Glasgow
1909). A very useful guide.
xcii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Theiner, Augustinus : Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum
(1216-1547) (Rome, 1864). A collection of papal letters.
Theoderic (Theodricus, Thiodrik) : Historia de Antiquitate Regum
Norwagiensium, ed. G. Storm, Monumenta, 1-68 (1880). Also ed. P. F.
Suhm, in Langebek's Scriptores, v, 311-341 (1783)-
Theoderic was a monk at Nidarholmr. He wrote before 1188 (probably
1177x1180; see G. Storm's introduction, p. viii). His sources were
Icelandic poems and unwritten sagas. Theoderic's History is earlier than
the Agrip and the Historia Norwegiae, and is the oldest Norwegian
historical work. These three 12th-century works prove the existence of the
sagas before they were written down, but the 13th-century sagas are more
directly representative of the old traditions, and the 14th-century annals
are more in ag'reement with the sagas' dates. Some of the materials
included in the annals were also used by the saga-writers. Nevertheless
for the first three reigns we must prefer the chronological details of the
12th-century writers.
The dates of the reigns of early Norwegian kings are important for
British history. I give on the next page a table of their reign-lengths and
accessions, according to the different accounts; placing under the kings'
names the deducible years of their reigns.
The three first reigns have 97 years in Theoderic and the Agrip ; 99
years in version K of the Annals ; loi years in Historia Norwegiae and
the sagas.
The points of divergence are : —
(i) Most of the sagas, with Snorri, say that Harold reigned for 70 years,
and lived for 3 years afterwards ; some, with the Historia Norwegiae, (not
really differing) say that he reigned for 73 years, including 3 years of Eric's
reign. But Ari, Theoderic, and the Agrip, say that Harold died 70 years
after his accession : and their account must be preferred.
(2) Theoderic and the Agrip say that Eric reigned for 3 years after
Harold's death. Their account must be accepted. The sagas, after adding
Eric's 3 years' reign to Harold's 70, say that Eric reigned for 2 years after
Harold's death ; and practically the same account is in the Historia
Norwegiae.
(3) King Hakon's reign (after Eric's flight) is 24 years in Theoderic and
the Agrip, 26 years in the Historia Norwegiae and the sagas. Adam of
Bremen makes it 35 years. If 35 is a mistake for 25 (including Hakon's
first winter in Norway), the latter number would support Theoderic.
Fagrskinna and Heimskringla (below, 950x955) imply that Eric's death
was in Hakon's i6th year (it probably occurred in 954) ; Hakon's accession
would then have been in 939. But the sagas err in dating British events.
Here again the preference must be given to Theoderic and the Agrip.
(4) The Historia Norwegiae, the Agrip, and the sagas, agree in giving
earl Hakon 20 years' reign ; but the annals give him 19. Theoderic (p. 11)
says that he reigned for 30 years (read 20?) ; and (p. 13) says that Hakon
heard in his 29th year (read 19th?) that Olaf was in England, and "after
great and long deliberation" sent Thori Klakka to him : no winter passed
between Thori's finding of Olaf and Olaf's journey to Norway. Hakon
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
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xciv BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
died in the beginning of his 20th winter. His reign began in summer, and
ended in the beginning of winter. The Trondhjem river Gaul was frozen
when he died (Heimskringla, Olaf, c. 53).
(5) The duration of the reign of Hakon's sons is 14 years in the 12th-
century histories ; 15 years, in Fl.'s Konungatal and the annals. We can
hardly reject Olaf's Saga's statement that the battle of Svoldr, where Olaf
Tryggvi's son fell, was fought on Monday, '9th September, A.D. 1000 ;
and it is established that St Olaf reigned 1015-1030; therefore the period
is in fact 15 years. The explanation of this divergence is given by Snorri,
who speaks thus of the second-last year of St. Olaf's reign (Heimskringla,
St Olaf, c. 179) : " St Olaf had then been king in Norway 15 winters, includ-
ing that winter when earl Svein and he were both in the land ; and this
winter, of which we have now for a time been speaking, and which had
then passed Yule when he left his ship and went up on land, as was
previously said. This part [_^r«'«y record?] of his reign was first written
by priest Ari the Wise, Thorgils' son, who was both truthful and of retentive
memory ; and so old a man that he remembered (and had received
histories from) men who were so old that by reason of their age they could
i-emember these affairs, as he himself has said in his books. And he has
given the names of the men from whom he has taken his knowledge. But
most people say [e?z hitt er althy^u s'dgii] that Olaf was 15 winters king over
Norway before he fell ; but those that say so reckon to the dominion of
earl Svein the winter when [Svein] was last in the land : because Olaf was
king for 15 winters after that, so long as he lived."
We are therefore justified in assuming that a year between the reigns
of Hakon's sons and of St Olaf has not been counted in either reign by the
12th-century writers.
Taking the above considerations into account, the deducible reign-
lengths would be:— 68; 5 ; 24 or 26 ; 15 ; 19 ; 5 ; 15 ; 15 : and the
accessions :— 864 or 862 ; 932 or 930 ; 937 or 935 ; 961 ; 976 ; 995 ; 1000 ;
1015 ; 1030.
The oldest version of the annals (K) has (following Landnamabok)
accepted the second year in the alternatives ; but the first is more in
accordance with Islendingabok, Theoderic, and the Agrip. The first year
must therefore be preferred.
Th6mas Saga Erkibyskups, ed. and tr. by Eirikr Magnusson, R.S. 85,
with a careful introduction in vol. ii.
The earliest MS. in which this saga is preserved was written in the
14th century. The saga is based upon the Lives of Thomas Becket by
Benedict of Peterborough, and by Robert of Cricklade.
Thorflnn Karlsefni's Saga. See Eric the Red's Saga.
Thorpe's Lappenberg. History of England under the Anglo-Saxon
Kings (2 vols. ; London, 1845). History of England under the Norman
Kings (Oxford, 1857). By J. M. Lappenberg, tr. and ed. by B. Thorpe.
Thorstein Side-Hall's son's Saga, and Thorstein's Dream, ed. J.
Jakobsen, in Austfirdinga Sogur, 215-236. Samfund, 29 (Copenhagen,
1903). These were ed. by G. Vigfusson in T. Mobius's Analecta Norrcena,
169-186 (Leipzig, 1859), from A. Jonsson's transcript of the solitary parch-
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xcv
ment MS., which was burnt in 1728. The saga is ed. also by K. Gislason,
Prover af oldnordisk Sprog (Copenhagen, i860) ; and by V. Asmundarson,
Islendinga Sogur, 33 (Reykjavik, 1902).
Thorstein's Saga belongs to the early cycle of historical sagas, and in
the events of 1013-1014 is parallel with Nial's Saga.
Thorvald "Wide-farer's Tale (Thorvalds Thdttr Vi'Sforlu), ed. B. Kahle
in Altnordische Sagabibliothek, xi, 59-79. The tale is also to be found in
Olafs Saga, cc. 130-138 (F.S., i, 255-276) ; and in Biskupa Sogur, i, 33-50.
Tigernach (t 1088) : Annals (? 489-766; 974-1003; 1017-1088 ; and
Continuation, 1088-1178), ed. W. Stokes, Revue Celtique, vols, xvii (1896),
and (the continuation) xviii (1897). The earlier edition of O'Conor
(to 1088) in his Scriptores, ii, 1 (1825), is very inaccurate. Skene edited
extracts in his Picts and Scots, 66-78, and (the continuation) 141, also
inaccurately.
At the end of year 1088 (R.C., xvii, 420), Tigernach's continuator has
written : " Down to this, Tigernach wrote. In [io]88 he rested." Cf. R.C.,
xviii, 303, Addenda. "Tigernach Ua-Broein, airchinnccli of Clonmacnoise,
rested in Christ " in 1088, according to the Annals of Ulster, ii, 44. How
much of the collection was compiled by Tigernach, is uncertain ; but it is
convenient to refer to the compilation by his name.
The surviving fragments of this work are preserved in a Bodleian MS.,
Rawlinson B 488 (cf. National MSS. of Ireland, ii, no. 90; "transcribed
ca. 1280" J. T. Gilbert). Stokes's edition is a transcript of the text, with
English translation of the Irish parts, and with added numbers of the
corresponding year-sections in other Irish annals, according to their
editors. Stokes gives no indication of the times of composition of
Tigernach's Annals, or of the sources from which they are derived.
Frequent details suggest that the time of composition of the continua-
tion was not remote from the events (cf. e.g. weather notes, under 1098,
1 107, nil, 1 130, 1 149, 1 156, 1165, 1 177). The annal for 1096 was
apparently composed in 1096; for 11 70, considerably after 11 70.
Deriving information from various sources, Tigernach sometimes enters
the same event at diiiferent places, two or more times. Foreign events
(taken principally from Bede's Chronicle, Isidore's Chronicle, and the
Liber Pontificalis) are often misplaced by several years. Tigernach
frequently quotes historical verses, which differ sometimes from his prose
authorities.
A critical edition, showing the sources used and explaining the system
of chronology, is greatly needed.
The Chronicon Scotorum is a copy, somewhat abridged and not very
correct, of a version of Tigernach's Annals. It has preserved some parts
that have been lost in the Bodleian version. The Annals of Ulster used a
copy of Tigernach, or his source ; and have sometimes preserved a better
reading than that of the Bodleian MS.
Down to the first quarter of the 7th century, the years are not ascertain-
able from the sequence, which is imperfect ; but are indicated by ferial
numbers for the ist of January. For some reason these ferial numbers do
not follow a true course.
xcvi BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
The years indicated by the ferial numbers are incorrect after the middle
of the 6th century ; nevertheless they are of value in showing the intervals
between events.
Every year entered by the compiler without a ferial number would have
pushed the ferial scale one place down. A leap-year deferred by one year
would have substituted for the correct scale the scale of 99 years earlier
(this may have happened at 540) ; the same displacement would have
occurred if the ferials had been written in backwards, and a leap-year had
been entered too soon (this may have happened at 521, and in the
Chronicon Scotorum at 442).
Such errors are perhaps the true origin of Tigernach's calendar. In
that case, the ferial numbers were added by a careless compiler, and are
evidence only of the number of year-sections in his compilation. This
theory is supported by the still greater confusion of the ferial numbers in
the Chronicon Scotorum before 413 ; confusion so great as could not have
resulted if any sort of calendar had been followed.
It is, however, possible that Tigernach should have used, or found in
use as a repository for notes, an incorrect calendar. Leap-years were
found from the year-numbers in the era of the Creation ; these numbers
were divided by 4, and the remainder showed whether the year was
bissextile, or not. But some systems gave one remainder, some another,
when leap-years occurred ; and among these divergences there was
opportunity for a theorist or a blunderer to place leap-years at the wrong
time.
Tigernach's numbers are very often incorrect, through copyists' con-
fusion of ii and u, iii and ui, iiii and uii. There are one or two instances
of transposition. Allowing for these textual errors, I have endeavoured to
tabulate his system on the next page.
Tiron. Cartulaire de I'abbaye de la Sainte-Trinite de Tiron, ed. L.
Merlet. Societe Archeologique d'Eure-et-Loire (Chartres, 1883-1884).
Todd, J. H. : Leabhar Breathnach. See Irish Nennius.
Todd, J. H. : Leabhar Imuinn. See Liber Hymnorum.
Todd, J. H. See Wars.
Trivet (or Trevet), Nicholas (t 1 328) ; Annales Sex Regum Angliae
(i 135-1307), ed. T. Hog. E.H.S. (London, 1845). Also in D'Achery's
Spicilegium, iii (1723).
Turgot (Thurgot) : Life of queen Margaret (t 1C93), ed. J. H. Hinde,
S.S. 51, 234-254 (cf pp. Ivii-lxi). Also ed. Papebroch, A.S., 10 June ii,
324-331; Pinkerton, Vitae, 329-355; Metcalfe, Lives, ii, 135-182; tr.
W. Forbes- Leith (Edinburgh, 1884, 1896).
Twysden, Roger: Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores Decern (London,
1652). Includes A.R., G.C., J.H., R.D., R.H., S.D., Thomas Stubbs.
Upphaf Rlkis Haraldar HArfagra, ed. Fornmanna Sogur, x, 177-197.
This belongs to the cycle of the historical sagas, and contains some details
that do not appear elsewhere.
Verse Chronicle (called Chronicon Elegiacum by Pinkerton and Skene ;
Chronicon Rythmicum, by Stevenson). There are two versions of this
chronicle: — (i) one (to 1214) inserted in the Chronicle of Melrose,
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Ferial Numbers of the \st of Jatiuary.
xcvii
o
28
56
I
29
57
2
30
58
3
31
59
4
32
60
S
33
61
6
34
62
7
35
63
8
36
64
9
37
65
10
38
66
II
39
67
12
40
68
13
41
69
14
42
70
15
43
71
i6
44
72
17
45
73
i8
46
74
19
47
75
20
48
76
21
49
77
22
50
78
23
51
79
24
52
80
25
53
81
26
54
82
27
55
83
28
56
84
Clironicon
Scotorum.
413
to
441
443
to
485
Tigernach.
487
to
499
2
3
4
5*
500
to
524
524
to
539
540
to
599
600
to
650
Correct Calendar.
400
to
499
500
to
599
600
to
* If the erroneous system had been in use, the years whose ferial
with a star would have had 1st January upon 31st December of the
numbers are marked
Dionysian Calendar.
xcviii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Cottonian MS. Faustina B IX, by a hand of the early part of the 14th
century (Stevenson) ; edited (to 1165) by Stevenson, in the Appendix to his
edition of the Chronicle of Melrose (1835). It was previously printed in
Gale's Scriptores, i, 595-598 ; and reprinted in Pinkerton's Enquiry, ii,
330-334- Cf. David Macpherson's notes, in Stevenson's CM., 237-238. It
was collated, to 1165, in P. & S., 177-182.
(2) Another version (to 1249) is preserved in a Bodleian Library MS.,
C. IV. 3, of the middle of the 14th century (Skene). This is edited by
Skene, in his Picts and Scots, 177-182 (1867). Cf. Pinkerton's Enquiry,
334-337 ; P- & S., pp. Ivi-lvii.
The Verse Chronicle (to 1093) is also quoted by Wyntoun ; and
(to 1249) by Bower. It is perhaps referred to by version L of the Chronicles
of the Kings, s.f. (P. & S., 297).
The Verse Chronicle is a chronicle of the kings of Scotland (from 843),
written in elegiac verse. It was inserted in CM. under the successions of
kings, and on fos. 15 and 16. The writer was certainly not the author of the
verses. He has prefixed to some of the insertions a few words of prose,
which are distinguished by the name of the Prose Chronicle inserted in the
Chronicle of Melrose. Neither the Prose nor the Verse Chronicle contains
any dates.
A mark of antiquity in the Verse Chronicle is the spelling of the name
lona. This name occurs twice, and is both times spelt loua, in the CM.
version.
At 1093, both versions were originally written 1098x1263; at 1165,
after 12 14. The whole of the CM. version was probably composed
1214X 1263. The Bodleian version v/as concluded 1249 x 1286.
The parts of the Bodleian version that do not appear in CM. are perhaps
written in a different style (P. & S., p. i8l, 11. 21-31 ; p. 182, 11. Il-end).
Victoria County Histories. Victoria History of the Counties of England
(London). A large series, as yet incomplete. A Guide (1912) contains
information for historical workers.
Vigfusson, Gr. : Prolegomena, see Sturlunga Saga.
Wace: Roman de Rou, ed. H. Andresen (Heilbronn, 1877-1879). Part
previously ed. F. Pluquet (Rouen, 1827). Pluquet's text, with verse
translation, ed. Sir Alexander Malet : Conquest of England (London, i860).
Translated also (ca. 1064-1087) by E. Taylor : — Master Wace; his
chronicle of the Norman Conquest, from the Roman de Rou (London,
1837). C£ Chronique de Normandie. See Round's Feudal England,
409-418.
An extract from an anonymous continuation of Wace's Brut d' Angleterre
was edited by F. Michel, C.A.N., i, 65-117.
■Walafrldus Strabo : Vita Sancti Blaithmaic Martyris, ed. Pinkerton,
Vitae, 459-463 ; Metcalfe, Lives, ii, 293-297.
WallDran, J. R. : Memorials of the abbey of St Mary of Fountains.
Surtees Society, 42 (1863, 1878).
Walsingham, Thomas (tea. 1422) : Historia Anglicana (1272-1422), ed.
H. T. Riley. R.S. 28 (London, 1863-1864). Previously ed. in Camden's
Anglica Scripta.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES xcix
Walter of Coventry: Memoriale (to 1225), ed. W. Stubbs. R.S. 58
(1872-1873). Part in B.R., xviii. The author is unknown.
Walter of Hemingburgh, see Hemingburgh.
Wars of the Irish with the Foreigners (812-1014), (Cogadh Gaedhel
re Gallaibh) ed. J. H. Todd, R.S. 48 (1867). Todd's text is composite,
based upon (i) a 14th-century manuscript, Trinity College of Dublin MS.
H.2. 17 ; (2) a copy made by Michael O'Clery in 1635, from a previous
copy made by him in 1628 ; and (3) the Book of Leinster. The Book of
Leinster fragment is given on pp. 221-235 j P^^^ °f 'he Brussels MS.
version, on pp. 250-262. See Douglas Hyde, Literary History of Ireland
(1899), 434-442 ; R.S. ed., Preface, and 225 ; O'Curry 3 MS. Materials of
Irish History (1873), 412.
The earliest version is the fragment in the Book of Leinster. This
version was composed 1014 x ca. 1166, probably in the 12th century, and
perhaps 1165X. See under Berchan. The later versions may represent
the version of which this fragment was a part. The value of the work is
reduced by its bias and unbalanced style as much as by the lateness of and
interpolations in the surviving texts.
Welsh Pedigrees, see under Annales Cambriae.
Welsh Romances. J. Loth : Les Mabinogion traduits en entier ; in
D'Arbois de JubainviUe's Cours de la Litterature Celtique, vols, iii and iv
(Paris, 1889) ; and in a revised edition (1913).
Welsh Triads. The historical triads were edited in My vyrian Archaiology,
ii (1801), 1-22. The triads from the Red Book of Hergest (a 14th-century
MS.) have been edited by J. Rhys in Y Cymmrodor, iii, 52-63 (Honourable
Society of Cymmrodorion, 1880) ; also ed. diplomatically in Rhys and
Evan's Mabinogion, 297-309 (Oxford, 1887). The version of these triads in
Hengwrt MS. 202 was edited by E. Phillimore in Y Cymmrodor, vii,
126-132 (1886).
Triads from a 14th-century MS., Hengwrt 536, were published in Skene's
Four Ancient Books of Wales, ii, 456-465. A few triads are in the Black
Book of Carmarthen (ed. J. G. Evans, Pwllheli, 1906 ; facsimile, Oxford,
1888).
J. Loth's translations of 153 triads may conveniently be consulted
(Mabinogion, 1889 ed., ii, 205-301 ; 1913 ed., ii, 227-325. The triads are
numbered alike in both editions). Cf. also 1889 ed., i, 22-25 5 1913 ed., i,
76 - 78, 223 - 226 ; T. Stephens, Literature of the Kymry, 429, 493-494
(London, 1876) ; Gross, Sources, no. 1489.
The triads, though ancient, are of little historical value.
Wetherhal, Register of the priory of; ed. J. E. Prescott. Cumberland
and Westmoreland Archaeological Society, no. 12 (London, 1897).
Wharton, Henry : Anglia Sacra, sive Collectio Historiarum . . . de
archiepiscopis et episcopis Anghae ... ad annum 1540 (London, 1691).
Wido. See De Belle Hastingensi.
William of Jumifeges (Guilelmus Gemmeticensis) : Historia Norman-
norum (or: De Gestis ducum Normannicorum) (851-1087, continued to
1137); ed. Duchesne, H.N.S., 215-317 (1619). Reprinted in P.L. 149,
777-910 (1853). Another edition is in Camden's Anglica Scripta, 604-691.
c BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Parts ed. B.R., viii, x, xi. Tr. in F. P. G. Guizot's Collection de Memoires,
29, 1-316: — Histoire des Normands (Paris, 1826).
William's account of the affairs of the Northmen in France has been
discredited.
Books I-IV are based upon Dudo. Book VIII (1087-1137) was written
by Robert of Torigni ; it is translated by Stevenson in Church Historians,
V, 1 (1858). See the valuable Materiaux pour I'edition de Guillaume de
Jumifeges, of J. Lair, ed. L. V. Delisle (Nogent-le-Rotrou, 1910).
William's History was revised and continued by Ordericus Vitalis, at
Evroul, ca. 1130; and by Robert of Torigni, at Bee, ca. 1140. R.T.'s
version contains V, 3-17 ; VI-VIII, of Duchesne's edition. See the preface
to the Societe de I'Histoire de Normandie's ed. of R.T.
■William of Malmesbury : Gesta Pontificum, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton.
R.S. 52 (1870). Also in P.L. 179 (1855) ; parts in Savile's Scriptores (1596),
Gale, iii, and Wharton's Anglia" Sacra, ii ; fragments in M.G.H., Scriptores,
X, xiii. Gesta Regum Anglorum (449-1127), and Historia Novella (1125-
1142), ed. W. Stubbs, R.S. 90 (1887-1889). Also ed. T. D. Hardy, E.H.S.
(London, 1840) ; P.L. 179 ; and in Savile's Scriptores. Selections in
M.G.H., U.S. ; B.R., x, xi, xiii. Tr. J. Sharpe (London, 1815) ; J. Stevenson,
Church Historians, iii, 1 (1854) ; J. A. Giles (London, 1848).
I refer to pages of the volumes of 1870, 1887, 1889, after the abbreviations
W.M. ; W.M., i ; W.M., ii, respectively.
William of Malmesbury is one of the soundest of medieval historians.
His work is original for the 12th century.
William of Newburgh : Historia Reruni Anglicarum (1066-1198), ed.
R. Hewlett. R.S. 82, i-ii (1884-1885). Also ed. H. C. Hamilton (E.H.S.,
1856); and T. Hearne (Oxford, 1719). Tr. J. Stevenson, in Church
Historians, iv, 2 (1856).
For the continuation (to 1298), see Annals of Furness.
William of Poitiers : Gesta Willelmi, ducis Normannorum et regis "
Angliae (1035-1067), ed. A. Duchesne, H.N.S., 178-213 (1619) ; and in
Maseres (1807), and in P.L. 149 (1853). Also ed. Giles, Scriptores; and
tr. Guizot, Collection de Memoires, 29, 325-439 (Paris, 1826).
William the Breton (the Armorican) ; De Gestis Philippi Augusti
(to i2ig; continued to 1222), ed. B.R., xvii. Also ed. H. F. Delaborde :
Oeuvres de Rigord et Guillaume le Breton, i (Paris, 1882). Selections in
M.G.H., Scriptores, xxvi. William borrows from Rigord, whose Gesta
Philippi Augusti runs to 1208.
Wimmer, L. P. A., ed. Lis Jacobsen : De Danske Runemindesmsrker
(Copenhagen and Christiania, 1914).
Worsaae, J. J. : Minder om de Danske og Nordmaendene i England,
Skottland og Irland (Copenhagen, 185 1) ; tr. into English : An account of
the Danes and Norwegians in England (London, 1852). Another useful
work by Worsaae is : Nordens Forhistorie, efter samtidige Mindesmarker
(Copenhagen, 1881) ; tr. Simpson, The Prehistory of the North (London,
Wyntoun, Andrevir of: The Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland (to 1408),
ed. D. Laing, Historians of Scotland, ii, iii, ix (1872-1879). A better edition
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ci
by F. J. Amours, Scottish Text Society, nos. 63, 50, 53, 54, 56, 57 (Edin-
burgh, 1 903-1914).
Wyntoun's work is outside the scope of the present collection, and 1
have seldom referred to it. Wyntoun was prior of St Serf.
Yellow Book of Leoan, the Trinity College of Dublin MS. H. 2. 16.
Edited in facsimile for the Royal Irish Academy : The Yellow Book of
Lecan ; a collection of pieces, prose and verse, in the Irish language, in
part compiled at the end of the fourteenth century. . . . With introduction,
analysis of contents, and index, by R. Atkinson (Dublin, 1896). Cf. the
facsimile page in National MSS. of Ireland, iii, no. 24.
CALENDAR NOTES
In the Roman calendar, the days are numbered backwards from the
Kalends, Nones, and Ides, of each month. These are the ist, 5th, and 13th
days of the month ; except in March, May, July, and October, in which
they are the 1st, 7th, and 15th. The day reckoned from is included in the
number. In leap-years, the i4th-24th of February are numbered as if
February had only 28 days.
The day was reckoned to begin in the evening : either at sunset, or at
6 p.m. Cf. under Irish Annals.
In chronicles that use the Dionysian system, the year is reckoned to
begin variously on ist January, 25th December, or 25th March.
The year-numbers given by Marianus Scottus are greater by 22 than
the year-numbers of the Dionysian era.
In the era of the Passion introduced by Victorius, i A.P. is equivalent
to 28 A.D. in the Dionysian system. In the system of Isidore, i A.P. is
36 A.D. according to Dionysius. The year of the crucifixion is reckoned
to be A.D. 29 of the Dionysian era, but the 33rd year of Jesus' life.
1st January, i B.C., in the Dionysian system, is ist January, 3 A.C., in
the "year of Christ" system (both systems beginning the year on 25th
December) ; ist Jan., Era 38, in the Era of Spain (used by Isidore ;
beginning on ist January) ; 1st Jan., 752 A.U.C. ("from the foundation of
Rome"; the year beginning on 21st April, although the consular year
began on ist January) ; 1st Jan., 2015 of Abraham (an era used by Jerome ;
the year beginning on ist October). The Dionysian year i B.C. is equiva-
lent to 3951 A.M. ("year of the world"), in the system of Bede ; 4204 A.M.,
in some Irish annals ; 5198 A.M., according to Jerome and Isidore ; 5201
A.M., according to Victorius and Prosper.
To find the Dionysian number of a year dated in olympiads, multiply the
number of the olympiad by 4 (adding the number of the year in the
olympiad) ; and deduct 780. The remainder is the A.D. number for the
1st of January (the Olympic year began in July).
The following formulae are useful when chronological tables are not
immediately at hand. In these formulae, A.D. stands for the number of
the year, according to the Dionysian system ; R, for the remainder (fractions
being neglected). When R = o, substitute for o the divisor.
civ CALENDAR NOTES
A.D. + 3
15
A.D. + 9
R = number of the year in the Roman indiction.
R = number in the solar cycle of 28 years.
T
W
e
F
S
2
3
4
5
6
7
I
F
E
D
C
B
A
I
2
3
4
5
6
28
(A.D.- [)x io-^8 . j^^fgj-i^i number (see the Bibliographical Notes,
7
under Irish Annals). This is the number in the week of the day upon
which ist Januai-y fell (in the Old-Style calendar) ; the Dominical Letter is
(in alphabetical enumeration) the number in the month of the first Sunday
in January.
To find on which day of the week any given day fell, find the ferial
number of the year ; and add up the days from ist January to the day in
question, including both days. The formula is : —
— '- ^ '—^ ; R = number of day in week. Only the excess
7
over multiples of 7 days need be counted in each monlh.
From the ferial number, the Dominical Letter of the year is found ;
also the concurrent. These are the equivalents : —
1st January on . . 2 M
Ferial number ..12
Dominical Letter . . AG
Concurrent ... 6 7
Leap-years have two Dominical Letters : the first, for ist January-
24th February; the second, for 25th February- 31st December. The
second Dominical Letter is the one to the right (in the above table) of that
which is equivalent with the year's ferial number. The second Dominical
Letter must be used in calculating Easter in leap years.
All years whose A.D. number was evenly divisible by 4 were leap years
in the Dionysian system (Old-Style calendar).
The Golden Number is the number of the year in the lunar cycle of
19 years. The formula is : —
— — '- — ; R = Golden Number.
19
The Roman epact was the calendar age of the moon on ist January.
The formula is : —
Golden Number x 11 -2 „
— — ; R = epact.
30
See the Bibliographical Notes, under Irish Annals.
Paschal new moon fell i to 29 days after 7th March. Easter Sunday
was 14 to 20 days after the Paschal new moon.
32 ~ epact = number of the day in March of the calendar new moon.
(i) If this number is above 7, add 13 days; next Sunday was Easter.
(2) If the number is below 7, add 43 days ; next Sunday was Easter.
CALENDAR NOTES cv
The following is a Table of the Paschal letters used by the Icelandic
annalists (in the first column), with the corresponding Dominical letters
and Golden Numbers :
Easter.
D.L.
Gol
March.
April.
3en ISuuiuera
b.
c
22
23
D
E
'5
16
16
d.
e.
24
25
F
G
5
5
13
16
16
f.
26
27
A
B
2
2
5
5
13
13
16
16
h.
i.
28
29
C
D
2
2
5
5
10
10
13
13
16
k.
1.
30
31
E
F
2
2
7
10
10
13
13
18
18
m.
n.
I
2
G
A
2
7
7
10
10
15
18
18
o.
P-
3
4
B
0
4
4
7
7
10
15
15
18
18
q-
r.
5
6
D
E
4
4
7
7
12
12
15
15
18
s.
t.
7
8
F
G
4
4
9
12
12
15
15
V.
.a
9
10
A
B
4
9
9
12
12
17
.b
.c
II
12
C
D
6
6
9
9
12
17
17
.d
.e
13
E
F
3
6
6
9
9
14
14
17
17
.f
■g
15
i6
G
A
3
3
6
6
II
14
14
17
17
.h
■i
17
i8
B
G
3
3
6
II
II
14
14
19
.k
.1
19
20
D
E
3
3
II
II
14
19
19
.m
.n
21
22
F
G
...
II
II
19
19
.0
•P
23
24
A
B
...
...
19
19
•q
25
C
i
i
cvi CALENDAR NOTES
Cf. e.g. Cottonian MS. Caligula A XV, fos. 123-124.
The above may be used as an old-style Easter Table, in conjunction
with the formulae previously given. With the aid of tables of Dominical
Letters and Golden Numbers, it shows in which years Easter fell upon a
certain day.
Ash Wednesday (Caput Jejunii), is 46 days before Easter ;
Maundy Thursday (Coena Domini), 45 „ ,,
Quadragesima (ist Sunday in Lent),
Middle of Lent (Laetare Jerusalem),
Passion Sunday,
Palm Sunday (Rami Palmarum),
Good Friday (Parasceve),
Low Sunday (Pascha Clausum),
Rogation Sunday,
Ascension Day,
Pentecost, or Whitsun-day,
Holy Trinity,
Other movable feasts, and saints' days, will be found in books of
chronology, such as J. J. Bond's Handy-book of Rules and Tables for
verifying Dates ; Sir Harris Nicolas's Chronology of History ; Dunbar's
Scottish Kings ; A. Giry's Manuel de Diplomatique ; and L'Art de Verifier
les Dates.
For systems of computing Easter followed before the Dionysian system
was adopted, see MacCarthy's Introduction to the Annals of Ulster (vol. iv).
For instance, to find Ash Wednesday in the year 1250 : —
(0
42 „
5J
21 „
);
14 „
5)
7 ,,
»)
2 „
))
7 days
after Easter ;
35 ,,
))
39 „
5)
49 „
))
56 „
5)
19)1251
6
(4)
8) 1 2490
7) 1561
III
5
(5)
R = 7 = f.n.
Jan. 3 days
Feb. 0 „
R = 16
= G.N.
Mar. 0 „
f n. - 1 6 „
i6x II -
2 _ 174 .
30
30 '
9-7 = 2
R = 24 ^
= epact.
.'. 21 Mar. = Monday.
.'. 27 Mar. = Easter.
32 - 24
= 8 March ;
(6)
27 Mar. = 55 Feb.
8+13
= 21 March.
55-46 = 9 Feb. = Ash Wednesday.
(2)
(3)
To find the calendar age of the moon on any given day, in years whose
Golden Number was not 5, 8, 11, 16, or 19, add up the days from ist
January to the day in question, including both days. The formula is : —
no. of days -t- epact - i -n -o ..-l r ■,
'- ; R, or R - 30, was the age of the moon. If
R is o, her age was 29. Only the excess over 59 days in each couple of
CALENDAR NOTES
months need be counted in the sum. Only 28 days are to be counted in
February.
The following Table gives the new moons in the other years : —
G.N.
Jan.
Feb.
Mar.
Apr.
May.
June.
July.
Aug.
Sept.
Oct.
Nov.
Dec.
s
7
9
7
7
s
5
3
2
2, 31
30
29
8
b
4
6
5
4
3
2
I, 30
29
28
27
2b
11
3
2
?.
2
I, 31
29
29
27
2b
25
24
23
lb
8
6
8
6
6
4
4
2
I
I, 30
29
28
19
5
3
5
4
3
2
I, 31
29
28
27
25
24
These seem to have been the lunations that were accepted in early
times. The matter requires further investigation.
Regnal years of Scottish kings will be found in Dunbar ; of English
kings, in Bond or Nicolas, after the Preface to Hardy's Syllabus, and in
Selby's Date-book (1887) ; or J. E. W. Wallis, English Regnal Years and
Titles (S.P.C.K., 1921). The dates of papal accessions will be found in
the Regesta Pontificum of Jaffe and of Potthast, and in Dunbar. Dates of
early popes (to 816); emperors (to 944); and consuls (to 613), will be
found in the index-tables of Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctores
Antiquissimi, vol. xiii. For consuls, see T. J. Almeloveen, Fasti Consulares
(Amsterdam, 1740) Lists of popes are given by Nicolas ; of popes,
emperors, and consuls, by Cappelli (Cronologia Calendario Perpetuo).
Blair's Chronological Tables also are useful, and there are several historical
dictionaries, the most valuable of which is the Dictionary of National
Biography.
ORTHOGRAPHICAL NOTES
The principle that names should be spelt according to the normal usage
of the time to which they belong cannot be systematically obeyed in
practice. It is impossible to follow from generation to generation the
changes that were made. There was frequently no normal spelling. Names
printed upon coins do not always conform to the standards that are now
accepted for the languages of their inscriptions. The same name is
frequently spelt in various ways in one charter.
My method is either to use the modern form of a name (when there is
a modern English form in common use), or (when there is not) to give an
early form, in normalized spelling. For the sake of consistency, I have
here generally rejected intermediate Latin forms, which are more con-
venient to pronounce, and are a guide to the pronunciation ; and which
I adopted (for Anglo-Saxon names) in Scottish Annals from English
Chroniclers. Here I follow with reluctance the established custom of
rendering the different values of Anglo-Saxon S by th.
There are, however, several exceptions to this method. Some inter-
mediate forms of well-known persons' names are too familiar to be rejected.
I retain, for instance, the name Alcuin, instead of the theoretically correct
Ealhhwine ; the names Siward and Turgot, instead of the Danish spellings
Sigwarth and Thurgot ; Somerled, instead of the Norwegian Sumarlidi.
I have not discriminated between Icelandic and Norwegian spellings of
names, nor in all cases between Norwegian and Danish (e.g., Halfdan, for
Danish Haldan ; Olaf, instead of Danish Anlaf, which appears on coins).
I have used Anglo-Saxon forms of Danish names, when their bearers were
English-born (e.g., Tostig and Waltheof, for Danish Tosti and Valthiuf).
For Scandinavians in Ireland I have generally preferred Norwegian names
(e.g., Norwegian Sigtryggr, for Danish Sigtrigg, Sigtriugg, Irish Sitriuc).
I do not generally discriminate between Northumbrian and West-Saxon
spellings.
I have allowed many unusual or doubtful names to stand as they appear
in the original spelling ; as, for instance, in some pedigrees. Also in notes
I have occasionally followed the various spellings of different writers, when
the variations are not entirely equivalent.
Epithets (excepting Irish and Welsh adjectives), whether standing after
or before the name, I have translated into English, when that could
satisfactorily be done. In other cases, I have given them untranslated, in
normal spellings.
ex ORTHOGRAPHICAL NOTES
In place-names also, I generally use either the modern or an ancient
form, notwithstanding considerable variations in the extent of the territory
that they denote at different times. These must be understood according
to their meaning in the time at which they occur (e.g., Lothian, Strath-
clyde, Galloway, Argyle, Ulster, Cumbria, Northumbria).
I have retained also a few intermediate forms, on the ground of their
familiarity : e.g., John of Fordun (instead of Fordoun) ; Annals of Innis-
fallen (instead of Inishfallen) ; Roger of Hoveden (instead of Howden).
Accents are not regularly used in old texts. I have thought it better to
use them as seldom as possible.
I have omitted the nominative case-ending -r in Scandinavian personal
names ; and -us, in several Latin names.
In spelling Danish names, I have preferred to use the letter v instead
of w, because v had the sound of w in Icelandic and Norwegian also.
In reading early Irish, Welsh, and Scandinavian names, in normal
spelling, it should be remembered that certain consonants have two
functions. The letters b d g p t c have more or less the same value as in
English, when they stand at the beginning of a word. When they do not
begin words or syllables, Irish and Welsh p t c (written singly) have the
sound of b d g (except p t c after 1 r s ; p after m ; and in Welsh, t after
n) ; while b d g are usually spirants, somewhat like /3 5 7 in modern Greek
(except d g after 1 n r ; b after m). In the Scandinavian languages also,
d g, when they did not stand at the beginning of a word, were usually
spirants (except after 1 n).
In all these languages, g and c are never sibilant.
There were analogous variations, in Irish and Welsh, in the sounds of
1 m n r. The spirant sound of m was somewhat like v. Single 1 was
unvoiced, in Irish and Welsh (like modern Welsh //-), at the beginning of
words.
Thus the name Tadc is pronounced TaSg. F is silent in Derbforgaill ;
s, in Maccintsacairt.
Scottish Gaelic names begin to be distinguished from Irish names in
the twelfth century.
Many errors have resulted from neglecting the values of Irish letters.
The adoption of a standard system is necessary. Adhering as closely as
possible to early Middle-Irish forms, I have written in some words «rf where
nil would have been more correct (as in cend, dond). Standard spelling is
equally necessary in the case of Welsh names ; but the sources of informa-
tion with regard to them are scanty.
TABLES OF THE SUCCESSION OF KINGS
KINGS OF NORTHUMBRIA.
Bernicia.
NORTHUMBRIA.
Deira.
Ida
547-559
Clappa
? 559-? 560
^lle 559-588
Adda
? 560-7568
Theodric
?568-?575
Frithweald
? 575-? 581
Hussa
?58i-?588
yEthelric
^thelfrith
Edwin
588-593
593-617
617-633
Eanfrith
633-63+
Oswald
634-642
Osric 633-634
Oswiu
642-671
Ecgfrith
Ealdfrith
Osred
Coenred
Osric
Ceolwulf
Eadbeorht
Oswulf
671-685
685-705
705-716
716-718
718-729
729-737
737-758
758-759
Oswine 642-651
^thelweald65i -ca. 655
Ealhfrith - ca. 664
/Ethelweald Moll 759-765
Ealhred
765-774
^thelred
774-779
^Ifwold
779-789
Osred
789-790
^thelred
790-796
Osbeald
796
Eardwulf
796-806
^Ifwold
? 806 - ? 809
Eardwulf
?8o9-?8io
Eanred
?8io-?843
^thelred
?843-?85o
Osbeorht
?850-?863
^lle
? 863-? 868
TABLES OF THE SUCCESSION OF KINGS
KINGS IN ARGYLE.
Kings of Dalriata.
Loarn, s. Ere.
Fergus, s. Ere.
Angus, s. Ere.
Domangart, s. Fergus
Comgall, s. Domangart
Gabran, s. Domangart
Conall, s. Comgall .
Aidan, s. Gabran
Eochaid Buide, s. Aidan
Connad Cerr, s. Conall
Donald Brecc, s. Eochaid
Ferchar, s. Connad Cerr
Conall Crandomna, s. Eochaid
Duncan, s. Duban
Domangart, s, Donald Brecc
Maelduin, s. Conall Crandomna
Donald Dond, s. Crandomna
Ferchar Fota, s. Feradach
Eochaid, s. Domangart
Ainfcellach, s. Ferchar Fota
Fiannamail, s. Ossene, s. Duncan
Selbach, s. Ferchar .
Dungal, s. Selbach
Eochaid, s. Eochaid ,
Eogan, s. Findan
Dungal, s. Selbach .
Muiredach, s. Ainfcellach
Alpin, s. Eochaid
Indrechtach, ? s. Fiannamail
Eogan, s. IMuiredach
Aed Find, s. Eochaid
Fergus, s. Eochaid .
Eochaid , . ,
Donald, s. Constantine
Dondcorci .
Conall Coem, s. Tadc
Conall, s. Aidan
Constantine, s. Fergus
Angus, s. Fergus
Aed, s. Boanta .
Eoganan, s. Angus .
Alpin, s. Eochaid
Kenneth, s. Alpin
House.
ca. SOI- tea
506
ca. 506 - 1 ca.
537
ea. 537- tea
559
ca. 559 -tea.
574
Cowal.
ca. 5 74 -tea.
608
Knapdale.
? -tea.
630
Knapdale.
tea. 630
Cowal.
ca. 630- tea.
643
Knapdale.
?ca. 635- ?t
ca. 651
Cowal.
?ca. 651 -tea. 659
Knapdale.
?ca. 651 -?ca
•659
?
? -tea. 673
Knapdale.
ca. 673 -tea.
688
Knapdale.
? -tea.
696
Knapdale. '
ca. 677 -tea.
697
Lorn.
ca. 695 - 1 ca.
697
Knapdale
ca. 697 - ca. 698
Lorn.
.' - 1 700
Antrim.
ca. 701-723
Lorn.
? 723-726
Lorn.
726-t733
Knapdale.
-?733
J
733-736
Lorn.
733-?736
Lorn.
?736-?74i
Knapdale.
t74l
Antrim.
? 741-747
Lorn.
?748-t778
Knapdale.
?778-t78i
Knapdale.
?78i
?
?78i-?8os
Scone.
? -t792
? Antrim.
? 805 -t 807
? Scone.
8o7-?8ii
? Knapdale.
?8ii-t82o
Scone.
82o-t834
Scone.
?834-t839
? Scone.
?836-t839
Scone.
? 839 -.'841
Knapdale.
?84i-?843
Knapdale.
TABLES OF THE SUCCESSION OF KINGS
CXIII
KINGS OF THE PICTS.
Brude, s. Maelchon
ca. 555-t584
Angus, s. Fergus
729-750
Gartnait, s. Domelch
t?6oi
Brude, s. Maelchon ( ? )
?75o-t752
Nechtan, gs. Verb
?5oi-t?62i
Angus, s. Fergus
752- + 761
Kenneth, s. Luchtren
?62i-t633
Brude, s, Fergus
76i-t763
Gartnait, s. Foith
633-t637
Kenneth, s. Feradach
763 - + 775
Brude, s. Foith
637-1642
Alpin, s. Wroid
? 775- + 780
Talorc, s. Foith
642 -t 653
Drust, s. Talorcan
?78o
Talorcan, s. Eanfrith
653-t657
Talorcan, s. Drostan
?78o- + 782
Gartnait, s. Donald
657-t663
Talorcan, s. Angus
? 782-784
Drust, br. Gartnait
663-672
Conall, s. Tadc
? 784-789
Brude, s. Bile
672-1693
Constantine, s. Fergus
789-t82o
Tarain, s. Ainftech
693-697
Angus, s. Fergus
?820-t834
Brude, s. Derile
697 -t 706
Drust, s. Constantine, and
Nechtan, s. Derile
706-724
Talorcan, s. Wthoil
?834-?836
Drust
724-726
Eoganan, s. Angus
? 836 -1-839
Aipin
726-728
Wrad, s. Bargoit
839-842
Nechtan, s. Derile
728-729
Bred
842-843
KINGS OF SCOTLAND.
Kenneth, s. Alpin 843-1858
Donald, s. Alpin 858 - 1 862
Constantine, s. Kenneth S62-t877
Aed, s. Kenneth 877 - + 878
Eochaid, s. Run 878-889
Donald, s. Constantine 889 -f 900
Constantine, s. Aed 900-943
Malcolm, s. Donald
Indulf, s. Constantine
Dub, s. Malcolm
Culen, s. Indulf
Kenneth, s. Malcolm
Constantine, s. Culen
Kenneth, s. Dub
943 - + 954
954 - + 962
962 - 1 966
966- + 971
971 - + 995
995 - + 997
997- + 1005
KINGS OF SCOTLAND.
KINGS OF ENGLAND.
Malcolm II
Duncan I
Macbeth
Lulach
Malcolm III
Donald Ban
Duncan II
Donald Ban
Edgar
Alexander I
David I
Malcolm IV
William
Alexander II
Alexander III
.Margaret
1005-1034,
103 4-1040,
1 040- 105 7,
1057-1058,
1058-1093,
1093-1091,
1094, May-
1094-1097,
1097-1107,
1107-1124,
1124-1153,
1153-1165,
1165-1214,
1214-1249,
1249-1286,
1286-1290,
Nov. 25
Aug. 14
Aug. 15
Mar. 17
Nov. 13
May
-Nov. 12
Oct.
Jan. 8
Apr. 23
May 24
Dec. 9
Dec. 4
July 8
Mar. 19
Sep.
Cnut
1016-1035
Cnut's sons
Edward Confessor
1035-1042
1042-1066
Harold
1066
William I
I 066- I 08 7
William II
1087-1100
Henry I
1100-1135
Stephen
Henry II
Richard I
1135-1154
1154-1189
1189-1199
John
1199-1216
Henry III
Edward I
1216-1272
1272-1307
h
INTRODUCTION
A. Kings' Reigns, Districts, and Pedigrees
with a collation of the unexpanded Chronicles of the Kings
De Situ Albanie, Skene's Picts and Scots, pp. 135-137
Of the situation of Scotland, which is shaped in tlie figure of a
man ; how it was first divided into seven districts ; by ivhat name
it was formerly called, and by whom inhabited.
I consider it worth while to give to memory how Scotland
was first inhabited, and by what inhabitants ; and by what
names it was called, and into how many parts it was divided.
We read in the histories and chronicles of the ancient
Britons, and in the ancient histories and annals of the Scots
and Picts, that the district that is now corruptly called Scotia
was of old called Albania, after Albanectus, the younger son
of Brutus, the first king of the Britons of Greater Britain ; and
after a long interval of time it was called Pictavia, from the
Picts, who reigned in it for a period of 1070 years (according
to others, 1360) ; and now it is corruptly called Scotia.^
And the Scots have reigned [there] for a period of 315
years, in the year in which king William the Ruddy, brother of
' Bede gives a legendary account of the settlement of the Picts in Scot-
land (HistoriaEcclesiastica, I, r; cf. below, p. 252). He says that the Pictish
nation put to sea from Scythia, in a few long ships ; and were driven by the
wind beyond Britain, to the north of Ireland. The Irish Scots refused them
settlement, but sent them to Britain, and promised them assistance, if they
should be opposed. The Picts went to the northern part of Britain, since
the Britons possessed the southern. And because the Picts had no wives,
the Irish Scots gave them these, on condition that Pictish kings should inherit
the throne through their mothers : a custom that prevailed in Bede's time
(A.D. 731). Cf the verses in the Irish Nennius, in Slcene's P. & S., 39-40.
See below, p. 252.
cxvi INTRODUCTION
Malcolm, that man of honourable life and virtue, has received
the kingdom. 1
This district bears the form and figure of a man. Its chiel
part, that is to say, the head, is in Argyle, in the western part
of Scotland, above the Irish Sea; and its feet are upon the sea
of Norway. And the mountains and deserts of Argyle resemble
the head and neck of a man. And his body is the mountain
[range] that is called Mound, which extends from the western
sea to the eastern sea ; and his arms are the mountains that
divide Scotland from Argyle. The right side extends along
Moray, and Ross, and Mar, and Buchan ; his legs are the two
principal and notable rivers which descend from the mountains
named above, that is, the Mound, and which are called the Tay
and the Spey : one of them flows to this side of the mountain,
and the other beyond it, into the Norwegian sea. Between
this man's legs are Angus and Mearns, to this side of the
mountain ; and beyond the mountain other lands, between
Spey and the mountain.
Now this land was divided anciently by seven brothers into
seven parts. Of these the principal is Angus with Mearns,
so named after Oengus, the eldest of the brothers. And
the second part is Athole and Gowrie. The third part is
Strathearn with Monteith. The fourth of the parts is Fife,
with Fothreff; and the fifth part is Mar, with Buchan. The
sixth is Moray and Ross. The seventh part is Caithness,
to this side of the mountain, and beyond the mountain ;
because the mountain of Mound divides Caithness through
the middle.
Each of these parts, then, was called a district^ ; and rightly,
because each of them had in it a subordinate district.^ For this
reason were these seven brothers aforesaid regarded as seven
^ William the Lion became king in 1 165.
' regio, used in the sense of Irish rige.
5 subregionem. There is little doubt that these words ("district" and
"subordinate district") are used in the sense of "kingdom" and "sub-
ordinate state" or "duchy," districts ruled over respectively by a king and
a duke {toisech or dux). These two rulers (king and toisech or duke)
were required to complete the native idea of a kingdom. The toisech was
very often preferred to take the risks of war ; when he was successful, he
became a dangerous rival of the king; when he was unsuccessful, the
king's position was shaken.
INTRODUCTION cxvii
kings, because they had beneath them seven under-kings. These
seven brothers divided the kingdom of Scotland into seven king-
doms,^ and each of them in his time reigned in his kingdom.^
As a trustworthy narrator has told me — Andrew, a
1 regnicm Albanie in septem regna.
^ in suo regno.
A different (and older) account appears in the Chronicle of the Picts,
version A, in Skene's P. & S., 4 : " Cruidne, Cinge's son, the father of the
Picts that dwell in this island, reigned for a hundred years. He had
seven sons. These are their names : Fib, Fidach, Floclaid, Fortrend, Got,
Ce, Circinn.
" Circin reigned for 60 years, Fidaich for 40, Fortrend for 70, Floclaid
for 30, Got for 12, Ce for 15, Fibaid for 24."
In the additions to the Irish Nennius in the Book of Ballymote, the
Book of Lecan, and the Trinity College (Dublin) MS. H,2.i7, the legend
stands thus (Skene's P. & S., 24-25) : " Of the origin of the Picts.
" Cruithne, son of Cinge, son of Luchtai, son of Parthalan, son ot
Agnoinn, son of Buain, son of Mais, son of Fathecht, son of Jafeth, son of
Noah. [For Parthalan, cf. P.R.I.A., xxviii, C, 6 (1910), 125-127, 145-146.]
"[Cruithne] was the father of the Picts, and he had 100 years in the
kingdom. The seven sons of Cruithne here : Fib, Fidach, Fotla, Fortrend
of battles \caihach\ Cait, Ce, Cirig. And they divided the land into seven
divisions, as Columcille said : ' Cruithne's seven children divided Scotland
into seven parts : Cait, Ce, Cirig (a warlike family) ; Fib, Fidach, Fotla,
Fortrend.'" (For cethach in the parenthesis reading cathach "warlike."
The parenthesis is a cheville, but is connected by alliteration with the sons
previously named. The third and fourth lines of the stanza are completely
alliterative.) "And the name of each of them remains upon his land, e.g.,
Fib, and Ce, and Cait, and the rest. . . .
" Fib was 24 years in the kingdom ; Fidach, 40 years ; Fortrend, 70 ;
Cait, 22 years ; Ce, 12 years ; Cirig, 80 years. ..."
Cf. also the Chronicle of the Picts, version C ; Skene's P. & S., 396 :
" Cruithne, Cinge's son, father of the Picts that dwell in this island, reigned
for 100 years. He had seven sons. These are their nannes : Fib, Fidach,
Foltlaig, Fortrend, Caitt, Ce, Circing.
" Circing reigned for 60 years. Fidach reigned for 40 years. Fortrend
reigned for 40 years. Foltlaid reigned for 30 years. Gatt reigned for
12 years. Ce reigned for 12 years. Fidbaiid reigned for 24 years. ..."
Cruithne and his sons were invented as eponymous rulers of the
kingdom and its districts. The legend is evidence only of the early
divisions of Scotland, and their names.
See the verses in the Irish Nennius, in Skene's P. & S., 41-44- It is
there said (43) that after the Picts left Ireland, "from [Islay] they seized
Scotland, high and clear, [a land] which nourishes fruits, without loss of
their people ; with its dwellings, from the territory of Cath to Foirciu "
(read Foirtriu f).
cxviii INTRODUCTION
venerable man, bishop of Caithness ; by nation a Scot, and a
monk of Dunfermline— the first kingdom [extended] from the
excellent piece of water, called in Scottish the Froch, in British
the Werid, and in Roman Scottewattre, that is. Aqua Scottorum'^
(which divides the kingdoms of Scots and of English, and runs
near the town of Stirling) ; as far as to another noble river,
called the Tay.
The second kingdom [extended] from the Tay to the Hilef^
encircling [the first] like the sea, as far as the mountain that is
called Athran^ in the northern part of Stirling. The third
kingdom [extended] from the Hilef to the Dee. The fourth
kingdom [extended] from the Dee to the great and wonderful
river that is called the Spey, the greatest and best [river] in all
Scotland.
The fifth kingdom [extended] from the Spey to the mountain
of Druimm-nAlban.
The sixth kingdom was Moray and Ross.
The seventh kingdom was Argyle.
The name Argyle means the shore of the Scots or the Irish,
because all Irish and Scots generally are called Gaels, from one
of their primeval leaders, Gaidel Glass. And the Irish used
always to land there, to do injury to the Britons. Or for this
reason, because the Scots [and] Picts first dwelt there after their
return from Ireland ; or because the Irish occupied these parts
in opposition to the Picts ; or because of what is more certain,
that that part of the district of Scotland is nearest to the land
of Ireland.
Fergus, Erc's son, was the first of the descendants of Conaire
to receive the kingdom of Scotland ; that is, from the mountain
of Druimm-nAlban * to the Irish Sea and the Hebrides. There-
after, kings of the line of Fergus reigned in Druimm-nAlban or
Druimm-nErenn^till the time of Alpin, Eochaid's" son. Kenneth
1 I.e., the Forth.
2 According to Skene, the river Isla or the Liff, Perthshire ; apparently
modern Glen Isla, according to Professor W. J. Watson, Celtic Review
1912, p. 383.
3 According to Sl<:ene, Airthrey, near Stirling.
^ a monte Brutialban usque ad mare Hibernie et ad Inchegall.
'" in Brunalban sine Brunhere. Read Drumalban and Drwnheren f
0 Eochal.
INTRODUCTION cxix
this Alpin's son, the first king of the Scots, reigned prosperously
in Pictland for sixteen years.^
Chronicle of the Kings of the Plots, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, pp. 6-8 ^
Talorc, Achivir's son, reigned for seventy-five years.^
Drust, Erp's son, reigned for a hundred years, and fought a
hundred battles. In the nineteenth year of his reign, the holy
bishop Patrick came to the island of Ireland.*
Talorc, Aniel's son, reigned for four years.^
^ 843-858.
^ The previous part of this list of Pictish kings contains certainly
fictitious matter, but is not necessarily all fictitious.
In these chronicles, the number of a king's last year on the throne is
often given as the number of years in his reign.
The spelling of names varies, and is often corrupt. I give in notes
variations in the printed texts, except in cases where they lead to no
uncertainty.
Versions B and C agree generally with A, and still more closely with
one another; versions DFIK represent a somewhat different original,
and generally agree among themselves. ABC frequently present names in
a Welsh form, when DFIK give them in forms derived from the Irish spelHng.
^ Talore, A ; Talorc, B ; Tolorc, C ; Balarg, D ; Talarg, FK ; Talargh,
I ; Thalarger, Fordun.
filius Achivir, A ; mac Achiuir, B ; mac Aiihiuir, C ; filius Keothere,
D ; filius Keother, F and Fordun ; filius Keocher, I ; le fits Kecter, K.
75 years, ABC ; 25 years, DFIK and Fordun.
* Similarly in versions B and C. Down to "battles," also in DFK ;
down to "years," also in I.
"Reigned" ABC [IK]; "lived" DF and Fordun.
" Fought " iperegii) ; " gained " K.
"Erp's" ABC ; Ws,^); Irb, FK ; Yrb, I.
Patrick went to Ireland in 432. If 432 was Drust's 19th year, he would
have become king in 414 or 413.
Fordun's version of the Chronicle of the Picts reads (Chronica, IV, lo ;
>> 153): "To [Talorc succeeded] Drust (he was otherwise called Nechtan,
Irb's son), for 45 years. He (it is asserted) lived for a hundred years, and
fought a hundred battles. While he reigned, St Palladius, the first bishop
of the Scots, was sent by the blessed pope Celestius, to teach the Scots,
though they believed in Christ long before" (Fordun confuses Irish with
British Scots).
5 "Talorc" BCDFIK; Talore, A, ^xongXy. Thalarger,Yoxd.\xa..
"Aniel's" AC ; Ainel, B ; Aniif, D ; Amile, F ; Aniil, I ; Amil, K ;
Anile, Fordun.
4 years, ABC ; 2 years, DFIK and Fordun.
cxx INTRODUCTION
Nechtan Morbet, Erip's son, reigned for twenty-four years.i
In the third year of his reign, Dairlugdach, abbess of Kildare,
came from Ireland to Britain, in exile for Christ. In the second
year of her arrival, Nectonius offered up Abernethy to God and
to St Bridget, in presence of Dairlugdach, who sang Alleluia
over this offering.^
■ "Nechtan": Necton, A; Nectan, BCI ; Nethan, D; Netihan, F;
Nectane, K and F"ordun.
Morbet, A ; mor-brec, B ; mor breac, C ; cheleiiwf, D ; thelchamoth, F ;
celchamoch, I ; Celtaniech, K ; Chaltamoth, Fordun. B and C have
substituted Irish forms for the word in their exemplar.
"Erip's" AB ; Eirip, C ; omitted, DFIK.
24 years, AB ; 34 years, C ; 10 years, DFIK.
^ This paragraph stands also in B and C. After "offered up," B adds
"in one year." Instead of "second year of," C reads "next year after"
(Skene). This paragraph, with the next two, is an insertion in the original
chronicle. In this insertion Nechtan's name is spelt Nectonius in all three
versions (ABC).
The monastery of Kildare was founded by Bridget, who was abbess
there till she died about the year 524 (see below, p. 17). The mention
here of a later abbess is an anachronism.
The Aberdeen Breviary (i, 3, xxii, December 23rd) says that Domath,
king of the Picts, while fighting against the Britons, was warned divinely
to call Bridget from Ireland. She founded the church at Abernethy, and
the king and all his household were baptized.
The Life of Buitte says that Nechtan reigned over the Picts when Buitte
returned from Italy to Ireland. Buitte sailed from Germania to the land
of the Picts, and finding that Nechtan had just died resuscitated him.
Plummer's Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae, i, 88-89 (and Skene's Picts and
Scots, pp. 410-41 1) : " [Buitte and his companions] coming to the sea took
ship, and after a prosperous voyage landed in the territories of the Picts.
" How he raised king Nectan from death.
"It happened at that time that Nechtan, the king of that land, had gone
the way of all flesh. They also were invited to his exequies to watch over
the dead king and pray to the Lord for him. And when they came to the
house where the dead body lay, the man of God, Buitte, shut out the others
and began to pray. When the pra>er was finished, behold, the dead man
rose again from the jaws of death. All were amazed ; grief was turned
into joy ; and God was glorified in his saint.
" Finally the king gave the castle in which the miracle had been done
with all that pertained to it to the blessed Buitte ; and [Buitte] consecrated
it as a church, and left one of his companions to keep it."
This is surmised by Skene to have been a legend of the foundation of a
church at Kirkbuddo (which he says means " Buitte's church"; but it is
more probably a corruption of Carbuddo), near Dunnichen (which may
INTRODUCTION cxxi
So Nectonius the Great, Wirp's^ son, the king of all the
provinces of the Picts, offered to St Bridget, to the day of
judgement, Abernethy, with its territories, which are situated
from the stone in Apurfeirt to the stone beside Ceirfuill, that is,
Lethfoss, and thence upwards to Athan.
Now the cause of the offering was this. Nectonius, . . }
when his brother Drust expelled him to Ireland, begged St
Bridget to beseech God for him. And she prayed for him, and
said : " If thou reach thy country, the Lord will have pity upon
thee. Thou shalt possess in peace the kingdom of the Picts."
Drust Gurthinmoch reigned for thirty years.^
mean " Nechtan's castle")- Buitte died in the year of Columba's birth;
see year 521. This story implies that Forfarshire had become Christian
some time before that date. We may compare with this the story that
Palladius founded a church at Fordoun in 432.
Whether Buitte ever was in Strathmore or not, this story, taken with
that of Palladius, suggests that one route of the Irish between the north of
Ireland and the continent passed through Strathmore. During the 5th
and 6th centuries they would have preferred to go through Pictish territory
rather than through the land in which Britons and Saxons were at war.
If any part of Pictish territory had respect for Christianity, they would
naturally have gone through that part.
Ninian had introduced Christianity into Galloway in Roman times, and
also apparently into Strathmore, which seems to have been the country of
the "southern Picts" converted by him. Though not incorporated in the
Roman empire, Strathmore had doubtless been considerably affected by
Roman influence.
Perhaps ships were to be had at Stonehaven. Perhaps the causes thai
kept Saxons from settling there made the passage from that district more
secure.
1 Wirp appears to be a later form than the Erip or Erp of the original
chronicle. It seems also to show that the writer of the insertion spoke a
Welsh, not a Gaelic, language. The insertion was written at Abernethy ; it
suggests that a Welsh language was spoken in Abernethy at the time
when version A was written — the end of the tenth century. But the equation
Erp > Wirp assumes that the £ of Erp was long ; and that is very doubtful,
seeing that Erp was in Welsh speech the equivalent oi Ere in Irish.
2 in vita Julie m[a\nens. The text is corrupt. (Cf. Skene, P. & S., p.
xix, note ; and his facsimile of A.)
2 Drest Gurthinmoch, A ; Brest Gurthimoth, B ; Dartguitiimoth, C ;
Durst Gemot, F ; Drust Gocineht, I ; Drust Cortinoch, K ; Durst Gornoth,
Fordun.
The name "Drust" occurs (in Skene's texts) as Drest 10 times in A,
9 times in B, 4 times in C (there also as Drerst and Derst). It is spelt
cxxii INTRODUCTION
Galan Erilich reigned for twelve years.^
Two Drusts reigned together; Drust, Girom's son, for one
year, and Drust, Wdrost's son, for five.^
Drust, Girom's son, reigned alone for five years.^
Gartnait, Girom's son, reigned for seven years.*
Cailtram, Girom's son, reigned for one year.^
Drust in the prefixed part of ABC ; in B ; so read for Druse in C ; 5 times
in D ; 6 times in F ; 9 times in I ; 10 times in K. It is spelt Durst 3 times in
D, 2 times in F ; Drost, once in C. Drest s&tms to be an earlier form oi Drust.
For Gurthinmoch cf. Stokes, Philological Society, 1890, p. 395 : "boch
= Welsh boch, Latin bucca" ; and ibid., p. 406: "The gurth may be =
V^e.]sh gwrdd 'fortis, robustus, strenuus,' and the imjioch may be = Cornish
envoch (gl. facies), the Irish scribe writing (infected) m for v, as in
Catmolodor and Simal."
30 years, ABCFIK and Fordun ; omitted, D.
Counting the regnal years backwards from Brude (f 584), we find that
Drust's death should have occurred a few years before the year 500.
' Galanan Erilich, A ; Galan Arilith, B ; Galamarbith, C ; Gulam, F ;
Galany, I ; Galan, K ; Galaam, Fordun.
12 years in A and 25 years in F are probably textual errors ; 15 years,
in BCIK and Fordun. Omitted, D.
^ " Girom's " : Gyrom, Girom, A ; Giron, Girom, B ; Girtim, Girom, C ;
Gurum, Gigurum, D ; Gigurum, F, Fordun ; Gygurn, I ; Gigurnus, K.
"Wdrost's": Wdrost, A; Budros, BC ; Hudrossig, D; Hudresseg, F;
Hudrosig, I ; Hidrofigus, K ; Otlttred, Fordun. Perhaps in the source of
ABC a final syllable was contracted by suspension.
I year, 5 years, A : in text id est (facsimile z'.) ; read uno. B and C
read: "Two Drusts . . . reigned for 15 years." DF and Fordun give
Girom's son a reign of 5 years ; I, of 6 years ; K, of 50 years. DFIK and
Fordun give Wdrost's son a reign of 8 years.
^ 5 years, ABC ; 4 years, DK and Fordun ; omitted, FT.
* 7 years, ABC ; 6 years, DFIK and Fordun.
This name occurs 20 times in versions ABC. In Skene's texts, it is
spelt Gartnait once in A, 7 times in B, 5 times in C ; and no two of the
remaining seven spellings are alike. The form Gartnait does not occur in
versions DFIK. The spellings Garnard, occurring in Fordun, once in A,
twice in F, and once in K ; Garnart, Gartnart, in A, Gartnairt in C,
Gernerd in F, Garnarde twice in K, seem to indicate the existence of a
variant form of the name. Other forms, derived from Gartnait, are
Gartnaith, Gartnaich, Garthnach, in A ; Gernath, in D ; Garnath, twice
in F; Gercnath, Garnach, in I.
^ Cailtram, A ; Cailtarni, B ; Cailtaine, C ; Kelturan, DI, Fordun ;
Kelhiran, F; Kylmrcait, K. For "Girom's son" DFIK read "his
[Gartnait's] brother."
I year, ABC ; 6 years, DFIK and Fordun.
INTRODUCTION cxxiii
Talorc, Muircholach's son, reigned for eleven years.^
Drust, Munait's son, reigned for one year.^
Galam Cennaleph reigned for one year,^ and with Brude one
year.*
Brude, Maelchon's son, reigned for thirty years/' In the
eighth year of his reign he was baptized by St Columba.''
I Muircholack, A ; Murtholoic, B ; Murtolic, C ; Mordeleg, D ; Madoleg^
F ; Tauxdelog, I ; Mendeleghe, K ; Mordeleth, Fordun.
II years, ABCDFIK and Fordun.
- Alunait, A; Munaith, B; Manaith, C; Moneth, DF, Fordun;
Monehet, I ; Meneck, K.
I year, ABCDFIK and Fordun.
^ Galam Cennaleph, K'K ; Galuin Cenamlapeh, C. Talalad, D ; Tagaled,
F ; Tagalad, I ; Talagach, K ; Thalagath, Fordun.
I year, A ; 4 years, BCDFI and Fordun ; 3 years, K. C places this
reign between those of Drust and Gartnait, Girom's sons.
^ "With Brude i year" ABC; omitted, DFIK and Fordun. Perhaps
this was the Cennalath who died in Brude's reign ; see year 580.
^ In the chronicle of the Brudes, prefixed to A (Skene's facsimile), this
name is twice spelled in full, Brude ; once. Brute. In Skene's text of the
same part of C, Bruide appears 6 times, Bridge 3 times, and Bruigi
23 times.
In this (the original) part of A, the name occurs in the form Bredei
3 times ; also in the forms Breidei, Bridei, and (in the ablative) Briduo.
In Skene's texts, the spelling Brude occurs once in B, twice in D, 7 times in
F, 9 or 10 times in I, 3 or 4 times in K. Forms allied to those in A occur
in BCK. Fordun uses the forms Brud, Brude, Brudeus.
Forms of the type of Bredei are difficult to account for. Adamnan's
Brudeus and Bede's Bridius forbid the equation *Brede > Bruide.
" Maelchon's " : Mailcon, A ; Me Icon, B ; Mae Icon, C ; Me than, D ;
Melcho, F ; Melcon, Malcon, I. Drust fitz Methor, K. Merlothon, Fordun
{Meilothon, in insertion from Bade). This may have been the same person
as Mailcun of the Annales Cambriae, Maglocunus of Gildas ; the king
of North Wales who died in 547.
30 years, ABCDFI ; 25 years, K ; 19 years, Fordun.
See years 554, 559, 584-
" So in AB ; so read in C. (This is derived from Bede ; see
below, p. 20.)
DF read: "St Columba converted him to the faith" (" . . . came to
Scotland, and ..." in Fordun, who cites also Bede here directly). I reads :
" St Columba converted him," with additions quoted below at years 563, 597,
and 603. K has here a still later addition (P. & S., 200-201), which declares
that the Scots were converted only once.
cxxiv INTRODUCTION
Gartnait, Domelch's son, reigned for eleven years.^
Nechtan, Verb's grandson, reigned for twenty years.^
Kenneth, Luchtren's son, reigned for nineteen years.^
Gartnait, Foith's son, reigned for four years.*
Brude, Foith's son, reigned for five years.^
Talorc, their brother, reigned for twelve years.®
Talorcan, Eanfrith's son, reigned for four years.''
Gartnait, Donald's son, reigned for six years and a half^
' Do?nelch, A ; Domech, B ; Domnach, C ; Dormafh, D ; Dompneth, F ;
Donaih, I ; Dompnach, K, Fordun.
II years, ABC ; 20 years, DFI and Fordun ; 30 years, K.
See year ?6oi. For additions in DK and Fordun, see year ?6oi, note.
^ Nectu nepos Uerd, A ; Nectan nepos Verb, B ; Neachtan nepo[s] (Jerp,
C ; Netthadfilius Irb, F ; Nactanfilius Yrb, I ; Nectane filius Jrb, Fordun.
20 years, ABC ; 21 years, FI ; omitted, DK ; 11 years, Fordun.
See year ?62i, note. For additions in F, see year ?6oi, note.
^ Cinioch filius Lutrin, A ; Ciiiiath filius Ltitrin, B ; Cinhoint filius
Luitriu, C ; Kynel filius Luthren, D ; Kinet filius Luthren, F ; Kynel
filius I.ttchrem, I ; Kenechfits Sugthen, K ; Kenel filius Luchtren, Fordun.
19 years, ABC ; 24 years, DK ; 14 years, FI and Fordun.
See year 633.
^ Instead of " Gartnait," DFIK and Fordun read " Nechtan, Foith's son."
" Foith's" : Wid, A ; Uuid, BC ; Fide, D ; Fotle, F ; Fochle, I ; Fode,
K, Fordun. D spells Nechtan here Nethan.
4 years, A ; 5 years, BCF ; 8 years, DIK and Fordun.
See year 637.
f^ "Foith's": Wid, A; Fruth, D; Fathe, FK ; Fochle, I; Fachna,
Fordun.
5 years, ADFIK and Fordun. BC in error omit this reign.
See year 642.
" "Their brother" ABC ; "son of Fethar" DFI {Fethar, D ; Fetebar,
F ; Feckarus, I ; Farchar, Fordun). K has instead of Brude " Drust, his
brother," with the years of Drust, Gartnait's brother (below), omitting the
reigns between.
12 years, ABC ; ii years, DFI, Fordun.
See year 653.
" " Eanfrith's " : Enfret, AC ; Enfretk, B ; Amfrud, D and Fordun ;
Confrud, F ; Anfrud, I. This name seems to be the Anglo-Saxon
F.anfrith ; its bearer was almost certainly Eanfrith, king .(Ethelfrith's son.
4 years, ABCFI and Fordun ; omitted, K.
See year 657.
8 " Donald's " (Irish annals) : Donnel, A ; Donuel, BC ; Dunal, D ;
Donnall, F (omitting 7f/z'«j-) ; Domnal, I ; Domptial, Fordun. (The forms in
ABCDF look more like Dungal than Donald.)
6^ years, ABC ; 5 years, DF and Fordun ; 6 years, I ; omitted, K.
See year 663.
INTRODUCTION cxxv
Drust, his brother, reigned for seven years.^
Brude, Bile's son, reigned for twenty-one years. ^
Tarain, Ainftech's son, reigned for four years.^
Brude, Derile's son, reigned for eleven years.*
Nechtan, Derile's son, reigned for fifteen years.^
Drust and Alpin reigned together for five years.^
Angus, Fergus' son, reigned for thirty years.''
I 7 years, ABC ; 6 years, DFIK and Fordun.
See year 673.
^"Bile's": Bill, A; File, B; Fie, C; Bile, DPI and Fordun;
Hole, K.
21 years, ABFI ; 20 years, CDK ; 11 years, Fordun.
See year 693. For additions in DFK, see year 693, note. The variations
between version A and later versions, from this reign -onwards, were
tabulated by Skene in his Picts and Scots, pp. cxxiii-cxxiv. (Cf. his account
of them, ibid., cxxv-cxxvi.)
^ "Tarain" : Taran, ABCDI ; Turaii, F ; Tharan, K ; Gharan, Fordun.
" Ainftech's " (year 693) : Entifidich, A ; Enfidaig, B ; Enfidaid, C
(to be read as B) ; Amfredeth, D (attracted to Amfrud, above) ; Amsedeth,
F ; Anfudeg, I ; Amjodech, K ; Amfedech, Fordun.
4 years, ABCK and Fordun ; 14 years, DFI.
See years 693, 697, 699.
* "Derile's son," ABC ; filius Dergard, D, fitz Dergert, K, i.e. "son of
Dargairt" ; filius Decili, FI and Fordun.
II years, ABC ; 31 years, DFIK ; 21 years, Fordun.
See year 706.
° " Nechtan," ABCI (spelt in A Necthon) ; Ferthen, F, Jactan, K,
erroneously.
"Derile's son" ABC; "his [Brude's] brother" DFI and Fordun;
" Brude's brother " K. D puts Nechtan's reign before Brude's, as if Nechtan
had been Tarain's brother.
15 years, A ; 10 years,, BC ; 18 years, DFIK and Fordun, correctly.
See year 724 ; also the note below.
^ Congregavermit, A ; Cotiregnaverunt, B ; eonneganaveint, C. D
reads here instead : " Gartnait, Ferath's son, reigned for 24 years " ;
similarly also in FIK. {Ferath, DF ; Ferach, I ; Feradhegh, K ; Feredach,
Fordun.) Cf. the reign of Kenneth, Feradach's son, below, omitted by
versions DFIK.
Fordun : " To this Nechtan succeeded Gartnait, Feradach's son ; and
he reigned for 14 years."
See years 724, 726, 728.
'■ These Irish names occur in peculiar forms, such as for " Angus "
(Irish Oengus) : Onnist, A ; Unuist, AB ; Onuis, Uidnuist, B ; Onus/,
Uidnust, C; Hungus, DIK and Fordun; Teiiegus, etc., FK and Fordun;
Onegussa, DF ; Oengusa, Oengus, Engus, I ; Oengussa, Fordun.
" Fergus' " : Ur-, Wir-, Wrgust, A ; Ur-, Uurguist, B ; Ur-, Uurgtist,
cxxvi INTRODUCTION
Brude, Fergus' son, reigned for two years.^
Kenneth, Feradach's son, reigned for twelve years.^
C ; Fergusa, FK and Fordun (the Irish form) ; Fergus, I (as nominative in
DK, correctly). Fergusagiji in K is perhaps for Fergusan.
The forms in ABC are probably of a primitive Welsh type (unless the
early Welsh forms were originally derived from Pictish), and seem to show
that the original of these versions of the chronicle was composed in, or
transmitted through, a district whose language was allied to Welsh ; that is
to say, in a district where Pictish or Strathclyde Welsh was spoken. It is
to be observed that Irish forms predominate in DFIK, and that the usual
spelling of the name Nechtan is Irish in all the versions.
30 years, ABC ; 16 years, FIK and Fordun ; omitted, D.
The annals imply that Angus reigned from 729 to 761, with an interrup-
tion from 750 to 752 (see those years, below).
Versions FIK and Fordun place after Angus's reign the reign of
" Nechtan, Derile's son, for g months." {Decili, F ; Derili, I ; Fergaleg,
K, Derelz, Fordun. Nechtan is spelt Neithan in F ; read Necthan ?)
Nechtan reigned before Angus, from 728 to 729 ; see those years, below.
Here DFIK diverge from ABC. They place the following reigns before
that of Brude :
D
Angus, son of
Brude, reigned
6 months.
I
K
Fordun
Angus, son of Fergus, son of Angus, son of
Brude, 6 months. Brude, i month Brude, 6 months.
[vn; read vif]
Alpin, son of Alpin, son of Alpin, son of
Feret. Feret, 5 months. Angus, 8 years.
Angus, son of
Fergus, 10 years.
Alpin, son of Alpin, son of
Feradach, 5 months Feredeth, likewise
at one time ; he 6 months. After
was expelled, but him, Ae same
afterwards reigned Alpin reigned
30 years. again for 26 years.
Angus, son of Angus, son of
Brude, 6 months. Brude, again.
The same again 36 years,
reigned 36 years.
Corrupt and discordant as these accounts are, they contain evidence of
rival claims laid to the kingdom by the rulers of its parts.
1 "Fergus' son" ABC; "Angus' son" DFIK and Fordun, wrongly.
Brude, Angus' son, had died during his father's reign ; see year 736.
2 years, AIK and Fordun ; 15 years, BC ; 8 years, DF.
See year 763.
2 " Feradach's " : Wredech, A ; Uuredeg, B ; Juuredeg, C.
12 years, AB ; 15 years, C ; omitted, DFIK and Fordun. Cf the
INTRODUCTION cxxvii
Alpin, Wroid's son, reigned for three years and a half.^
Drust, Talorcan's son, reigned four or five years.^
Talorcan, Angus' son, reigned two years and a half^
Conall, Tadc's son, reigned for five years.*
Constantine, Fergus' son, reigned for thirty-five years.^
Angus, Fergus' son, reigned for twelve years. '^
Drust, Constantine's son, and Talorcan, Wthoil's son,
reigned together for three years.'^
"Gartnait, Ferath's son" to whom DFIK give a reign of 24 years, after the
first reign of Nechtan, Derile's son.
See year 775.
^ "Wroid's son" ABC ; "Angus's son" IK and Fordun, this being in I
a repetition of the reign entered before. Cf the Alpin of DFK and Fordun
in the table above.
Wroid, A ; Uuroid, B ; Uuoid, C ; (cf. C's Uugtit for Fergus, Brude's
father, where B has Uurgut, and A Wirguist ;) and above, Feret, DF ;
Eferadkeche, K. Wroid, Fe?-ef, and Ferath, appear to be different forms
of one name, which K thought to be the same as the Irish Feradach. Cf.
" Wrad," below.
3j years, A ; 6J years, B ; 8 years, I ; 2 years, K and Fordun. C reads
" 3 years and half the reign " ; Todd and Skene would read anni for regni
(i.e. 35 years) ; this is probably the true reading.
See year 780.
^ 4 or 5 years, A ; I year, BCDFIK and Fordun.
The text of A is to be corrected by the reading of B : " Drust, Talorcan's
son, reigned one year.
" Talorcan, Drostan's son, reigned four or five years."
4 or 5 years, B ; "or 15 " C (omitting the first number) ; 4 years, DFIK
and Fordun.
See year 782, note.
^ ^\ years, A ; 12^ years, BC ; 5 years, DFIK and Fordun.
See year 782, note.
■• Canaul filius Tarl'a, A ; Canaul filius Tang., C.
5 years, ABC ; omitted, DFIK and Fordun.
See years 789, 807.
= 35 years, ABC ; 45 years, D ; 42 years, FI ; 40 years, K and F"ordun.
Read 32 years.
See years 789, 820.
For additions in DFIK and Fordun see year 820, note.
^ 12 years, ABC ; 9 years, D ; 10 years, FIK and Fordun.
See year 834. For additions in DFI and Fordun, see year 834, note.
' " Drust, Constantine's son " ABC.
"Talorcan" A ; "Talorc" BC.
Wthoil, A ; Uuthoil, BC.
3 years, ABC.
DFIK and Fordun run the two kings into one, who is construed in D
cxxviii INTRODUCTION
Ewen, Angus' son, reigned for three years.^
Wrad, Bargoit's son, reigned for three years,^ and
Bred for one year.^
and Fordun with a singular verb. DFIK : " Drust-talorc [reigned (D)] for
4 years." To the same effect in Fordun. {Dostolorg, D ; Drustalorg, F ;
Dustalorg, I ; Durstolorger, Fordun ; Duf Tolorg, K, i.e. " Dubthalorc")
The period of their reign appears to have been from 834 to 836
or 837.
1 " Ewen " : Uven, A ; Utten, B ; Uuen, C ; Eogana, D ; Coganan, F ;
Dogatian, I ; Eggamis, K ; Eoghane, Fordun.
3 years, ABCDFIK and Fordun. E wen's reign would thus have been
from about 836 or 837 to 839 (q.v.), when he died.
2 IVrad, A ; Uurad, B ; Urad, C ; Fergus, D ; Ferat, F ; Ferach, I
(read Ferath) ; Feradagus, K ; Feredetli, Fordun.
Bargoit, ABC ; Barot, D ; Bafot, F ; Bacoc, I ; Badoghe, K ; Badoc,
Fordun.
3 years, ABCDFIK and Fordun. This would place his reign from
about 839 to 842.
3 "And" ABC ; omitted, DFIK.
Bred, AB ; Brod, C ; Briid, D ; Brunde, F ; Brude, IK and Fordun.
DFIK add "Wrad's son" {Feraiit, D ; Ferat, F ; Ferech, I ; Feradhach,
K ; Feredeth, Fordun).
I year, ABCI ; i month, DFK and Fordun. This reign may have been
about 842-843.
Here the list of Pictish kings ends in versions ABC. But DFIK and
Fordun continue it, still in close agreement with one another.
D reads (P. & S., 150-151): "Kenneth, Wrad's son, reigned for one
year.
" Brude, Wthoil's son, reigned for two years.
" Drust, Wrad's son, reigned for three years. He was slain at Forteviot,
some say at Scone, by the Scots."
F omits "by the Scots" ; IK and Fordun omit the last sentence, and K
reads instead : " He was the last king of the Picts, and was killed at Scone
by treachery." Fordun reads in place of this : " Also in this king, Drostan
\Druskeri\, the power of the Picts to reign came to an end [regnandi defeat
potestas], and the kingdom was altogether transferred from them to the
king of the Scots, Kenneth, and his successors ; and the kingdom of the
Scots became thenceforward one. Thanks be to God."
" Wrad's," both times, is spelt in all versions as before (in Skene's texts).
"Wthoil's" : Fodel, D ; Fetal, F ; Fokel, I ; Fochel, K.
I, 2, 3, years, DFIK.
Most likely these three were kings of some Pictish district. Probably
Kenneth did not at once obtain dominion over all the Picts. (Cf. the
Huntingdon Chronicle, year 843, note.) With the treachery involved in the
death of Drust, Wrad's son, cf. the treachery described by Giraldus
Cambrensis ; year 843, note.
INTRODUCTION cxxix
Chronicle of the Kings of Dalriata, version E ; in Skene's
Picts and Scots, pp. 130-131^
Chronicles of the kings of the Scots for three hundred and
four years?-
Fergus, Erc's son,'* was the first of Conaire's race to receive
the kingdom of Scotland ; that is, from the mountain of
Druimm-nAlban* as far as to the sea of Ireland, and to the
Hebrides.^
He reigned for three years.'^
Domangart, his son, reigned for five years.'
^ In the notes upon Chronicle E, the Duan Albanach is cited, but ahnost
solely for the lengths of reigns. The Duan has little value for numbers.
^ Cf. the conclusion in I ; " The sum of the years from the time of Fergus,
Erc's son, to the time of Alpin, 307 years and 3 months." In K : "The sum
of the years of the reign of the Scots before the Picts, 305 years and
3 months."
D has this title and preface : " Short Chronicle. The sum of the years
of the first Scots who reigned before the Picts, 260 years and 3 months.
The sum of the years of the Picts, 337 years and 5 months. The sum
total, 1668 years and 8 months. It is to be noted that the kingdom of
Scotland begins 443 years before the Lord's Incarnation." This calculation
would date version D in A.D. 1225, if its numbers and arithmetic are
correct.
F has this title : " Names of the kings who first reigned in Scot-
land."
3 " Erc's " : Eric, E ; Herth, D ; Erth, F ; Here, I ; Ferthair, K ; Her,
N. (With this exception, N omits all the notes of relationship.) This is a
typical example of the variations in spelling, which will not be noted here
unless some possible difference of meaning is involved.
■• Instead of " from the mountain of Druimm-nAlban" (i.e., the "ridge of
Scotland"), D reads: "beyond Druimm, and from Druimm-nAlban"; FI,
"beyond Druimm-nAlban"; K, "beyond Dumbarton."
° usque ad mare Hibernie et ad Inchegal, E. For ad mare Hibernie D
reads Scicagh munere ; F, Sluaghmaner ; I, Stuagmuner.
N reads : " Now the first of the Scots to reign from the mountain of
Scotland to the Irish Sea \_Mare Scoticum'\ was called Fergus, Erc's son ;
and he ruled for three years only. And he was killed by his followers."
^ 3 years, DEFIKN ; 27 years, Duan. See year 501.
The Duan places before Fergus a 10 years' reign of Loarn.
After Fergus, Fland (below) places "Angus Mor, Erc's son."
7 "His son" E ; "son of Fergus" DFIK.
5 years, DEFIKN and Duan. See year 506.
N adds : " And he was killed."
cxxx INTRODUCTION
Comgall, Domangart's son, for thirty-three.^
Gabran, Comgall's brother, for twenty-two years ; ^
Conall, Comgall's son, for fourteen years ; ^
Aidan, Gabran's son, for thirty-four years;*
Eochaid Buide, Aidan's son, for sixteen years ; ^
Connad Cerr, Conall's son, for three months ;^
Ferchar, his son, for sixteen years ; ''
Donald Brecc, Eochaid's son, for fourteen ;^
' 33 years, E ; 22 years, DK ; 24 years, F and Duan ; 12 years, I ;
30 years, N (after Gabran). See year 537.
N adds : "And he was killed."
2 "Comgall's brother" E ; "Domangart's son" DFIK.
22 years, DEFK ; 34 years, I ; 20 years, N (before Comgall) ; 2 years,
Duan. See year 559.
N adds : " And he was killed."
^ 14 years, DEFKN ; 15 years, Duan. Misplaced in K ; omitted by I.
See year ?574.
N adds : "And he was killed."
* 34 years, DEFIK ; 33 years, N ; 24 years, Duan. Misplaced in F,
after Eochaid Buide, with the note: "ought to be transposed." See year
?6o8.
N adds : " And he was killed."
^ "Buide" (i.e., "yellow") DFIK ; flavus, E ; omitted, N.
16 years, EFI ; 15 years, D ; 14 years, K ; 6 years, N ; 70 years, Duan
(read 17). See year 630.
« "Connad": " Kenneth" DEFIKN.
"Cerr" (i.e., "askew"), DFIK; j?«f.r/^r ("left-handed"), E; omitted,
N.
3 months, DEFIKN and Duan. See year 630.
N adds : " And he was killed."
' "His son" {films eius) E ; "Ewen's son" DFIK (for Cuitt in I read
Euin as in D). Probably E has the correct reading. Fland (below) reads
" Conaing's son," meaning doubtless that he was the son of Connad Cerr,
as the Duan says.
16 years, DEFNK and Duan ; 21 years, I. See years 643 note, 694.
N adds : "And he was killed."
» "Brecc" (i.e , "freckled" or "pock-marked") FIK ; varius, E;
omitted, N.
"Eochaid's son" E ; "son of Eochaid Buide" FIK.
14 years, EFK and Duan ; 4 years, I ; 13 years, N ; omitted, D.
N adds : "And he was killed."
This reign appears to be wrongly placed in all the lists. Thus : —
INTRODUCTION
CXXXl
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cxxxii INTRODUCTION
Ferchar Fota, for twenty-one ; ^
Eochaid the Crooked-nosed, son of Domangart, son of
Donald Brecc, for three ;2
Ainfcellach, son of Ferchar Fota, for one year ; ^
Ewen, Ferchar Fota's son, for thirteen ;*
Skene thought that the names omitted by version E were the names of
rulers who had not the title of king, Dalriata having fallen under the
dominion of Northumbria (655-685). But there is no Hkelihood that the
title of king of Dalriata was given up during that time.
After the reign of Donald Brecc, F reads : " Maelduin, son of Donald
Dond, [reigned] for sixteen years,"
"Son of Donald Dond" FI ; '=son of Donald Brecc" K. Fland, the
Duan, and the Irish annals, call Maelduin the son of Conall Crandomna,
in likelihood correctly. Donald Dond was the name of one of Maelduin's
successors that have been omitted.
16 years, FIKN ; 17 years, Duan. See year 688.
N adds : "And he was killed."
Maelduin is omitted by DE ; his predecessors Conall Crandomna, and
Duncan (see year 659), and Domangart (year 673), are omitted by DEFIK.
1 " Fota" (i.e. "tall") DFIK ; longus, E ; omitted, N.
K places Ferchar Fota before Donald Brecc, and after Ferchar,
" Ewen's son."
21 years, DEFIK and Duan ; 20 years, N. See year 697.
N adds : " And he was killed."
The Chronicles of Dalriata omit Ferchar's predecessor, Donald Dond.
See year 695, and Fland.
^ Eochal habens curvuni nasum, E ; Heched nionanle^ D ; Heoghed
Monanel, F ; Heochet Rotmaicel, I ; Eorhetinen Da?iel, K ; Etal, N. The
epithet is obscure; for ;«£>«- read sron-t This seems to be the "Eochaid
na n-ech " of the Duan ; the Eocho Rianamhail {inac Aeda Find) of Fland
(although in that case Fland is wrong in calling him "Aed Find's son."
Eochaid, Aed Find's son, is entered by Fland more correctly later, without
any patronymic).
3 years, EFIKN ; 22 years, D ; 2 years, Duan. See year 697.
^ "Ainfcellach": Arinchellac, E; Amernikellethe, D; Arenkelleth, F;
Armkellach, I ; Armelech, K ; Ormekellet, N.
"Son of Ferchar Fota" E; "son of Findan" DFIK. E's reading is
supported by the Senchus.
I year, DEFIKN and Duan : i.e., 697-698. See years 698 ; 719.
N adds : " And he was killed."
■* "Ewen" E ; "Eogan" DFIK.
"Ferchar Fota's son" E ; "Findan's son" DFIK.
13 years, E ; 16 years, DFIK ; omitted, N and Duan. The Prose
Chronicle in the Chronicle of Melrose says that Ewen died in 741 (see
year 736, note).
INTRODUCTION cxxxiii
Muiredach, Ainfcellach's son, for three years ; ^
Ewen, [Muiredach's] son, for three ; ^
Aed Find, son of Eochaid the Crooked-nosed, for thirty;^
Fergus, Aed Find's son, for three ;*
Selbach, Eogan's son, for twenty-four ; ^
Eochaid the Poisonous, Aed Find's son, for thirty ; •^
See Fland, who diverges here from the Chronicles of Dalriata (below,
p. cxlvii). Fland places here Alpin, Eochaid's son, instead of Ewen, after
Selbach, Eochaid, and Dungal, all of whom the Chronicles of Dalriata omit.
Cf. the table, below. See years 733, 736.
1 "Muiredach" DFIK and Duan [Murechat, E ; Murdac, F ; Minredh-
ach, I ; Moredath, K). Fertham filius Murdathe, D.
"Ainfcellach's son" EFIK [filius Arinchellac, E; filius Arinkellath,
F; filius Armkellach, I; fitz Arnikelec, K) ; "Ewen's son" Prose
Chronicle.
3 years, EFIK, and Duan (misplaced) ; 2 years, D ; omitted, N. This
reign is placed 741-744 in the Prose Chronicle. But Muiredach, Ainfcellach's
son, reigned in Lorn from 733 to 736. See the table, below.
- "Ewen" EN ; " Eogan " FI.
" Muiredach's " FI ; " Muirchertach's " E.
3 years, EN ; 2 years, FI ; omitted, DK and Duan. The Prose
Chronicle says that this Ewen reigned 744-747 (see year 736, note).
N adds : " And he was killed."
3 "Aed Find" (i.e., "Aed the white"): Edalbus, E; Hethfyne, D;
Hethfin, F ; Edhfin, I ; Hedaldus, N. Aed Airectech (v.l. Airgnech)
in Fland.
" Of Eochaid the Crooked-nosed " ; Eochal curvi nasi, E ; Heorghet
rannal, D ; Heochetramele, F ; Heochet \ininiele inter-lined], I ; Heochet
roimauel, K.
30 years, DEFIN and Duan ; omitted, K. See year 778.
N adds : " And he was killed."
^ 3 years, DEFIN ; omitted, K and Duan. See years 778, 781.
^ "Selbach" EIKN ; Sealthant, D ; Tcalulanc, F.
"Eogan's son" EIK ; "Eoganan's" D ?, F.
24 years, EFIK ; 14 years, D ; 20 years, N. See year 781, note.
Here Fland and the Duan give an entirely different account. See
below.
" " Eochaid the Poisonous " : Fochal venenosus, E ; Herghed annum,
D ; Heogled annine, F ; Heochet anuine, I ; Ergheche, K.
DFIK add "Aed Find's son."
30 years, DEFIK ; omitted, N ; omitted by Fland and the Duan,
unless this be the Eochaid who succeeded Fergus in 781. See the table,
below.
CXXXIV
INTRODUCTION
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INTRODUCTION
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cxxxvi INTRODUCTION
Dungal, Selbach's son, for seven ;i
Alpin, son of Eochaid the Poisonous, for three.^
1 "Dungal, Selbach's son" DEI; "Dungal, son of Eochaid Annine"
F ; " Donald, Selbach's son " K {Donald; but K spells Donald Brecc
Dopnaldebreck) ; Conegal, N.
7 years, DEFIKN, and (differently placed) in. the Duan. See the
table on p. cxxxv.
N adds : " And he was killed."
2 " Of Eochaid the Poisonous " : Eochal venenosi, E ; Hethed anmine,
D ; Heogled annine, F ; Heochet anuine, I ; Beghach, K.
3 years, DEIKN ; 5 years, F (read 2?). See the table, below. For
additions in DFIK see year 843, note.
N adds: "And he died."
"Almost all these were killed; but they were not kings, because
they did not rule by election nor by descent, but by treason" {j)er
prodicionem).
We have contradictory accounts of the kings who reigned in Argyle
from 741 to 843. At 741 begins the Prose Chronicle inserted in the Chronicle
of Melrose : it agrees substantially with the Chronicle of Dalriata, but
gives neither reign-lengths nor dates.
The Chronicle of Dalriata and the Prose Chronicle record a continuous
succession of native kings, while in reality Dalriata had been annexed to
Pictland, and there were native kings at intervals only. See Skene's
Introduction to Fordun, Historians of Scotland Series, iv, pp. xH-xlvi ; and
Skene's Celtic Scotland, i, 292-294.
It is necessary to tabulate the principal statements for the sake of
comparison. There are three groups of authorities : (i) the Irish annals.
Of these, Tigernach fails us from 766 to 974 ; and the Chronicon Scotorum,
from 722 to £04. (2) Eland's Synchronisms, and the Duan Albanach.
(3) The Chronicles of the Picts and of Dalriata, with the Prose Chronicle
inserted in the Chronicle of Melrose. See the table, on the preceding pages.
Down to the year 781, the divergence is not very great. From 781 to
841, group (3) has nothing in common with the other two groups. The
Irish annals support to some extent the account of Eland and the
Duan.
Genealogies form another source of information. The only complete
one here is that appended to Chronicle E (below, p. clvii). It gives the
succession thus : Donald Brecc, Domangart, Eochaid, Eochaid, Aed Find,
Eochaid, Alpin, Kenneth. (Cf. also the Genealogies that follow the
Senchus, II ; below, p. cliv : and the Genealogy given by Ralph de Diceto ;
English Chroniclers, p. I.)
There were two Alpins, sons of Eochaid ; one, the father of Kenneth,
may have reigned before Kenneth in Dalriata ; the other, the brother of
Eochaid, Eochaid's son, reigned in Pictland from 726 to 728, and may
have reigned nominally in Dalriata before 741. See years 841, 858,
notes.
INTRODUCTION cxxxvii
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version B ; Skene's Picts
and Scots, pp. 29-30^
Kenneth, Alpin's son, reigned for sixteen years.^
Donald, Alpin's son, reigned for four years.^
Constantine, Kenneth's son, reigned for twenty years.*
Aed, Kenneth's son, reigned for two years.^
Giric, Dungal's son, reigned for eleven or three years.^
Donald, Constantine's son, reigned for eleven years.^
Constantine, Aed's son, reigned for forty years.^
' Also in Todd's Irish Nennius, p. Ixxvii,
Variations in the lengths of reigns in all the Chronicles are noted here.
The expanded versions are entered below, usually under the death-years
of kings.
Version F has this title : " [Here] follow the names of the kings of the
Scots." L has this title : " Names of the kings of Scotland who reigned
after the Picts " ; and speaks sub fine of " other chronicles of the kings of
Scotland."
2 16 years, ABCDEFGHIKLMN ; 30 years, Duan ; 28 years, Hunting-
don Chronicle.
See years 843, 858.
^ 4 years, ABCDEFGIKLMN and Duan ; 3 years, H ; 13 years
Hunt. Chr.
See years 858, 862.
* 20 years, BCEN ; 16 years, AFGIKM ; 15 years, D ; 19 years,
H ; 20 or 6 years, L ; 30 years, Duan ; 23 years. Hunt. Chr. ; 5^ years,
Berchan.
See years 861, 877.
'■> 2 years, B, Duan, and Hunt. Chr. ; I year, ACDEFGHIKLMN.
See years 877, 878.
° Giric, B ; " Ciricius " A ; Girig, C ; Girg; DI ; Grig, ELMN ; C<irus,
F ; Girgh, G ; Tirged, H ; Tirg, K.
"Dungal's son" BCDEFGIKN ; "Dugall's son" H; "Donald's son"
LJVI and Hunt. Chr. (wrongly).
II or 3 years, BC ; ii years, A, given to Eochaid, Run's son ; 12 years,
DEGHIK; 10 or 18 years, LM ; 15 years, N; 13 years. Hunt. Chr.;
omitted, Duan.
See years 878, 889.
''11 years, ABCDEFHIMN and L (secondary source) ; 2 years, GK ;
4 years, Duan ; 9 years. Hunt. Chr. L's primary source omits Donald,
Constantine's son, and says that Giric's successor was Constantine, Donald's
son, who reigned for 2 years.
See years 889, 900.
8 40 years, ABDFGIKN ; 45 years, CHLM and Hunt. Chr. ; 25 years,
E; 30 years, L (secondary source); 46 years, Duan. (For "Beth" in H
cxxxviii INTRODUCTION
Malcolm, Donald's son, reigned for nine years.^
Culen, son of Indulf, son of Constantine, reigned for three
years.^
Kenneth, Malcolm's son, reigned for seven years.^
Culen, Indulfs son, reigned for four years.*
read Heth "Aed" ; there is frequent confusion between the letters B and
H.) L's primary source omits Constantine (but see the previous note).
See years 900 and 943.
' 9 years, BCDEFGHI and Hunt. Chr. ; 11 years, A ; 10 years, K ;
20 or 9 years, L ; 20 years, M ; 8 years, Duan ; omitted, N.
See years 943, 954.
Version L concludes thus (ibid., 297) : " It is to be noted that in other
chronicles of the kings of Scotland, variations occur as well in the names
of certain of the kings written above, as in the numbers of the years during
which they are said to have reigned.
" Also it is to be noted that this name Malcolm, in the names of the kings
mentioned above, is versified in metre as a name of four syllables ; because
it is placed at the end of pentameter verses ; and the penultimate [syllable]
is short. But commonly it is pronounced in three syllables, and the second
syllable ends in / and the third begins with the letter m ; so that it is
pronounced Mal-col-mus." (The form Malcolomus occurs in the Verse
Chronicle, ibid., 180; sic lege, 182. The name is derived from Irish
Mael-coluimb, " devotee of Columba.")
2 " Culen, son of Indulf, son of Constantine " BC ; " Indulf, son of
Constantine" DEFGHILM and Hunt. Chr., correctly ; " Indulf " AN and
Duan. Omit " Culen, son of."
3 years, B ; 8 years, A and Duan ; 4 years, C ; 9 years, DEFGHILMN
and Hunt. Chr. ; 10 years, K.
See years 954, 962.
3 "Kenneth": "or Dub" interlined in later hand in BC. This is a
confusion with the Kenneth who followed Culen, and arises from the
previous mistake of Culen for Indulf in BC. Read "Dub" (i.e., "the
Black"): Niger, A; Duf, DEHIKLMN and Hunt. Chr.; Buf, F;
Diibhoda, Duan.
7 years, BC and Duan ; 5 years, A ; 4 years, 6 months, DEFGIKLM
and Hunt. Chr. ; 10 years, L (secondary source) ; 3 years, 6 months, H ;
4 years, N.
See years 962, 967.
^ " Culen" (i.e. "whelp") : Caniculus and Culenring in A.
" IndulPs son" BCDEFHIKLM and Hunt. Chr.
4 years, BN and Duan ; 5 years, A ; 4 years, 6 months, DEFGHILM ;
4 years, 7 months, K ; 10 years, L (secondary source) ; 5 years, 3 months.
Hunt. Chr. C omits everything between this occurrence of the name
"Culen" and the next, and reads : "Culen, one year and a half" : this is
to be corrected to " [Constantine, son of] Culen." See below.
See years 967, 971.
INTRODUCTION cxxxix
Kenneth, Malcolm's son, reigned for twenty-four years.^
Constantine, son of Culen, [reigned] for one year and
a half.2
Kenneth, Dub's son, reigned for eight years.^
Malcolm, Kenneth's son, reigned for thirty years.*
' "Malcolm's son" ADEGHIK and L (secondary source); "Colum's
son" BF.
24 years, BN and L (secondary source) ; 24 years, 2 months, DFGIK ;
22 years, 2 months, EH ; 27 years, Duan (read 24) ; blank, A ; omitted,
CLM and Hunt. Chr.
See years 971, 995.
^ I year, 6 months, BDFGHIK and L (secondary source) ; i year,
4 months, E; 2 years, N; 7 years, Duan. In C, read: "[Constantine,
son of] Culen, i J years."
See years 995, 997.
3 " Kenneth, Dub's son " BCE.
8 years, BC ; i^ years, E ; omitted, DN.
LM read (after the reign of Dub, Malcolm's son) : "To Dub succeeded
Kenneth, his son ; and he reigned for i year and three months."
FGIK place here instead : "Giric, son of Kenneth, Dub's son " {Girus,
F; Grig, GI ; Grige, K.) L's secondary source reads : " after [Constantine,
Culen's son]. Grim, Kenneth's son, 8 years."
8 years, FGIL ; 9 years, K.
See year 1005.
« 30 years, BCDEFGHIKLMN, Duan, and Hunt. Chr. Malcolm
reigned 1005- 1034.
Versions E and H give the kings in correct order from Malcolm I to
Malcohn H :
1. Malcohii I, son of Donald II . . [943-954
2. Indulf, son of Constantine II . . . 954-962
3. Dub, son of Malcolm I . . . 962-966
4. Culen, son of Indulf .... 966-97 1
5. Kenneth II, son of Malcolm I . . 971-995
6. Constantine III, son of Culen . . 995-997
7. Kenneth III, son of Dub . . . 997-1005
8. Malcolm II, son of Kenneth II . . 1005-1034]
1 is omitted by N.
2 is falsely given by BC as Culen, son of Indulf, son of Constantine.
3 is called Kenneth, son of Malcolm, by BC.
Between 3 and 4, N inserts Malcolm.
Between 4 and 5, A inserts Culenring.
5 and 6 are omitted by C (through a scribal error).
7 is omitted by N, and is called Girus, Grig, and Grim, son of Kenneth,
in F, GIK, and L's secondary source.
L's primary source, M, and the Huntingdon Chronicle, omit 5 and 6,
and place 7 between 3 and 4.
cxl INTRODUCTION
Duncan, Malcolm's grandson, reigned for six years.^
Macbeth, [Findlaech's] son, reigned for sixteen years.^
Lulach [reigned] for five months.^
Malcolm, Duncan's son, afterwards.*
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version L ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, pp. 296-297
Malcolm, Duncan's son, succeeded Lulach, and reigned for
thirty-seven years and four months.^ And this Malcolm was
the husband of the queen St Margaret, and had by her four
sons, Duncan, Edgar, Alexander, and David."
Donald, Malcolm's brother, succeeded him, and reigned for
three years and six months ; in another book, for six months
only.^
1 "Malcolm's grandson" BC ; "his grandson" HLM. (For Enis in
text of H read ejus.)
6 years, BDFGIK, and L (secondary source), and Duan ; 7 years, C;
5 years, 9 months, LM and Hunt. Chr. ; 5 years, N ; omitted, E. Duncan
reigned 1034- 1040.
2 " Macbeth " : — Macbethad, B ; Macbeathad^ C ; Mecbeathaidh (in
genitive case), Duan ; Maket, D and Hunt. Chr. ; Macheik, EG (a
copyist's error, k for b) ; Macbeth, FL ; Machet, H ; Macbet (and
previously Macbeth) in I ; Machbeht, M ; omitted, N. BC and Duan give
the name in Irish dress.
" Findlaech's " : — Fin mic Laig, BC ; Fytigel, D ; Findleg, E ; Finlen
(and previously Fialeg), F ; Fingel {Fyngel), G ; Fineleih, H ; Fynleth
(without "son of"), LM ; Fingel, N; Fionnlaoich (in genitive case), in
Duan. (These are the spellings in Skene's texts.)
16 years, BCK ; 17 years, DEFGHIKLMN and Duan; 15 years,
Hunt. Chr. Macbeth reigned 1040-1057.
3 "Lulach": Luluch, B; Lulach, CDFIK ; Lulac, E; Dulach, G;
Lusach, H ; Luchlach, L ; Luthlach, M ; Gulak, N ; Lughlaigh (in
genitive case), Duan.
5 months, BC ; 4 months, DFGI ; i,\ months, E ; 4^- years (read
"months"), H; I month, K; 3I months, LM ; 4 years, N; 7 months,
Duan ; omitted, Hunt. Chr. Lulach reigned 1057-1058.
* " Malcolm, son of Colum, son of Duncan, afterwards" C.
■' 37 years, 4 months, L ; 37! years, 4 months, E ; 37 years, 8 months,
FGI ; 37 years, H and Hunt. Chr. ; 37 years, 6 months, K ; 36 years,
4 months, M ; 30 years, N. Malcolm III reigned 1058-1093 (Nov-
ember 13th).
L and M are here the only unexpanded versions.
•^ Duncan was the son of a previous wife. A similar error occurs in M.
' " Malcolm's brother " : "his brother" EHLM ; " Duncan's son " FGI.
INTRODUCTION cxii
Duncan, Malcolm's eldest son, succeeded Donald, and reigned
for half a year.^
Edgar, Duncan's brother, succeeded him, and reigned for
nine years; elsewhere it is said that, between Duncan and
Edgar, Donald reigned again for three years.^
Alexander, the third brother, succeeded Edgar, and reigned
for sixteen years and three months ; in another book, for
[seventeen] years.^
David, Alexander's brother, succeeded him, and reigned for
thirty-nine years ; in another [book,] for twenty-nine.*
Malcolm, son of Henry, earl of Northumbria, king David's
son, succeeded David, and reigned for twelve years and a half,
and three days.^
3i years or 6 months, L ; 3 years or 6 months, M ; 3 years and 7 months,
E ; 1 5 years, H ; 4 years, N (including Duncan's reign).
The 3 years belong to Donald's second reign. The Huntingdon
Chronicle places the sum (3^ years) under his second reign. Donald
reigned during the winter and spring of 1093-1094, and from late in 1094
to late in 1097.
1 "Malcolm's eldest son" LM ; "Malcolm's son" EFGI ; "illegitimate
son of Malcolm" H.
i year, ELM ; 6 months, FG and Hunt. Chr. ; omitted, HN. Duncan
reigned during the summer and autumn of 1094.
^ To the same effect in M.
FGIK place Donald's second reign (3 years) before Edgar's, correctly.
"Duncan's brother": "his brother" LM ; "Malcolm's son" EI ; "son
of Malcolm and Margaret " H.
9 years, FHILM and Hunt. Chr. ; 9 years, 3 months, G ; 9 years,
4 months, K ; 10 years, N. Edgar reigned 1097-1 107 (January 8th).
^ For " 71 years " in text read 17.
i6years, 3 months, LM ; i7years, 3 months, EFH ; I7years, 35 months,
GIK ; 16 years. Hunt. Chr. ; omitted by N. Alexander 1 reigned 1107-1124
(April 23rd).
* 39 years, LM and Hunt. Chr. ; 30 years, E ; 29 years, 3 months, FGl ;
29 years, HL ; 39 years, 3 months, K ; 20 years, N. (N transposes David
and Malcolm, and, after David's reign, reads : " Henry reigned for 20
years, and was buried at Dunfermline.") David reigned 11 24- 11 53 (May
24th).
^12^ years, 3 days, LM ; 12 years, 6 months, 13 days, E ; 12 years,
6 months, 20 days, FGIK ; 12^ years, H ; 12 years, N (before David's
reign); I2| years, 14 days, Hunt. Chr. Malcolm IV reigned 1153-1165
(December 9th).
cxlii INTRODUCTION
William, Malcolm's brother, succeeded him, and reigned for
forty-nine years but sixteen days.^
Alexander, William's son, succeeded him, and reigned for
thirty-six years and nine months ; and in another [book,]
for thirty-five.^
Alexander, Alexander's son, succeeded him, and reigned for
thirty-six years and nine months.^
John de Balliol succeeded Alexander, after seven intervening
years, and reigned for four years.*
Robert de Bruce, usurper, succeeded John, and reigned for
twenty-four years.^
Fland Mainistreoh, Synchronisms ; Skene's Picts and Scots,
pp. 18-22
Forty-three years from the time when Patrick came to
Ireland, to the battle of Ocha.'' Twenty years after the battle
of Ocha, the children of Ere, son of Eochaid Muin-remar, went
' 49 years but 16 days, L ; 52 years, FG ; 49 years, HM ; 50 years,
IKN ; 48 years, Hunt Chr. ; left blank in E, which stops here. William
reigned 1165-1214 (December 4th).
2 36 years, 9 months, LM ; 32 years, G ; 35 years, HLN ; 33 years, I ;
37 years, K ; 26 years, Hunt. Chr. N confuses Alexander II with
Alexander HI, Avhom it omits. Alexander II reigned 12 [4-1249 (July 8th).
3 36 years, 9 months, L ; 36 years, G ; 39 years, I ; 37 years, KN.
Alexander HI reigned 1249-1286 (March l6th).
Version I concludes thus: "The sum of the years from the time of
Kenneth to the time of the last Alexander [is] 567 [years]. .And the land
has been quiescent [si7uii] without a king for as many years as have
intervened." The number is wrong.
* 1292-1296.
^ 27th March 1 306 -f 7th June 1329.
L continues to the reign of David Bruce [1329-1371], and to the appear-
ance of David's opponent, Edward Balliol.
•^ Patrick went to Ireland in 432 ; the battle of Ocha is placed in
482 or 483 by A.U. (i, 26), i.e. 482x484. (In the Ulster Annals the
year 481=481, but 486 = 487; the intermediate years are not clearly
indicated.) The Chronicon Scotorum (28) places the battle in [484] (f.n. i,
Hennessy's year 484). A.I. (O'Conor's year 477) place it 77 years before
559, i.e., in 482. Eland's calculation would place the battle in 474 or 475 ;
the Annals of Clonmacnoise's version of Fland seems to have dated it in
478 (apparently reading xhn instead of xlh'i).
INTRODUCTION cxliii
to Scotland; namely six sons of Ere : two Anguses, two Loarns,
two Ferguses.^
Twenty-four years from the battle of Ocha to the death of
Diarmait, Fergus Cerr-bel's son.^ . . .
In this time five kings [reigned] in Scotland : Fergus Mor
Erc's son ; Angus Mor, Erc's son ; Domangart, Fergus' son ;
Comgall, Domangart's son ; Gabran, Domangart's son.^ . . .
' Cf. Genealogy II after the Senchus (below, p. cliv). Fland's calcula-
tion would place the arrival of Fergus in Scotland in the year 495. But
cf. the version in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, pp. 71-72 : "There reigned
in Munster two kings, Angus and Felim, 20 years after the battle of Ocha,
where Ailill Molt was slain.
" The sons of Ere went over into Scotland in the year 498, which is the
year 478[-l-]20, that is 483 [-f] 15" [anjio 498 qui est anno 478, 20 sed so
483-15). I.e., the calculation is 20 years from 478, but has been corrected
in a gloss to 15 years from 483, the date of the battle of Ocha, derived
from some other source. But that battle is placed by the Annals of
Clonmacnoise in 487.
^ Diarmait's death is recorded by A.U. (i, 60) under the year 564 = 565
(with f.n. and e. of 565) ; by A.I., in O'Conor's year 556 = 564 (35 years before
599). The period from 482/483 to 564/565 is 82 years ; Fland's 24 must be
the result of an error in transcription.
^ Loarn, Fergus, and Angus, may have reigned together. Loarn's reign
is said to have preceded that of Fergus. Angus's reign is not indicated by
the chronicles.
For the deaths of Fergus, Domangart, Comgall, and Gabran, see below,
years 501, 506, 537, 559.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 72 (after the voyage of Erc's sons to Dalriata) :
"Pope Hilarius died, to whom succeeded pope Simphcius [468].
" The city of Ravenna was quite destroyed by an earthquake " (467 ;
Marcellinus Comes, M.G.H., Auctores, xi, 89).
" During the reigns of the said kings, that is to say the reign of king
Lugaid, Loegaire's son" (king of Ireland, 484-1507, 508, or 512), "king
Muiredach, king Tuathal Maelgarb [537-544], and king Diarmait [544 or
545 - 1565 or 572], there reigned in Scotland five kings, who were Domangart,
Fergus (whom I should first name), Angus, Comgall, son of Domangart,
and Gabran his other son ; during which time there reigned in Ulster four
kings, namely Eochaid Conla's son [f 558], Fergna [f 557], Deman [f 572],
and Baetan, Cairell's son" (t58i or 587. These four kings have 46 years'
reign in the Book of Leinster's list of kings (facsimile, 41c) : 20, 5, 11, 10.)
" In Munster there reigned three kings : Eochaid, Crimthan, and
Scandlan. In Connaught also there reigned five kings, namely Owen or
Oilill [t 550], Fitz-Owen or Duach Tenga-umai [f 502], Eochaid Tirm-charna,
and Feradach Mac- Rosa." (Eochaid and Feradach have 20 and 30 years'
reigns in the Book of Leinster, 41a.)
cxliv INTRODUCTION
Thirty-six years from tlie death of Diarmait, Cerball's son,
to the death 1 of Aed, Ainmire's son.^ . . .
Two kings reigned in Scotland in that time: Conall,
Comgall's son, and Aidan, Gabran's son. Aidan had five years
after Aed, Ainmire's son.^ . . .
Sixty-three years from the death of Aed, Ainmire's son, to
the death of Donald, Aed's son.* . . .
Four kings [reigned] over Scotland in that time :
Eochaid Buide (Aidan's son ^) ; and Connad Cerr, [Eochaid
Buide's] son, who killed (Fiach[n]a^) Deman's son; and
' Down to here the Edinburgh MS. is hardly legible ; Skene's text is
taken from the Book of Lecan. Henceforward the Edinburgh MS. is the
basis of Skene's text : additions from the other MSS., d and c (the Book of
Lecan and Rawlinson B 512), are indicated by round brackets.
1 have compared Skene's text with the Edinburgh MS. The quotations
from the other MSS. are taken uncorrected from Skene's notes.
2 Aed died in 597 = 598, according to A.U., i, 76 (with f n. and e. of 598) ;
in [596] = 6oo? according to T. and C.S. (Hennessy's year 598, f.n. i). A.I.
(O'Conor's year 593) place Aed's death 2 years after 599. Eland's calcula-
tion of 36 years after 564/565 would place Aed's death between 599 and 601.
Perhaps 601 is the true date.
^ Conall died ca. 574, Aidan ca. 608.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 80, s.a. 547: "Diarmait, Fergus Cerball's son,
began his reign [544 or 545] immediately after king Tuathal was killed [544]
and reigned 20 years ; from the beginning of the reign of king Diarmait to
the death of Aed Ainmire's son \_Hugh mcAinnreagh\ was 36 years, during
which time there reigned in Ireland the number of seven kings, viz. Donald
[7566], Fergus [1567], Baetan [t 572], Eochaid [t 572], Baetan [f 586],
Ainmire [t575], and Aed his son. There reigned also in Scotland two
kings, Conall Comgall's son, and Aidan {HugKl Gabran's son. There
reigned likewise in the province of Ulster two kings, Daig Cairell's son"
{David mcConnell; 1587], "and Aed Dub, Suibne's son [t 588]. In
Leinster there reigned two kings, Colman [t 555, 558, or 563] and Aed
[t 598] ; in Ossory two kings, Colman and Cendfaelad \Ceanfoyld\ ; and in
Munster four kings reigned, Felim, Aed, Garvey, and Amalgaid \_Atiley\ ;
and in like manner in the province of Connaught there reigned two kings,
that is to say Maelcathaig {Moylecahy\ and Aed."
* Donald's death is placed by the Irish annals in the same year as
Donald Brecc's ; see year 643, below. The length of Eland's next period
shows that the number here is wrong. We should probably read xliii for
teVz, i.e. ca. 600 - ca. 643.
'" "Aidan's son" not in the Edinburgh MS. (Skene's MS. a).
° " Fiacha " omitted by MS. a. See year 627.
INTRODUCTION cxiv
Ferchar, Conaing's son ; and Donald Brecc, Eochaid Buide's
son.i . . .
A hundred and five years from the death of Donald, son of
Aed (son of Ainmire ^), to the death of Aed Alddain, the son of
Fergal.^ . . .
There were nine kings over Scotland in that time : Conall
Crandomna, and Duncan, Duban's son, and Duncan Dond,*
and Duncan,^ and Ferchar Fota, and Eochaid Rianamail,^ and
^ Eochaid Buide died ca. 630 ; Connad Cerr died in the same year.
Ferchar's reign is not noticed in the annals, but his death is entered by
A.U. 50 years after Fland's Hmit of his reign ; see year ?65i.
Donald Brecc died (apparently) ca. 643. For the divergence among the
chronicles see the table, above, p. cxxxi. For the divergence among the
Irish annals, see year 643, note.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 97, s.a. 590 (after the death of Columba [f 597],
and the battle of Dunbolg [598]) : " Colman Rimid and Aed Slane reigned
jointly seven years. There were 43 years [ca. 600-643] froni the death of
king Aed Ainmire's son to [the death of] Donald, Aed's son" (in text
mcEarckd) ; " during which time there reigned in Ireland seven kings, viz.
Colman [578 -f 604], Aed Slane [598-1604], Aed Uairidnech, Maelcoba
[6i2-t6i5], Suibne Mend [615-1628], and Donald. There reigned in
Scotland four kings, Eochaid Buide, Connad Cerr, Ferchar Duncan's son,
and Donald. There reigned in Ulster four kings : Fiachna Baetan's son
[t ca. 626], Fiachna [Deman's son, f 627], Congal [Caech, f 637], and Duncan
[Fiachna's son, t647]. In Leinster three kings, Brandub Eochaid's son
[1605], Ronan [1624], Crimthan [1633], Cualann, and Faelan" (king in
628). " In Ossory three kings : Scandlan Cendfaelad's son \incKinley\
Tuaimsnama [Twayntsnawa, 1678], and Faelchu l^ffoylcha^; and in the
province of Munster, Cathal, Failbe [t637], Curaw, and Maenach son of
Fingin [f 662] ; and lastly in the province of Connaught there reigned
Uata [ffwadagh; t6oi or 602], Colman Cobthach's son [t622], and
Ragall[ach] (of whom the O'Kellys) son of Uata [1649 or 656]. ..."
2 Not in MS. a.
= I.e., from ca. 643 to 743 (A.U., i, 202, s.a. 742 = 743).
* Read with MSS. b and c " Donald Dond."
° Read with MSS. b and c " Maelduin, Conall's son."
° Eocho rianamhail. "Aed Find's son" is added in MSS. b and c
(or one of them), incorrectly.
Eochaid, Aed Find's son, appears from the pedigrees to have been the
grandfather of Kenneth, Alpin's son. The present Eochaid (t ca. 697)
was Domangart's son, and Aed's Find's grandfather. See year 697, and
p. cxxxii.
cxlviii INTRODUCTION
A hundred and thirty years from the death of Aed Find-liath
to the death of Brian Boroime.i _ _
by Conall, Aidan's son, who may be the " brother " referred to (i.e., cousin,
or brother-in-law? Cf. year 713, note).
Constantine has g years' reign over Dahiata in the Duan (?8ii -fSao).
He was king of the Picts 789-1820.
Aed, Boanta's son, has 4 years' reign in the Duan. He died in 839.
Eoganan has 13 years' reign over Dalriata in the Duan. He was king
of the Picts ?836-t839.
Alpin n probably reigned for a time in Dalriata before Kenneth.
Eoganan II is not elsewhere mentioned.
Kenneth, Alpin's son, was king of the Picts and of Argyle from 843 to
858. Fland's reckoning would place Kenneth's death about 879, i.e. about
21 years too late.
The Duan Albanach agrees closely with Fland from the reign of Ferchar
Fota onwards, but omits Selbach and Eochaid, and Fergus and Eochaid ;
in Skene's P. & S., -61-62 : "Seven years of Dungal the impetuous, and
Alpin had four ; three years of Muiredach the good, and Aed had thirty as
sovereign. Donald passed twenty-four years with might. Two years of
Conall (a brilliant step), and four of another Conall. Nine years of the fair
Constantine, nine of Angus over Scotland ; four years of glorious Aed, and
thirteen of Eoganan. Thirty years of severe Kenneth. . . ."
The epithets in the Duan (Dungal Dian, Muiredach Maith, Cusaintin
Cain, Aed An, Cionaith Cruaid) are selected for assonance. Sometimes
perhaps the Duan's numbers also have been adapted to the metre.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 115-116, s.a. 734 = 737: "Aed Alddain {Hugh
Allari\ reigned 9 years.
"There was 132 years between the death of Aed Alddain and the death
of king Aed Find-liath [743-879]. During which time there reigned in
Ireland 8 kings, which were Fergal, Niall Frossach [763 - f 769], Aed
Oirdnide \Hughornye; fSig], Duncan [t797], Connor Duncan's son [7833],
Niall Glundub \Glunduffe ; read " Caille," f 846], Maelsechlaind [f 862], and
Aed Find-liath [j 879].
"There reigned in Scotland 26 kings, videlicet: Dungal, Alpin, Muire-
dach, Conall, Conall, Angus, Fergus, Eochaid, Donald, Constantine, Eogan
{Oweri^, Alpin, Eogan Cendbuide" {Owen Kymboye, as if one man),
" Fiachna, Eochaid {EochyX Tomaltach \ffomaliagh\ Carcall, Maelbressail
\Moylebressal\ Muiredach, Matadan Lethlobar \Morieagh Madadan,
Leathlovar], Anfith [Ainvith\ Eochagan, Eremon, Fiachna Eremon's son,
Muiredach, and Eochaid" {Ahagh; 878-889. This is a padded list.)
" There reigned in Leinster 13 kings, videlicet: Cellach [t776], Ruadri
\Rory ; 1785], Bran [f 79S], Findachta [f 808], Muiredach [t 829], Cellach
[t 834], Bran [835 - 1 838], Ruarc [f 862], Dunlaing, Tuathal [t 854], Dunlaing,
and Donald {Daniell ; f 884]." These annals proceed to give lists of the
kings of Ossory, of Munster, and of Connaught, within the same period.
' I.e. from 879 to 1014. (Skene's text reads " 138 years," which is
doubtless the reading in one or both of the other MSS.)
INTRODUCTION cxlix
Fourteen ^ kings reigned over Scotland in that time, namely
Donald, Alpin's son ^ ; and Constantine, Kenneth's son ^ ; and
(Aed, Kenneth's son *) ; Giric, Dungal's son ^ ; and Donald
Dasachtach (Constantine's son^); Constantine, Aed's son'';
and Malcolm, Donald's son^; and Indulf, Constantine's (son^);
and Dub, Malcolm's son i" ; and Culen, Indulf's son"; and
Kenneth, Malcolm's son ^^ ; and Constantine, Culen's son ^^ ; and
Kenneth, Dub's son " ; and Malcolm, Kenneth's son. . . . ^^
Continuation of Fland Mainistrech ; Skene's Picts and
Scots, p. 119^'^
A hundred and four years from the battle of Brian to the
death of Muirchertach, Toirdelbach's son.^' . . .
Five kings reigned in Scotland during that time : Duncan,
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 116: "There are 138 years from the death of
king Aed Find-hath to the death of king Brian Boroime [879-1014], that
was killed by the Danes in the battle of Clontarf. During which time
there reigned in Ireland 6 kings, viz. : Fland, Maelsechlaind's son [t9iS],
Niall Glundub [1919], Congalach [t956], Donald [1980], Maelsechlaind
Donald's son [f 1022], and king Brian [f 1014]."
1 "Fifteen" in MSS. b and f. "Fourteen . . . time" is now illegible
in MS. a. " Fifteen " is the correct reading ; MS. a has omitted Aed,
Kenneth's son.
2 Donald reigned probably 858-862.
^ Constantine reigned probably 862-S77.
* Not in MS. a. Aed reigned probably 877-878.
^ Giric and Eochaid reigned 878-889.
" Not in MS. a. Donald reigned 889-900.
' Constantine, 900-943.
^ Malcolm, 943-954.
" Not in MS. a. Indulf reigned 954-962.
1° Dub, 962-966. After his reign, MSS. 6 and c insert: "and Aear,
Malcolm's son" (Skene, P. & S., p. xxxi).
" Culen, 966-971.
12 Kenneth, 971-995.
'^ Constantine, 995-997.
" Kenneth, 997-1005.
15 Malcolm, 1005-1034.
1" Edited by Skene (with a translation) from the Book of Lecan, and
MS. Rawlinson B 512.
" Muirchertach Ua-Briain died in 11 19, according to A.U., ii, 100;
the continuation of Tigernach, Revue Celtique, xviii, 40 ; A.I., O'Conor's
Scriptores, ii, 2, 103 ; Chronicon Scotorum, 320 ; and F.M., ii, 1008. The
period intended is therefore 1014-1119.
cl INTRODUCTION
Crinan's son 1 ; Duncan, Malcolm's son 2; Macbeth, Findlaech's
son 3; Lulach, Macbeth's son*; Malcolm, Duncan's son.^ He
it was who was killed by the French, along with Edward,
his son.
Senchus Fer n-Alban, in the Book of Ballymote, facsimile,
p. 148 «
Here begins the abbreviation of the history of the men of
Scotland.
Two sons of Eochaid Muin-remor, namely Ere and Olchu.
And Ere, Eochaid's son, had twelve sons ; six of them took
possession of Scotland ; — two Loarns, Loarn Bee and Loarn
Mor ; and two sons of [Nes],^ Macc-Misi Bee and Macc-Misi
Mor ; [and] two [sons] Fergus, Fergus Bee and Fergus Mor.
Six others were in Ireland, namely Macc-Deichill ; Angus,
whose descendants are in Scotland ; Enda, Bressal, Fiachra,
Dubthach. Others say that Ere had another son, whose name
was Muiredach.
Olchu, Eochaid Muin-remar's son, had eleven sons, who
inhabited Muirbolg with the [men of] Dalriata ; namely Muir-
edach Bole, Aed, Guaire, Daire, Angus, Tuathal, Anblomaid,
Eochaid, Setna, Briasomu, Cormac.
Fergus, Erc's son, was another name of Macc-Misi Mor. He
had one son, Domangart. Domangart had two sons, Gabran ^
and Comgall, both sons of Fedlim, daughter of Briun, son of
Eochaid Muigmedon. Comgall had one son, Conall. Conall
had seven sons : — Loingsech, Nechtan, Artan, Tuathan, Tutio,
Coirpre.
Gabran had five sons : — Aed Find,'' Eogan, Cuiltech,
Donald, Domangart.
' Duncan, Crinan's son, reigned 1034-1040.
^ Duncan, Malcolm's son, 1094.
^ Macbeth, 1040- 1057.
^ Lulach, 1057-1058.
^ Malcolm III, 1058- 1093.
^ Skene edited this tract, with a translation, from the Trinity College
(Dublin) MS. H.2.7, collating the versions in the Book of Ballymote and
the Book of Lecan, in his P. & S., 308-314.
' For Misi read Nisej so also below.
^ In MS. Garbanj so also below.
^ Read " Aldan " ; so also below.
INTRODUCTION cli
Aed Find had seven sons : — two Eochaids, Eochaid Buide
and Eochaid Find ; Tuathal, Bran, Baithine, Conaing, Gartnait.
Eochaid Buide, Aidan's son, had eight sons : — Donald Brecc,
and Donald Dond, and Conall Crandomna, Conall Breg,
Connad Cerr, Failbe, Domangart, Cu-cen-mathir.
Eochaid [Find] had eight sons; — Baetan, Pertan, Pletan,
Cormac, Cronan, Feradach, Fedlimid, Caplen.
These were the sons of Conaing, Aidan's son: — Rigallan,
Ferchar, Artan, Arthur, Duncan, Domangart, Nechtan, Nem,
Crumene.
Four sons of Gartnait, Aidan's son, namely [ . . . ].^
Two sons of Tuathal, son of Morgan, son of Eochaid Find,
son of Aidan, son of Gabran, [grandson of Fergus Mor]. Now
[Fergus Mor's] brother was Fergus Bee, son of Ere Geodnaid.
He had one son, Setna, from whom descend the tribe of Setna,
or Setne, son of Fergus Bee, son of Ere, son of Eochaid Muin-
remor.
Angus Mor and Loarn and Macc-Misi Mor were three sons
of Ere, on that side.
Angus Mor, Erc's son, had two sons, Natsluaig and Fergna.
Fergna had seven sons: — Tuathal, Aed Letho, Riagan,
Fiachu, Guaire, Canntann, Eocho.
And Natsluaig had two sons, Barrfind and Caiblene.
Two sons of Barrfind, Naem and Tulchan.
Tulchan had four sons : — Cronan, Breccan, Domancon,
Mend.
Other people say that Natsluaig had three sons: — Lugaid,
Conall, Galan.
Caiblene, Natsluaig's son, had four sons: — Aidan, Lugaid,
Crumaine, Gentine, who was also called Min.^
Barrfind, Natsluaig's son, had three sons: — Lugaid, Conall,
Canan. Their mother was a Pict,^ and they divided the land in
Islay.*
Now Angus Bee, Erc's son, had one son, Muiredach.
[There are] a hundred villages in Islay: — in Odeich, twenty
' There has been some omission in this sentence ; but no gap appears
in the text of the Book of Ballymote.
^ qui et inin.
^ Cruithneach.
* orba anili.
ciii INTRODUCTION
houses; in Freg, a hundred and twenty houses; in Clad-rois,
sixty houses; in Rosdeorand, thirty houses; in Ardbes,
thirty houses ; in Loichrois, thirty houses ; in Ath-caisil,
thirty . . .^
The tribe of Angus :— thirty houses in Caillnae, but the
holdings are small, namely thirty-one men. The fighting-
strength ^ of the army of the tribes of Angus, five hundred
men. The fighting-strength of the tribes of Gabran, three
hundred men ; but if the expedition be by sea, forty-two
men (?) go from them upon the campaign.^
Now the three parts of Dalriata are the tribe of Gabran, and
the tribe of Angus, and the tribe of Loarn Mor.
These were the sons of Loarn Mor: — Eochaid, Cathba,
Muiredach, Fuindenam, Fergus Salach, two Maines. Others
say that Loarn had only three sons, Fergus Salach, and Muire-
dach, and Maine.
These are the three divisions of the tribe of Loarn : — the
tribe of Fergus Salach, and the tribe of Cathba, and the tribe
of Eochaid, Muiredach's son. The tribe of Fergus have sixty
houses. The fighting-strength of the tribe of Loarn is seven
hundred men ; but the seventh hundred is composed of the
people of Oriel.* But in the case of a sea campaign, fourteen
go still from every twenty houses.^
Fergus Salach had five sons: — Caeldub, who had thirty
houses ; Eogan Garb, who had thirty houses ; and his wife was
Crodu, daughter of Dalian, son of Eogan, son of Niall ; Fergna,
who had fifteen houses ^ ; Eogan, who had five houses ; Baetan,
who had five houses.
Muiredach, Loam's son, had two sons, Cathba and Eochaid.
Eochaid, Muiredach's son, had five sons: — Feradach, who had
1 ininsinj possibly read inmsin " in that [land] " ?
2 fecht airmi.
^ mad fecht imorro for imramh, uiishese\r\ uaidib i fecht. Skene's text
has : vij. vij. sese uaidibh, which he translates " twice seven benches of
them." The text is probably corrupt, and my rendering of it is merely
conjectural. The calculation below gives 392 men. We might have
expected here a number 140, or 150.
* dinib Airgiall.
^ da secht bes o each xx. iteach dib.
" Fergna coig tigi dh ~ lais.
INTRODUCTION cliii
twenty houses ; Cormac, who had twenty houses ; Pletan and
Cronan, who had twenty houses between them. And three sons
of Cathba: — Brenaind, Ainmire, Cronan.
A hundred and fifty men were the navy that went with the
sons of Ere ; the third fifty were Coirpre with his people.
The tribe of Gabran [has] five hundred and sixty houses
[in] Kintyre, and [in] the territory of Comgall/ with its islands.
Fourteen to every twenty houses, for sea campaign. The tribe
of Angus has four hundred and thirty houses ; fourteen to
every twenty houses, for sea campaign. The tribe of Loarn
has four hundred and twenty houses ; fourteen to every twenty
houses, for sea campaign.
Genealogies from the Book of Ballymote, pp. 148-149^
Here begins the genealogy of the men of Scotland.
I
Constantine, son of [Culen],^ son of Indulf, son of Con-
stantine, son of Aed,* son of Kenneth, son of Alpin, son of
Eochaid, son of Aed Find, son of Eochaid,^ son of Domangart,"
son of Fergus, son of Ere, son of Angus, son of Fergus Ulach,
son of Fiachra Tathmael,'' son of Fedlimid Lamdoit, son of
Cince, son of Guaire, son of Cindtai, son of Coirpre Riata, son
of Conaire Coem, son of Mug-lama,^ son of Coirpre Crom-chend,
son of Daire Dornmor,^ son of Conaire Mor, son of Eterscel, son
of Eogan, son of Ailill, son of lar, son of Dedad, son of Sin, son
' I.e., Cowal, Argyleshire.
2 Skene edited these pedigrees from the same three MSS. as the
Senchus, to which they are appended, in his P. & S., 314-317. Cf. the
slightly varying pedigree in Rawlinson B 502, facsimile, 162.
^ Coluim; read Coliuin ?
* "son of Aed," omitted by other pedigrees, is erroneous.
■^ Add here " son of Eochaid."
" Add : " Son of Donald Brecc, son of Eochaid Buide, son of Aldan,
son of Gabran, son of Domangart," as in Rawlinson MS., and in B.B.
pedigree II.
" "Ere . . . Tathmael," to be corrected by pedigree II.
^ " Conaire ..." The Rawlinson MS. reads " Conaire Coem, son of
Lugaid."
^ The Rawlinson MS. inserts "son of Coirpre."
clvi INTRODUCTION
mother was Fedlim Folt-choem, daughter of Briun, son of
Eochaid Muigmedon.
IV
Congus, son of Consamla, son of Conai Garb, son of Gartnait,
son of Aidan, son of Gabran.
V
Genealogy of the children of Loarn Mor.
Ainfcellach, son of Ferchar Fota, son of Feradach, son of
Fergus, son of Nechtan, son of Colum, son of Baetan, son of
Eochaid, son of Muiredach, son of Loarn Mor, son of Ere, son
of Eochaid Muin remor.
Morgan,! sg^ gf Don[ald], son of Cathma[il], son of Ruadri,
son of Ferchar, son of Muiredach, son of Baetan, son of Eochaid,
son of Muiredach.
VI
Genealogy of the children of Comgall.
Eochaid, son of Nechtan, son of Ferchar, son of Fingin, son
of Eochaid, son of Loingsech, son of Comgall, son of Domangart,
son of Macc-Misi Mor, son of Ere.
VII
Genealogy of the children of Angus.
Angus, son of Boib, son of Ronan, son of Aidan, son of
Coiblein, son of Natsluaig, son of Ronan, son of Angus, son of
Ere, son of Eochaid Muin-remor.
VIII
Maelsnachtai, son of Lulach, son of Gillacom[gain],2 son of
Maelbrigte, son of Ruadri, son of Morgan, son of Donald,
1 The r in Morgan has been added above the line. The Book of Lecan
has Moganj MS. a has Mongan (Skene, u.s., 316).
^ Gillicom. Skene reads Gillicomgan, presumably from the Book of
Lecan.
INTRODUCTION clvii
son of Cathmail, son of Ruadri, son of Aircellach, son of
Ferchar Fota.^
Pedigree of the Scottish Kings, appended to version E of
the Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland ; Skene's Picts
and Scots, pp. 133-134^
King William the ruddy [was] the son of Henry, the son of
David, the son of Malcolm, the son of Duncan, who was the
grandson of Malcolm, the son of Kenneth, the son of Malcolm,
the son of Donald, the son of Constantine, the son of Kenneth,
the son of Alpin, the son of Eochaid, the son of Aed Find, the
son of Eochaid, the son of Eochaid, the son of Domangart, the
son of Donald Brecc, the son of Eochaid Buide, the son of
Aidan, the son of Gabran, the son of Domangart, the son of
Fergus, the son of Ere, the son of Eochaid Muin-remor, the son
of Angus Fir, the son of Fedlimid Aislingech, the son of
Angus Bujdnech, the son of Fedlimid Ruamnach, the son of
Sen-chormac, the son of Cruitlinde, the son of Findfece, the son
of Achircir, the son of Eochaid Antoit, the son of Fiachra
Cathmail, the son of Eochaid Riata, the son of Conaire, the son
of Mug-lama, the son of Lugaid, the son of Ellatig, the son of
Coirpre Crom-chend, the son of Daire Dorn-mor, the son of
Coirpre, the son of Admor, the son of Conaire Mor, the son of
Eterscel, the son of Eogan. . . .^
Pedigree V appended to Annales Cambriae ; Y Cymmrodor,
vol. ix, pp. 172-173*
Run, son of Arthgal, son of Dumnagual, son of Riderch, son
of Eugein, son of Dumnagual, son of Teudebur, son of Beli, son
1 Pedigree VIII is not in MS. a (Skene). For "Aircellach" read
" Ainfcellach." But this is not in agreement with pedigree V, above.
- Also edited by Innes in his Critical Essay, 420-421.
^ The pedigree is carried up to "Adam, the son of the living God."
Cf. the pedigree in Fordun, Chronica, IV, 8 (i, 151) : "For this Kenneth
was the son of king Alpin, son of Eochaid \Achay\ son of Aed Find, son of
Eugenius, son of Findan, son of Eugenius, son of Domangart, son of Donald
Brecc, son of Eugenius Buide, son of Aidan, son of Gabran, son of
Domangart, son of Fergus, son of Erth."
^ Also in Skene's P. & S., 15 ; Loth's Mabinogion (1889), ii, 308-309.
I give the names here as they are spelt in the pedigree.
clviii INTRODUCTION
of Elfin, son of Eugein, son of Beli, son of Neithon, son of
Guipno, son of Dumngual Hen, son of Cinuit, son of Ceretic
Guletic,! son of Cynloyp, son of Cinhil, son of Cluim, son of
Cursalen, son of Per, son of Confer. . . }
1 This seems to have been the Coroticus of Patrick's Epistle. See
R.S. 89, ii, 375-380; N. J. D. White, St Patrick (1920), 52-55, 111-112.
Muirchu calls Coroticus Coirthech regem Aloo, i.e. "king of Dumbarton";
R.S. 89, ii, 271 ; White, U.S., 100.
^ This pedigree continues thus : ipse est uero olitauc. dimor. meton.
uenditits est.
EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
A.D. 500 TO 1286
EARLY SOURCES OF
SCOTTISH HISTORY
VOL. I— PART I
Establishment of the Kingdoms of Dalriata
and northumbria
Giraldus Cambrensis, Topographia Hibernica. Opera,
vol. V, p. 147
Note that the northern part of Britain is called Scotland,
because it was inhabited by this nation of the Scots.
The northern part of the island of Britain also is called
Scotland, because a nation originally sprung from [the Irish]
is understood to inhabit that land. And this is shown even to
the present day by their affinity both in language and in
culture, also both in arms and in customs.^
ca. 501
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 124,
s.a. [501]^
Fergus Mor, Erc's son, with the nation of Dalriata, held part
of Britain ^ ; and there he died.*
^ Cf. Giraldus's account of the Irish occupation of " the northern parts
of Britain" ; ibid., 162. See also below, year 843, note.
^ With f.n. I (see pp. xcvi-xcvii for an account of Tigernach's chronology).
This stands 5 year-sections after the record of an eclipse of the sun in
[496], perhaps that visible at Rome in 496, on 22nd October, at 8 a.m.
(Solar eclipses visible in Ireland occurred in 498, 499, and 502.) The
A.U. record the eclipse under 495=496 (with f.n. and e. for 496).
Tigernach and C.S. notice in the same year-section as the death of
Fergus, the battle of Druimm-loch-muide, which A.U. place under
502 = 503.
At the beginning of year [501] Tigernach quotes a passage about pope
Symmachus [498-514] (his buildings, and his generosity to the bishops in
exile in Africa) from the Liber Pontificalis, LIII, 10, 11 (M.G.H., Gesta
Pontificum Romanorum, i, 124, 125) through Bede's Chronicle (M.G.H.,
Auctores, xiii, 306). The death of Symmachus's predecessor is noticed
2 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
under [498], and the succession of Symmachus under [499]. The latter is
placed by A.U. in 498 = 499 ; but the accepted date is 498.
3 Bede (H.E., I, i), says : " . . . Britain received a third race, after
the Britons and Picts, that of the Scots, in the region of the Picts " (E.G., 4).
The earlier inhabitants of Kintyre were a Welsh-speaking race (K. Meyer:
Zur keltischen Wortkunde,§ 41 ; Sitzungsberichte der Koniglich preussischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, xxv, 445-446).
1 This annal appears similarly in C.S., 34, s.a. [502] (f.n. 3 ; Hennessy's
year 499). It is placed by P.M. under 498 (i, 160).
Fland places Fergus's accession about [495] ; the Annals of Clonmac-
noise's version of Fland, in 498.
Version D of the Chronicle of Dalriata, in Skene's P. & S., 148 : "The
sum of the years of the first Scots that reigned before the Picts, 260 years
and 3 months." This would place Fergus's accession about 583.
Version I of the Chronicle of Dalriata, in P. & S., 288, concludes : "The
sum of the years from the time of Fergus, Erc's son, to the time of Alpin
is 407 years and 3 months." Alpin died probably in 843 ; therefore this
summation would place Fergus's accession about 436.
Scots from Antrim had been settling in Kintyre long before 500.
Probably at the same time Picts from Down had been settling in Wigton-
shire ; from which they had originally gone to Ireland.
The Chronicles of Dalriata give Fergus a reign of 3 years [ca. 498-
ca. 501] ; the Duan, of 27. His date is very uncertain. See ?So6, note,
for his successor. For the extent of his kingdom cf. the Chronicle of
Dalriata, above, p. cxxix, which erroneously implies that he reigned over
the whole of the lands that belonged to Dalriata a century later.
Fergus's predecessor appears to have been his brother Loarn. Duan
Albanach, in P. & S., 59 : " Three sons of Ere, the son of pleasant Eochaid,
three men who got the blessing" (? beannachtair, read bea7i7iacht) "of
Patrick, took Scotland — great were their deeds — : Loarn, Fergus, and
Angus. Ten years Loarn, with distinguished renown, was in the kingdom
of Argyle \Oirir Albati\ : Fergus for twenty-seven years, after generous
Loarn, with vigour." The Duan's numbers are not trustworthy.
Loarn was the father of Ere (see below). Ere was the mother oi
Muirchertach (t ? ca. 537), whose sons won the battle of Sligo (? ca. 542).
Other grandsons of Ere were Columba (born ca. 521), and Baithine (t ca.
601). Ere must have been born before 481, and have flourished in or
before 500. Loarn probably flourished about 470, or earlier.
The battle of Sligo is placed in 543, 547, or 548, by A.U. ; in [542] by
T. and C.S. (Hennessy's year 543); by A.I., in O'Conor's year 536 = 541
(or =541x544).
Tripartite Life, i, 108 : " [Patrick] went to the sons of Ere [Eochaid's
son]. They stole Patrick's horses, and Patrick cursed them, saying, ' Your
descendants shall serve your brother [Fergus's] descendants for ever.' "
Another account of Fergus's relations with Patrick (Tripartite Life,
i, 162) is given below, year 573, note.
KINGS OF ARGYLE 3
Loam's daughter Ere was, according to Irish traditions of doubtful
value, the ancestress of many families.
Cf. the story preserved by D.M.F., in Todd's Irish Nennius, pp. ci-cii :
" Muiredach, Eogan's son, had four sons ; and they had one mother :
[they were] Muirchertach, Moen, Feradach, and Tigernach. The mother
of these four was Ere, the daughter of Loarn, king of Scotland. . . .
"After the death of Eogan's son, Fergus, Conall Gulban's son, took Ere,
Loarn's daughter ; and she bore him four other sons : Fedlim[id], Loarn,
Brenaind, and Setna. . . ."
Cf. a poem ascribed to Fland Mainistrech in Advocates' Library Gaelic
MS. 28 (Kilbride, 24), p. 4 ; and a poem edited by Todd in his Irish
Nennius, civ-cix. Ibid., cvi-cvii : " Fedlim[id] left no children but Eogan
Bee and Columba. Brenaind . . . left none but Baithine Frithbertach (or
Frithcertach). Loarn, of strong grasp, noble Avas the firstborn of his sons,
Ronan, the father of illustrious sons, Colman [St Columbanus], Segine, and
Laisren. . . . From Setna, son of Fergus of Fal [i.e. of Ireland], are the
noble descendants of Setna from the east, the tribe of Lugaid in the east
[i.e. in Scotland] ; and on this side [i.e. in Ireland], the people of
Fanat" etc.
From these and other sources quoted by Todd (ci-cvi) the following
table may be drawn up : —
Eochaid Muin-remor
Niall Nine-hostager
I
Conall Gulban
I
Fergus Cendfota
lall Nine-hostager
1
Ere
1
1
Eogan
1
Loarn
1
Muiredach =
1
Ere
Muirchertach Moen Feradach Tigernach Fedlimid Loarn Brenaind Setna
Kings of
Ailech
(Northern
Ui-Neill)
Ronan Baithine
Eogan Columba
Bee
Colman Segine Laisren
Cenel Ceuel Sil
Moin Feradaig Tigernaig
Sil
Setnai
Cenel
Lugdach
(in Scotland)
Sluag
Fanat
(in Ireland)
Cland
Ciarain
Cland
Crundmail
Cland
Loing-sich
(Tirconnell and Tyrone)
The fabulous tale of Ere (quoted below) in the Book of Ballymote says
4 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
?ca. 506
Tigemach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 125,
s.a. [506] 1
The death of Domangart, Ness's son, king of Scotland.^
that Erc's son, Muirchertach, was expelled from Ireland, then killed his
grandfather Loarn and was expelled from Scotland also.
According to the fabulous 14th-century tale of Sin and of Muirchertach
Erc's son, in Y.B.L., 317, Muirchertach says: " It was prophesied to me
that my death would be like the death of Loarn, my grandfather ; for
he did not fall in combat, but was burned none the less." Muirchertach
was, it is said, drowned in a vat of wine in a burning house at Cletty.
His death is placed in 534 or 536, or after 537, by A.U., i, 44i 46 ; see T.,
s.a. [532] (fn. 5 ; so also in C.S., Hennessy's year 531) ; and F.M., s.a. 527.
See Annals of Clonmacnoise, 77, s.a. 529.
Fordun's account (II, 12, 13; III, i) differs from that of the older
authorities.
For the history of Ere, Loarn's daughter, cf the Book of Ballymote, 208
(Skene's P. & S., 52) :
"Then Sarran took kingship over Britain, and took authority over the
Saxons and the Picts. And he married the daughter of the king of Scotland,
Babona, the daughter of Loarn, Erc's son.
" It was not she that had been given to him, but her sister. Ere, daughter
of Loarn ; but Muiredach, son of Eogan, Niall's son, had seduced her to
Ireland, and she bore him four sons, Muirchertach, Erc's son, and Feradach,
and Tigernach, and Maian. And Sarran impregnated Babona, and five
sons were born to them : Luirig, and Cairnech, and bishop Dalian, and
Coemlach ; and he died after victory and triumph [over this world,] in the
house of Martin " (i.e. at Whithorn).
The remainder of this story is quite mythical (ibid. 53-56), and perhaps
the part quoted above has little foundation in fact. (The text, with
translation, was edited by Todd, Irish Nennius, 178-180. Skene's translation
is based upon Todd's.) For Saran's pedigree, see 1905 Oengus, 72 ; 1880
ed., Ixxxix.
According to the tract on the Mothers of Irish saints (L.L., 372 ; cf B.B.,
212), "Pompa, daughter of Loarn, son of Ere, [was] the mother of Carnech,
and Breccan, son of Saran, and Ronan [Find, B.B.], son of Saran " ; and
" Ere, daughter of Loarn, son of Ere, king of Scotland, [was] the mother of
Maelumai, son of Baetan." The " elopement of Ere, Loarn's daughter,
with Muiredach, Eogan's son," was one of the subjects of Irish literary
compositions ; Book of Leinster, 190a.
1 F.n. I. In the same year-section Tigernach places the death of Brude,
Maelchon's son ; see year 586.
^ A.U., i, 36, place Domangart's death in 506 = 507 : "... the
death of Lugaid, Loegaire's son ; and, as others say, Domangart Ness's
son died at Rete [?] in his thirty-fifth year \_Domhangart mac Nisse reti
secessit^ Repose of Macc-Nisse, bishop of Connor." (Again under 513 =
KINGS OF ARGYLE 5
ca. 517
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 38, s.a. 516=517^
The repose of Darerca of Cell-Slebe-Cuilind,^ on the third
day ^ before the Nones of July.
514 : " Macc-Nisse, i.e. Oengus, bishop of Connor, reposed.") At 506 = 507,
in margin of MS. A, erroneously, "bishop Domangart."
With reti secessit, literally, "withdrew from Rete" (or possibly "with-
drew from the net " [of the world ; or as a pun on a place-name ?]), cf.
A. I., below, year 537, note, where this king is called " Domangart of Rete "
{refis). This seems to show that Rete was a place. (Whitley Stokes held
that reti secessit, "like the resticuit oi \.\\^ Book of Armagh, ff. iia i, 14a i,
seems for reciescit, the Irish spelling of reguiescit, as in the A.L.C., i, p. 53,
n. 5." The Academy, 1889, p. 208.)
Also under 466 = 466 (but with e. 20 in MS. A, instead of 29) : " Doman-
gart, son of Nes, reposed" {quievit) ; and so also in C.S., 26, f.n. 2 = 468,
Hennessy's year 464.
A. I., 5, O'Conor's year 495=?5oi (58 years before 559) : "The repose of
Domangart of Kintyre." " Repose " {quies) usually means the death of a man
in religion. Seven years before this, these annals record Patrick's death.
The deaths of Brude, Maelchon's son, king of Pictland ; and Doman-
gart, son of Ness, are erroneously placed in one year, s.a. 509, in the
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 74.
The Chronicles of Dalriata (above, p. cxxix) say that Domangart was
the son of Fergus : Ness (or Cness ?) was apparently his mother's name.
Fland places the reign of "Angus Mor, Erc's son" between the reigns
of Fergus and of Domangart.
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 59 : " Domangart, a son to high
Fergus, [was in the sovereignty of Argyle for the] number of five ever-
turbulent years."
All the Chronicles of Dalriata, and the Duan, and Tigernach, agree
that Domangart reigned for 5 years. For the date of his son's accession,
see year 537, note.
A chronological tract in Debar Brecc (R.S. 89, ii, 552) in an unhistorical
passage says that Domangart, Fergus' son, was king of Scotland at the
time of Patrick's death.
^ With fn. and e. of 517. Darerca's death is repeated in A.U., 40,
under 518 = 519 (with f.n. and e. of 519) :—" The repose of Darerca, who
was called Moninne."
A.I., 5, O'Conor's year 507 = 512 (47 years before 559) : "The repose of
Darerca."
C.S., 38, Hennessy's year 514 = 516 (fn. 6): "The repose of Darerca,
of Cell-Slebe-Cuilind ; she was afterwards named Moninne (Aninne
Sanatho)." The last words seem to be the beginning of a Latin hymn {0
Ninne Sanato).
2 "Church of the mountain of Cuilend."
^ 5th July. Moninne (Darerca) is entered at 6th July by the Martyr-
6 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 521
Tigernacli, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 128,
s.a. [520] 1
Buitte, son of Bronach, died ; Columcille was born. And of
them it was said : " The fair birth of Columba, our priest, [took
place] to-day, upon learned Ireland, on the same festival^ (no vain
saying) as the death of Bronach's fair-haired, victorious son."^
ologies of Oengus, Gorman, Tallaght (Brussels version ; ed. Kelly,
p. xxviii), and Donegal.
Darerca, Moninne, Modwena, or Medana, is said to have founded
many churches in southern Scotland ; many churches were dedicated to
her. Besides Kirkmaiden, near the Mull of Galloway, there was an
ancient parish of Kirkmaiden, now included in Glasserton parish, also in
the south ofWigtonshire.
1 For f.n. 7 (uii) in Stokes's text read 4 (iiii, with O'Conor), i.e. [520]
instead of [522] : otherwise the order of the annals is incorrect.
2 Buitte's death-day was the 7th of December, according to the
Martyrology of Oengus (7th December 520, according to the Martyrology
of Donegal). The Martyrology of Gorman, p. 234, places Buitte's death
and Columba's birth on 7th December. Cf. Stokes, Lismore Lives, 308.
For the year, cf. years 563, 597, notes.
^ The passage in inverted commas is in verse in the original.
The whole passage stands similarly in C.S., 38, Hennessy's year 518 =
520 (f.n. 4).
A.U., i, 40, enters these deaths twice ; s.a. 518 = 519 : "The nativity of
Columcille, on the same day upon which Buitte, son of Bronach, slept" ;
and s.a. 522 = 523 : " Buitte, son of Bronach, died. Columcille was born"
(with f.n. and e. of 519 and 523). The latter entry appears in A.B., 3,
O'Conor's year 499.
A.I., 5, O'Conor's year 511 = 516(23 years after 493, 43 years before
559) : " The birth of Columcille. The slumber of Buitte, Bronach's son."
A.C., s.a. [521] (7 years after the "70th year" after 444): "St
Columcille was born."
Columba's birth is placed 4 year-sections before Bridget's death, in T.
(but the ferial numbers are here confused) ; 5 years before Bridget's death,
in C.S. and A.B. ; 3 years, in A.I. The two events are erroneously
placed in the same year by A.C. See below, p. 17.
The Tripartite Life (ii, 150) quotes a stanza in which Patrick is said to
have prophesied the birth of Columba, and another stanza in which Bridget
is represented as welcoming Columba in his infancy.
Berchan's Prophecy (stanzas 3, 97, 102) places Columba's birth 60 years
after the death of Patrick (t?46i).
See an account of St Patrick's prophecy of St Columba's birth in the
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 92.
Ibid. 93 : " He was born the 17th of the Ides of December, on
IRISH AND GALWEGIAN SAINTS 7
Early 6th century : ca. 525 ?
Preface to the hymn Parce, D online ; Liber Hymnorum,
vol. i, p. 22 ^
Parce, Doniine. Mugint composed this hymn in Whithorn.
The cause [of its composition was that] Finnian of Moville^
went forth [from Ireland] for instruction to Mugint ; and with
him [were] Rioc and Talmach and others. The king of the
Britons at that time was Drust, and he had a daughter whose
name was Drusticc.^ And [Drust] gave her to Mugint for
[instruction in] reading. And she loved Rioc, and said to
Finnian : " I will give thee all the books that Mugint has to
write* if thou give me Rioc in marriage." And Finnian sent
Talmach to her that night in Rioc's shape, and he knew her,
Thursday, in a place called Gortann ; and as soon as he was born he was
brought to that venerable and worthy priest Cruinneachan mcKellaghan,
who christened him by the name of Columb. . . ."
Buitte was the founder of Monasterboice. For the story of Buitte's
raising king Nechtan from the dead, see above, p. cxx.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 76, s.a. 519: "St Columcille was born this
year. He was born the night that St Baithine" (Boyhinn, but read
"St Buitte") "died. They were of one family, and both of the families
of O'Donnell of Tirconnel, as may appear by St Columba's genealogy, as
Columcille was son of Felim, who was son of Fergus Cendfota, who was
son of Conall Gulban, who was son of Niall of the nine hostages, etc. We
will leave to speak here of St Columb, until we come to make mention of
him at the time of his death. St Baithine \_Boghinn\ was his cousin-
german (he errs)." Baithine, not Buitte, was Columba's first cousin ;
their grandfather was Fergus Cendfota.
' Also in Todd's Book of Hymns, i, 95 ; Stokes, Goidelica, 96-97. See
Todd's Notes, u.s., 97 ff. ; and Bernard and Atkinson, ii, 112-113.
This story is mere legend.
- Finnian of Moville's death is placed by A.U. s.a. 578 = 579 ; by T.,
s.a. [577]; by C.S., under Hennessy's year 578 = 577 (f.n. 5); and in A.I.,
under O'Conor's year 572 = 580 (19 years before 599).
^ Book of Leinster, 373a (list of mothers of saints) : " Dustric, daughter
of Drust \Truist\ king of the Britons of the north, and mother of Lonan
Talmach's son. Of her it is said: 'Drust, king of the free estuary
from the shore [Trust rt in tsaer inbir ontraig\ had one perfect daughter,
Dustricc, very haughty to others ; the mother of Lonan, Talmach's
son.' "
^ Quos hahet Mugint scribendicm ; possibly books lent by her to
Mugint to be copied.
8 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
and thereby Lonan of Treoit ^ was conceived and born. But
Drusticc imagined that Rioc had known her, and she said that
Rice was the father of her son. This was false, because Rioc
was a virgin.
Then Mugint was angry, and sent a lad to the church,
and said to him : " Whoever comes first this night to thee
in the church, strike him with an axe." He said this because
Finnian used to go to the church first. Nevertheless that
night, by the Lord's instigation Mugint himself reached the
church first; and the lad struck him, according to the words
of the prophet : " His sorrow shall be turned about, and his
wickedness shall fall upon his own head." And then Mugint
said the Parce, because he thought that enemies were harry-
ing the people ; or else [it was] that this hymn was composed
for this reason, that his fault should not be visited upon the
people.
Or Ambrose composed it when he was ill. Or David
composed it, as others say, but not truly ; but from [David]
was taken [the part] from Die angelo tuo percutienti to
populo tuo}
' Treoit seems to have been a place in Galloway.
Martyrology of Oengus, 4th December: "The modest Fer-da-leithe"
("man of two sides") "was one of our noble elders"; with this note in
L.B. (1880 Oengus, clxxx) : "Berchan of Clonsost in Offaly"; and in
Laud MS. 610 (ibid.) : "or Fer-da-leithe in Laid- Treoit in Scotland; he
was a priest. ' Man of two parts,' that is [he spent] half his life in the
world and the other half in pilgrimage, as they say." The Franciscan
MS. (ibid.): "half his life in Scotland, and the other half in Ireland.''
(Cf. 1905 ed., 256.)
Cf. the Martyrology of Donegal, December 4th, p. 327.
Another Galloway saint was apparently Colman. Cf. a note in the
Franciscan MS. of the Martyrology of Oengus (1905 ed., 246) : "Colman
of the ink of Cuilend in the Rhinns, that is of Dunragit [duib
Chicili?td isna Remiaib a. 0 Dhun Reichef], and of Belach Congais in
Leinster, and of other places. . . ." But MS. Rawlinson B 505 calls him
"Colman Dub of Cuilend, that is a mountain at Belach Conglaiss, in
Leinster." Cf the notes in L.B. (1880 Oengus, clxxi), with an account of
Colman's miraculous conception from ink, through virtue of Comgall of
Bangor.
2 The hymn Parce, Domine is in Bernard and Atkinson, i, 23-24 ; Todd's
Book of Hymns, i, 95-96. It is quite unconnected with the story in its
preface ; see Bernard and Atkinson, ii, 113.
KING ARTHUR 9
?ca. 537
Annales Camtoriae, Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 154; s.a. [537]^
The battle of Camlann,^ in which Arthur and Medraut fell ;
and there was a plague in Britain and Ireland.^
1 Placed 3 years after " the 90th year " after [444]. Geoffrey dates this
battle in 542 ; see below. 542 would have been 93 years after 449, which
Geoffrey may have thought to have been the initial year of the A.C. (cf.
Bede's rendering (I, 16) of Gildas).
2 Gueith Camlann ; bellum Camlan in MS. B, which reads (Ab Ithel's
ed., 4, note): " The battle of Camlann, in which the renowned Arthur, king
of the Britons, and his betrayer Medraut, fell by mutual wounds." This
is derived by MS. B from Geoffrey of Monmouth, who places the battle
beside the river Camel {flumen Cambuld) in Cornwall. Geoffrey's evidence
is not conclusive against the identification of Camlann with Camelon near
Falkirk. But there is a 13th-century family name, de Camelyn (or
Camelin) ; and if that is "of Camelon," the form of the name would
absolutely rule out any connection between the names Camlann and
Camelon. The land of Camelyn was in the fee of Calacmane, i.e. presum-
ably Clackmannan (St Andrews, 398-399).
3 The last sentence is not in Ab Ithel's MSS. BC. In MS. A, "the
battle . . . plague " is written over an erasure.
A plague reached Ireland, according to A.U., in 544 = 545 ; cf A.I.,
O'Conor's year 534 = 539 (20 years before 559; 57 years before 599); and
T. and C.S., under f.n. i (Hennessy's year 54i) = [54o]. This was the
plague in which Mobi died.
The battle of Camlann is mentioned in the Welsh Triads. See M.A.
(1870), 396, 397, 398, 393 ; Loth's Mabinogion (1913), ii, 237, 246, 253, 265,
283, 290 ; cf i, 269-270, 277, 353-354.
The "slaying of Arthur" is placed last among the destructions that
were the subjects of Irish literary compositions : L.L., igo.
W.N., i, 14, says in his Preface : " It is quite plain that everything that
that man [Geoffrey of Monmouth] took pains to write concerning Arthur
and his successors and predecessors, after Vortigern, was invented, partly
by him, partly also by others ; either in unbridled lust of lying, or also for
the sake of pleasing the Britons [i.e. the Welsh] ; of whom we hear that
very many are so irrational that they are said to await Arthur as still to
come ; and they will not hear of his being dead. . . ."
For an instance of this belief, in Cornwall, shortly before Geoffrey
wrote, see Hermann of Laon, De Miraculis S. Marie Laudunensis, II, 15 ;
P.L. 156, 983. Cf i.a. R. H. Fletcher, Arthurian Material in the Chronicles
(1906), lOI.
10 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 537
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 136,
s.a. [S37]i
Comgall, Domangart's son, king of Scotland, fell in the
thirty-fifth year of his reign.^
546
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 50, s.a. 545 = 546 ^
Derry of Columcille was founded.*
1 F.n. 5. The previous year-section records the death of Pope Agapitus
(+ 536), and the next contains the death of Pope Silverius after a pontificate
of " I year, 5 months, and 11 days." (Similarly A.U. under 537 = 538 and
538 = 539.) This is taken from the Liber Pontificalis, LX, i ; M.G.H.,
G.P.R., i, 144. Silverius was deposed in 537.
^ A.U. also read (i, 48, s.a. 537 = 538): "Death of Comgall, son of
Domangart, in the thirty-fifth year of his reign," although "thirty-second"
would be in agreement with the dates they give ; and in order to allow
him a reign of about thirty-five years they repeat, s.a. 541 =542, " Death of
Comgall, son of Domangart" (i, 48). Again, i, 50, s.a. 544 = 545 (with fn.
and e. of 545) : "The death of Comgall, Domangart's son, as others say."
Under the same year (545), A.U. place: "The first mortality, which is
called blefed ; and in it Mobf Clar-ainech died."
A.I., 6, O'Conor's year 531 = 536 (23 years before 559): "The death of
Comgall, son of Domangart of Rete." This stands 35 years after the death
of Comgall's predecessor, Domangart (see above, ca. 506).
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 78, s.a. 539: "Comgall, Domangart's son,
king of Scotland, in the 35th year of his reign, died."
The Duan Albanach, in Skene's P. & S., 59 : " Comgall, Domangart's
son, had twenty-four [years] without contention [in the sovereignty of
Argyle]."
The Chronicles of Dalriata are at variance about the length of
Comgall's reign, giving him 33 (E), 22 (DK), or 24 years (F). See p. cxxx.
The Irish Annals are in agreement about it ; they say that he died in his
35th year, which not only does not agree with any of the Chronicles of
Dalriata or with the Duan, but also does not agree with their own dates.
T. says that he reigned from [506] to [537] ; A.U., from 507 to 538, but with
alternative death-dates 542 and 545 ; the Annals of Clonmacnoise, from
509 to 539. A.I. alone give him unequivocally 35 years' reign, from
501 to 536. For the succession of his brother Gabran, see year 559, note.
In his De Bello Gothico, II, 6, Procopius says that the Roman leader,
Belisarius, in jest made over Britain to the Goths in 537 (Hodgkin,
England, 112-113) ; Niebuhr's Procopius, ii, 171.
' With f.n. and e. of 546.
* F.M., i, 178, s.a. 535 (and "the 8th year of TuathaP'as sovereign
KINGS OF ARGYLE AND NORTHUMBRIA 11
547
Annales Camlbriae, in Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 155, s.a. [547]^
A great mortality, in which Mailcun, king of Guenedota,
reposed.^
547
Historia Brittonum, Genealogies; in M.G.H., Auctores,
vol. xii, p. 205
Ida, son of Eobba, held the districts in the northern part of
Britain ; that is, [to the north] of the sea of Humber. He
reigned for twelve years ; and he united Dinguayrdi [and]
Guurth Berneich.^
At that time Dutigirn fought valiantly against the nation
of the Angles, At that time Talhaearn Tataguen was renowned
in verse ; and Neirin, and Taliessin, and Bluchbard, and Cian,
of Ireland): "The church of Daire-Calgaig was founded by Columcille,
after the place had been offered up to him by his own tribe, the kindred of
Conall Gulban, Niall's son."
Cf. the Irish Life of Columba, Stokes's Three Homilies, 106-108 ; and
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 94.
'■ Placed 3 years after the " looth year" after 444.
2 MS. B, Ab Ithel's ed., 4, adds : "Hence it was said, 'The long sleep
of Mailcun in the castle of Ros ' " (ffir hun Wailgun en His Ros j evidently
the title of an elegy).
^ The version of Nennius (ibid.) is : " Ida, son of Eobba, held the
districts to the northern side of the sea of Humber, for twelve years ; and
he united the citadel, that is. Din Gueirm, with Curd Birnech. These
two districts were in one district, that is Deura Bernech, in English Deira
and Bernicia."
With this union, compare the separation mentioned in the Historia
Brittonum's Genealogies, u.s., 204: "... Sebald begot Zegulf, [who]
begot Soemil. [Soemil] first separated Deira and Bernicia \Deur o
BirneicK], Soemil begot Sguerthing, [who] begot Guilglis, [who] begot
Usfrean, who begot Ififi, [who] begot Ulli, [who begot] Edgum, [who begot]
Osfird and Eadfird. Edgum had two sons . . . ." See year 633, note.
Soemil appears to be omitted by the pedigree in A.S.C. (B, s.a. 560 ;
C, s.a. 559) ; Sguerthing seems to be the Westerfalca of A.S.C., which
reads : "MWe was Yffe's son, Yffe Uxfrea's son, Uxfrea Wilgils' son, Wilgils
Westerfalca's son, Westerfalca Ssefugal's son, Saefugel Sasbald's son. . . ."
Ida's death and file's succession are placed by A.S.C. in 560 (ABE)
or 559 (CF). See year 559.
C.H., 8, s.a. 547, notes the reign of Ida verbatim from Bede's
Recapitulatio.
12 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
who was called Gueinth Guaut, were famed together at one
time in British verse.
The great king Mailcun reigned over the Britons, that is to
say, in the district of Guenedota. . . . ^
559-685
Kings of Bernicia
Historia Brittonum, Genealogies; in M.G.H., Auctores,
vol. xiii, pp. 206-208
Adda, Ida's son, reigned for eight years.^
^thelric, [Ida's] son, reigned for four years.^
Theodric, Ida's son, reigned for seven years.*
1 Here (205-206) follows the account of Cuneda's migration from Manau
(East Stirlingshire) : "because his grandfather's grandfather [atavus],
Cunedag, had formerly come with his sons (whose number is eight) from
the northern region, that is to say, from the district that is called Manau
Guotodin, 146 years before Mailcun reigned ; and they expelled the [Irish]
Scots from these districts [of Gwynedd] with the greatest slaughter, and
never again did [the Scots] return to dwell there."
Mailcun is made the great-grandson of Cuneda in the genealogies after
A.C. They seem to have omitted two generations,
Genealogy XXXII, after A.C; Y Cymmrodor, ix, 182-183: "These
are the names of Cuneda's sons, whose number was nine : Typiaun "
(in text Typipauii) "the eldest, who died in the district that is called
Manau Guotodin [Guodottn'], and he did not come hither with his
father and with his brothers afore[said] " (in text pre ; read predictis,
with Meyrick, Phillimore) ; " Meriaun, [Cuneda's] son, divided the
possessions among his brothers, 2nd Osmail, 3rd Rumaun, 4th Dunaut,
5th Ceretic, 6th Abloyc, 7th Enniaun Girt, 8th Docmail, 9th Etern. This
is their territory [terminus], from a river that is called Dubr Duiii to
another river, Tebi. And they held very many districts in the western
part of Britain."
^ I.e. in Bernicia ; while ^Ue reigned in Deira, from 559 or 560 to
588 (A.S.C., ABCEF).
The reign of Clappa for one year has been omitted from this list. Cf.
E.C., 5. Other kings have been omitted ; and probably for several years
yEUe reigned over Bernicia also : but early evidence is scanty for this
period.
^ For "Adda's son" in the text, read "Ida's son"; cf ibid. 202, and
A.S.C. s.a. 593. /Ethelric reigned over Northumbria from 588 to 593
(A.S.C., ABCE).
* Probably before 588. This appears to have been the same Theodric
who was the opponent of Urbgen (below).
KINGS OF BEENICIA 13
Frithweald reigned for six years.^ In iiis time the kingdom
of Kent received baptism, at tlie sending of Gregory.''^
Hussa reigned for seven years.^ Four kings strove against
him : Urbgen, and Riderch Hen, and Guallanc, and Morcant.*
Theodric fought manfully against this Urbgen and his sons.
And in those days sometimes the enemy, sometimes the
citizens, conquered.^ And [Urbgen] shut them in for three
days and nights in the island called Metcaud.'' And while he
was upon the expedition, he was assassinated by contrivance
of Morcant, through jealousy ; because among all the kings
[Urbgen] had the greatest courage in conducting war.
1 I.e. ca. 593-599 : perhaps in northern Bernicia.
^ Augustine was sent by Pope Gregory I in 596, and arrived in
spring of 597.
' I.e. ca.599-ca.606. But the same authority (below) implies that
Hussa's reign ended in 605.
yEthelfrith appears to have been king of all Northumbria at this time,
from 593 (Bede, I, 34; E.G., 11) to 617 (A.S.G., E). But probably Hussa
held the northern part of Bernicia under him ; and Hussa's son, Hering,
led the Northumbrian forces against the Scots in 603 (E.G., 12, note).
* Apparently these were kings of Welsh districts of Gumbria and
Strathclyde.
For Riderch Hen, cf Adamnan, below, p. 73 ; also years 573, 612, notes.
The Genealogies that follow A.C. (P. & S., 15) give this king's pedigree
thus : "Riderch Hen, son of Tutagual, son of Clinoch, son of Dumnagual
Hen." For Dumnagual Hen, see above, p. clviii ; and cf the pedigree
(u.s. 15-16) : "Clinog Eitin, son of Ginbelim, son of Dumnagual Hen."
Ginbelin, son of Dumnagual Hen, is mentioned in Welsh Triads ;
Loth's Mabinogion, ii, nos. 16, 38 ; M.A., 396 (u), 397 (31).
Aidan, Gabran's son, appears to have been Dumnagual Hen's grandson.
See S.C.S., i, 160, note.
Urbgen's pedigree also appears after A.G. (u.s. 16) : "Urbgen, son of
Ginmarc, son of Merchiaun \_Merchianunt\, son of Gurgust, [son of Ceneu]
son of Goil Hen."
For " Guallanc " we should read Guallauc. Guallauc's pedigree (ibid.
16) : " Guallauc, son of Laenauc, son of Masguic Clop, son of Geneu, son
of Goyl Hen." See year ?632.
Morcant's pedigree (ibid. 16) : " Morcant, son of Goledauc, son of
Morcant Bulc, son of Cincar Braut, son of Bran Hen, son of Dumnagual
Moilmut, son of Garbaniaun, son of CoyI Hen " ; and Coil Hen's pedigree
is carried back through 15 generations to Beli. These are pedigrees VI -X
after A.C. in Y Cymmrodor, ix, 173, 174.
° I.e. the Welsh of Cumbria or of Strathclyde, regarded as survivors of
the Romans. This is an echo of Gildas.
^ I.e. Lindisfarne ; cf the Irish Annals, below, year 634, note.
14 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
iEthelfrith Flesaurs reigned for twelve years in Bernicia,
and other twelve in Deira ; he reigned for twenty-four years,
between the two kingdoms. And he gave Dinguoroy to his
wife. She was called Bebbab ; and from the name of his wife
[the castle] received its name of Bebbanburch.^
Edwin, son of ^lle, reigned for seventeen years. And he
occupied Elmet, and drove out Ceretic.the king of that district.^
Eanflffid, [Edwin's] daughter, received baptism on the twelfth
day after Pentecost, and all her people with her, both men and
women.^ And Edwin received baptism on the following
Easter ; and twelve thousand men were baptized with him.*
If any wish to know who baptized them ^ : Run, Urbgen's
son,^ baptized them ; and for forty days he did not cease
baptizing the whole race of Ambrones.'' And through his
preaching many believed in Christ.^
' According to A.S.C., Bamborough Castle was built by Ida ; it took
the place of the British capital of Deira. See year 547. yEthelfrith (here
called Eadfered Flesaurs ; cf. ibid. 202) reigned for 24 years in Northumbria
(593-617). According to this authority, he was sole king there only from
605 to 617.
^ Edwin would thus have reigned from 5i6 to 633 : perhaps, however,
617 is the true year of his accession (A.S.C., E).
A.C., 6, s.a. [616]: "Ceretic died"; and immediately after, s.a. [617]:
" Edwin began to reign."
^ Nennius adds : "And she was the first to be baptized."
Pentecost in 626 was June 8. Eanflsd was baptized in her infancy on
that day, with eleven others, according to Bede. She had been born on
the night of Easter (April 19 x 20).
* Nennius adds (ibid. 207) : " in one day." Edwin was baptized in 627
(A.S.C.), on April 12 (Bede). 12th April was Easter in that year (Dionysiam
system). See the account in Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica, II, 9-14.
= Nennius adds (u.s,): "Thus bishop Renchidus, and Elbobdus, the
holiest of bishops, have related {iradideruni) to me." Possibly these were
the writers of the Genealogies in Historia Brittonum.
•^ Rum map Urbgen. Nennius adds (u.s.) ; "That is to say, Paulinus,
archbishop of York." Bede implies that Paulinus was the baptizer. From
this passage of Historia Brittonum it has been deduced that Paulinus was
the assumed name of Run ; for whom see below, p. 150.
' genus ambronum, an echo of Gildas. Cf Adam of Bremen's crudelis-
simi ambrones (M.G.H., Scriptores, vii, 375) ; rendered by Wilmans,
Latrones, i.e. "robbers," which would agree with the meaning in Gildas.
But here, and in Geoffrey of Monmouth (VIII, 8, 14, 23 ; XII, 15) the word
seems to be used as a proper name, perhaps equivalent to Angles.
8 Here Nennius continues (ibid. 207) : " But since the genealogies of
KINGS OF BERNICIA 15
Oswald, ^thelfrith's son, reigned for nine years ; he is
[called] Oswald Lamnguin.^ He slew Catguollaun, king of
the district of Guenedota, in the battle of Catscaul, and made
a great slaughter of his army.^
Oswiu, ^thelfrith's son, reigned for twenty-eight years and
six months.^ While he reigned, and Catgualart after his
father reigned over the Britons, a pestilence came, and in it
[Oswiu] died.* And [Oswiu] killed Penda^ in the plain of
Gai ; and now was made the slaughter of Gai Plain.'' And
[there] were slain the British kings, who had gone out with
Penda^ upon this expedition, as far as the city that is called
ludeu. Then Oswiu rendered all the riches that were with him,
in the town, as far as Manau, to Penda ; and Penda distributed
the Saxons and the genealogies of the other nations seemed useless to my
master, the priest Beulan, I have refrained from writing them ; but I have
written about the cities and marvels of the island of Britain, as the writers
before me have written."
' In L.B.'s notes upon Oengus, the name Fland Fma is given to
Ealdfrith Oswiu's son (1880 Oengus, cxxix ; Flann Fma in the Franciscan
MS., 1905 Oengus, 182), apparently in error. See year 704, note.
2 In the battle of Denisesburna, in 634 ; Bede, H.E., III, 1-2. Oswald
reigned from that battle to 642 (A.S.C., A ; 641, BCEF). He was killed in
the battle of Maserfelth (perhaps Oswestry) on 5th August, 642 (Bede,
H.E., III, 9). See years 634, 642.
3 Oswiu reigned from August 642 to 671 (A.S.C., ABCEF), February
15th (E; Bede, H.E., IV, 5).
Historia Brittonum's Genealogies, U.S. 203 : " And Oswiu had two
wives : one of them was called Riemmelth, daughter of Royth, daughter of
Rum ; and the other was called Eanflsed, daughter of Edwin, son of ^Ue."
■• Robertson (Early Kings, i, 17) and Skene (F.A.B.W., i, 73-74) under-
stand this to mean that Catgualart died of the pestilence. The passage is
so understood by A.C. ; Y Cymmrodor, ix, 159, s.a. [682] (8 years after the
" 230th year " after 444) : " There was a great pestilence in Britain ; and in
it Catgualart, Catguollaun's son, died." And immediately afterwards, s.a.
[683] : "Pestilence in Ireland." A.U. record, s.a. 683 = 684 ("bissextile"), a
" mortality of children," which began in October of the previous year. Under
the succeeding year both A.C. and A.U. record an earthquake in Man.
We should have to read regnans for regnante in the text of Historia
Brittonum, to make it agree with the statement in A.C. ; and even then
A.C. must have misplaced Catgualart's death. A.C. has no independent
authority when it uses the Historia Brittonum, as it seems here to do.
^ Pantha. The receiver of the concession at ludeu is called Penda;
possibly for Peada (king of Mercia, 655-656) ?
^ See year 655.
16 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
them to the kings of the Britons; that is, the "restitution of
ludeu."! And Catgabail alone, the king of the district of
Guenedota, fled with his army, arising by night; wherefore
he was called Catgabail Catguommed.-
Ecgfrith, Oswiu's son, reigned for nine years.^ In his
time, the bishop St Cuthbert died in the island of Medcaut*
Ecgfrith is he who made war against the Picts, and fell there.^
1 Aibret ludeu. Skene (F.A.B.W., i, 87-89 ; S.C.S., i, 253-256) explains
the text without verbal alteration, by placing the "ransom of ludeu," as he
translates it, before the battle of Gai. This is possible. Bede (H.E., III,
24 ; cf. E.C., 24, note) says that Oswiu offered Panda a large price for
peace, but that Penda refused it ; Skene's account would imply that Penda
accepted the price without giving peace. If this is right, the six sentences
in the above paragraph should be re-arranged in the order r i, 5, 6, 3, 4, 2.
Perhaps the writer combined accounts taken from different sources. Cf.
year 642. It seems more reasonable to read " Peada " in sentence 5.
ludeu may be Giudi on the Forth ; Manau may be the Manau on the
Forth, but, since a wide distribution of lands seems to be indicated, may
also mean some other Manau, perhaps the island of Man. The British
kings seem to have received their lands in subjection to Oswiu throughout
northern Britain, perhaps from the Forth to Man. No reliance can be
placed upon this passage. The words "as far as Manau" may be a
displaced gloss upon "as far as . . . ludeu," and may mean no more than
that ludeu was within Manau.
Bede says that the battle in which Penda was killed was fought "to the
great benefit of both peoples : because [Oswiu] both freed his own nation
from the hostile ravaging of pagans, and (by cutting off their faithless
{perfidus] head) converted that nation of the Mercians and of the neigh-
bouring provinces to the grace of the Christian faith" (H.E., III, 24).
Oswiu gave Peada, Penda's son, rule over the Mercians to the south of
the Trent, " because he was his relative " ; also, perhaps, because Oswiu's
son, Ecgfrith, was a hostage in the hands of the Mercians. Peada was
killed in spring, 656 (ibid.).
2 This probably means " the battle-fighter who evades battle."
^ Ecgfrith reigned 15th February 671 to 20th May 685 (E.G., 43). .
* I.e., in Lindisfarne ; see above. But Cuthbert died in Fame Island
on Wednesday, 20th March [687] (or rather the preceding evening ; con-
suetum nocturncE orationis tempus. Vita S. Cudbercti, XXXVI, XXXIX.
H.E., IV, 29), after two years in the episcopate (Anonymous Life ; E.H.S.
Bede, ii, 281). He had been made bishop during Ecgfrith's reign, but
survived Ecgfrith by 22 months.
^ See year 685. For the continuation of this passage, see year 642.
PART II
Cfiristianization of the Picts. Life of Columba
Before 524 and before 558
Life of Brendan, in Plummer's Vitap Sanctorum
Hiberniae, vol. i, p. 143
After this/ [Brendan of Clonfert] came to a certain island
of Britain called Auerech,^ and there he founded a church,
proposing to remain there to the end. . . .^
' After an episode related of Brendan and Gildas (for whom see year
570). Cf. another Life, quoted in S.C.S., ii, 77, note.
^ In three versions this name appears as Ailech, which would stand for
one of the Garvelloch Islands. It is almost certainly the island called
Elachnave {Eileach nan naoinh).
For a short description of the ruins in Elachnave see Cosmo
Innes, Origines Parochiales, ii, 1, 277 (Edinburgh, 1854). Cf. Joseph
Anderson, Scotland in Early Christian Times, i, 95 ff.' (Edinburgh, 1881).
These so-called bee-hive structures had no arch. The existing chapel
has a small window at the east end.
^ A miraculous incident sent him back to Ireland, to consult St Bridget.
A.U., s.aa. 523 = 524 and 525 = 526: "Repose [524; Sleeping 526] of
St Bridget, in the 70th year of her age"; s.a. 527 = 528: "Or in this
year the sleeping of Bridget, according to the Book of Mochod."
T. (R.C., xvii, 129) under fn. 2 = 524: "Sleeping of St Bridget in the
88th year of her age ; or the 70th only, as others say.'' Similarly in C.S.,
40, Hennessy's year 523 (between years with fn. 3 and 4) ; but with the
false reading " or 77th '■' for " 70th."
Bridget's death stands in A.I., 5, under O'Conor's year 514 = 519 (40
years before 559); in A.C., under [521], with the birth of Columba; but
A.C. places her birth in [454], and its Irish source might have been
expected to have had her death under 524.
Alberic of Trois Fontaines (M.G.H., Scriptores, xxiii, 692) notes
Bridget's death under 519.
Gilla-Coemain (R.S. 89, ii, 536): "From the death of Patrick"
(traditional date, A.D. 493) ". . . 30 years to the death of Bridget. 20
years after the death of Bridget . . . the death of Tuathal Maelgarb with
horror, a year before Ciaran's decease." Tuathal died in 544 or 549, Ciaran
in 549, according to A.U. Both these deaths are placed in A.I. under
1^ B
18 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
St Brendan set out again for Britain, and founded a church
there, called Bledach, in the district that is named Heth ^ ; and
there he worked many miracles. . . . ^
Sigebert of Gemblours, Chronica ; Monumenta Germaniae
Historica, Scriptores, vol. vi, p. 318, s.a. 561
At this time Brendan was renowned in Scotia [Ireland];
and he sought the Fortunate Islands in a seven-years' voyage,
and saw many things worthy of marvel.
Macutes, also called Maclovus, regularly trained by him,
and the companion of his voyage, was famed in Britain for
sanctity and miracles^; but provoked by the Britons, he cursed
O'Conor's year 538 = 543 (16 years before 559). Interpreted by A.U.,
Gilla-Coemain places Bridget's death 523x524. It maybe dated with
sufficient accuracy in or before 524. Therefore the biographer places
Brendan's first visit to Scotland before 524.
" Ninnid, Eochaid's son, from the regions of Mull" {de partibus Mula),
also called "Ninnid Lam-idan" (clean-handed), left Britain to administer
the communion to Bridget before she died. " Mull " may have been the
island of that name. (See Colgan's Acta Sanctorum, i8th January, 112,
113-114.) Ninnid's pedigree stands thus in the Book of Leinster (347d)
and the Lebar Brecc (13 f.) : "Ninnid Lamidan, son of Eochaid, son of
Aed, son of Loegaire, son of Niall Nine-hostager. He had a sister, Cere,
Eochaid's daughter" (in Lebar Brecc, "Ere, daughter of Eochaid, son
of Aed, was his sister").
1 Tiree. " In the district of Heth, he dedicated a church, and a village
around it" Life quoted in S.C.S., u.s. This means that a monastic settle-
ment was established.
2 A vision caused him to return to Ireland. This stands before the
foundation of Clonfert in 558 ; see below, p. 55.
The Brussels Life of St Brendan says (Smedt and De Backer, Acta,
769 ; S.C.S., ii, 77) :— "■Afterwards, while all wept, [Brendan] set out and
returned to Britain, and founded two monasteries, one in the island of
Ailech, the other in Tiree \terra Ethical in the place called Bledua. And
being warned in dreams, he returned to Ireland. . . ."
Various churches in Scotland were dedicated to Brendan of Clonfert.
For Kilbrandon, see Cosmo Innes, Origines Parochiales, ii, 1, 102
3 Down to this point Sigebert is copied by Forduii, Chronicon, III, 23
(1, 108). Fordun imagined that Scotia meant Scotland here.
Immediately before this, Fordun reads : "And at this time in the city
of Rome [Dionysius] constructed the decemnovenal cycle of Easter and it
began in the year of the Lord 532." Hence the Breviary of Aberdeen
says that St Brandanus, confessor and abbot," flourished A D 532
Breviary of Aberdeen, i, 3, 98-99 : " Brendan flourished among the
BRENDAN AND MACHUTUS VISIT SCOTLAND 19
them, and crossed over to France ; and was renowned for
virtues for a long time under Leontius, bishop of Saintes. The
Britons were afflicted with various disasters because of his
curse ; and he gave them again his blessing, and absolved and
cured them.^
5S3
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 52, s.a. 552 = 553^
Thus I have found in Cuanu's Book :
Patrick's remains were placed in a shrine by Columcille,
three score years after Patrick's death.^ Three noble relics
Scots when 532 years from the birth of Christ had passed : a man
renowned for great abstinence and virtues ; the father of nearly three
thousand monks, he was held in the greatest esteem during those times for
his extreme sanctity and his doctrine. Of him some marvels are written,
in the little book about his life.
" He also explored in a seven-years' voyage the Fortunate Islands, and
saw very many marvels ; and by him St Machutus was baptized, and
regularly trained in Christian doctrine, and [made] the companion of his
voyage ; and we read that he was distinguished in Scotland for many
miracles. . . .
" St Brendan . . . saluted the brethren and commended them all to
the prior \j>reposit6\ of his monastery, whom afterwards he left as his
successor in the same place. And he set out towards the western district
or region {partem sive plagani], with twenty-four brethren, to the island of
a certain holy father, by name Penda \_nomi71e Pende] ; and there he stayed
for three days and three nights.
" After this he received the blessing of the father and of all the monks,
and set out to the remotest part of his province {in ultimam partem
regionis sue\, where his relatives \_parentes eiiis] lived ; yet he would not
see them, but he pitched his tent upon the summit of a certain mountain
which projects into the ocean, in the place that is called Brendan's Seat
[sedes Brandant]. There was [room for] the entrance of [but] one ship."
Breviary of Aberdeen, ii, 3, v-vii : " Molocus, who had had his birth
from a noble family of the Scots, was from his infancy instructed in liberal
and divine studies under the blessed abbot Brandanus, a man of great
sanctity and devotion." Molocus sailed on a rock to Lismore. He
became a monk in Melrose, and was sent to convert the people of Lismore.
Then he went to Thule {Tyle, Iceland), and afterwards "went to the
northern parts of Scotland, namely Rossia," or Ross. He died in old age
on the 25th June, and " was buried in great veneration in the church of
the blessed bishop Boniface, in Rosemarkie." This is a tradition of
Moluoc; see year ca. 592,
1 Machutus is the St Malo of Brittany.
2 With f n. for 553.
^ Reckoning from the traditional date, 493.
20 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
were found in the sepulchre : his cup, and the Gospel of the
Angel, and the Bell of the Testament.^ Thus did the angel
divide the relics for Columcille :— the cup to Down[patrick],
and the Bell of the Testament to Armagh, and the Gospel of
the Angel to Columcille himself It was called the Angel's
Gospel, because Columcille received it from the angel's hand.
553
Tirechan's History of Patrick ; in Stokes's Tripartite Life,
vol. ii, p. 332
Columcille, inspired by the Holy Ghost, showed Patrick's
burial-place, and confirmed where it is, namely in Sabal
Patraic,^ in the church nearest to the sea, where is the
collection of relics, that is, of the bones, of Columcille [brought]
from Britain, and the collection of all the saints of Ireland on
the day of Judgement.
?555
Herimannus Augiensis, Chronicon ; M.G.H., Scriptores,
vol. V, p. 88, s.a. 557
In Britain, Brude became king of the Picts.^
1 The bell may be that preserved in the Royal Irish Academy's
collection (see Coffey's Guide (19 10), 47-48). The Gospel of the Angel
was a book preserved mitil 1007 (q.v.) : it has been supposed to be the
Book of Kells, but without evidence.
For Patrick's Bell, cf. Stokes's Tripartite Life, i, 114, 170.
2 Saul, county Down.
^ This is derived from Bede's clear statement that 565 was Brude's ninth
year (English Chroniclers, 8). (Hermann's Chronicle was edited as a
continuation of the Chronicle of Marcellinus Comes, e.g. in Bouquet's
Recueil, ii, 20). '
The Chronicle of the Picts (ABC) says that " Brude, Maelchon's son,
reigned for thirty years. In the eighth year of his reign he was baptized
by St Columba." This statement appears to have been derived from
Bede's, with the change of "ninth" to "eighth." (Fordun, Chronica, IV,
10, quoting Bede, reads " ninth.")
If Brude's ninth year was 564-565, his thirtieth would have been
585-586. But the A.U. and the A.I. place his death in 584 (below). If
his thirtieth year began in 584, his ninth would have been 563-564 ; and
his first, 555-556. It seems probable that Columba came to Dalriata in
563 ; and that Bede's statement applies to that year. But Coltunba may
not have visited King Brude until the following summer. Adamnan does
not say that Brude was baptized in the year of Columba's arrival in
KING BRUDE AND KING GABRAN 21
ca. 559
Tigernach, Annals; in Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 142^
The death of Gabran, Domangart's son, king of Scotland.^
Flight of the Scots before Brude, Maelchon's son, king of
the Picts.3
Scotland, or even upon Columba's first visit to the Pictish court. See
below, years 563 and 584.
^ Under f.n. i, which may indicate a continuation of year 557 ; but
placed between years [559] and [560]. Perhaps we should read f.n. 4,
i.e. 559 ; and (with C.S.) attach the previous year-section (which has nofn.)
to the one before it (fn. 3, i.e. 558).
2 The Chronicle of Dalriata allows Gabran a reign of 22 years ; i.e.,
perhaps 537-559-
The Duan Albanach (P. & S., 59) : " Gabran had two years [of
prosperity?] without reproach, after Comgall" {Da bhliadhan Conaing gan
fair [read tar\ \ far es Comhghaill do Gobhran ; which as it stands would
mean : " Gabran had . . . two years of Conaing," and is here senseless.
Skene translates it "two prosperous years," following O'Conor, Scriptores,
i, 2, cxxvii. If this is the meaning, we should read chondigh for
Conaing. Pinkerton's transcript (Enquiry, ii, 323) has chonnail ; wrongly
(O'Conor). The facts seem to require the substitution of fichead for
Conaing; i.e. "22 years" ; but that is not what the writer intended).
^ Both events are similarly entered in C.S., 52, s.a. [559] (Hennessy's
year 560). Both events appear twice in A.U. (i, 54, 56); s.a. 557 = 558
(with fn. and e. of 558): "... A flight before Maelchon's son ; and the
death of Gabran, son of Domangart"; and s.a. 559 = 560: ". . . The
death of Gabran, son of Domangart [according to others, MS. B]. An
expedition by Maelchon's son, king Brude." A.U. allow Gabran a reign
of 20 or 22 years (counting from their earlier date of Comgall's death).
A.I., 6, O'Conor's year 551 = 556 (three years before 559) : "The death
of Gabran, son of Domangart" (for Garbain in MS., read Gabrain). This
stands 20 years after the death of Comgall.
The Annals of Clonmacnoise, 88, place both events under 563, in the
same year-section with Columba's journey to Scotland.
Under the same years, T. and A.U. place the Feast of Tara. It is
placed by A.I. in the previous year.
A.C., in Y Cymmrodor, ix, 154, s.a. [558] (4 years after the "iioth
year" after 444): "Gabran, Dungart's son, died." MS. B (Ab Ithel's
ed., 4) : " Gabran the treacherous [Gawran Wradoiic\ son of Dinwarch,
died." The annal is not in MS. C. The same epithet is given to Aidan,
Gabran's son, in the Welsh Triads.
Fordun's account is fabulous. He says (III, 21) that Gabran was
"a man advanced in age" when he came to the throne ; and (III, 24) that
he was killed by Eochaid Hebdre, Comgall's son, who succeeded him.
For the succession of Gabran's nephew, Conall, see year 574, note.
22 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Adamnan, Life of Columba ; Secunda Praefatio, pp. 4-5 ^
There was a man of venerable life and blessed memory,
father and founder of monasteries," having the same name as
the prophet Jonah ; for although it sounds differently in the
three different languages, yet this signifies one and the same
thing, which in Hebrew is called lona, in Greek Peristera, and
in the Latin tongue Columba. . . .^
Adamnan, Life of Columba; Secunda Praefatio, pp. 8-9*
St Columba, then, was born of noble parents, having as his
father Fedelmid the son of Fergus ; as his mother, Ethne,
' Skene's edition, 106.
2 For a list of foundations ascribed to Columba, see Reeves' Adamnan,
276-285, 289-298 (Skene's edition, xlix-lxxi).
^ This paragraph is copied by Fordun, III, 26 (i, 113). It is derived
from letters of Columbanus ; M.G.H., Epistolae Karolini Aevi, i, 169, 176.
The name Colum meant " dove." This etymologizing may have helped
to give lona its present name. The earliest text of Adamnan reads always
loua insula \ later texts read lona insula. The Verse Chronicle reads
loua. Cf. Eiieam insulam, quae nunc lona dicitur, in the Life of Catroe
(below, p. 44). Irish writers spelt the name i or hi (later Hii or Hith,
with similar sound), and in the genitive ia, iae, ia Coluim chille.
Notes on Fiacc's Hymn, Franciscan Liber Hymnorum, Thesaurus, ii,
306 : " Columcille. His baptismal name was Cremthand ; but he read his
psalms at Telach Dubglase, to the priest of the church ; and he came
frequently to the plain beside the church " (remainder illegible).
Cf the Lebar Brecc, margin of p. 89 ; 1880 Oengus, p. xcix : — " He was
called Colum'' [a dove] "because of his simplicity ; cille" [of the church]
" because he often came from the church, where he had read his psalms,
into the company of the neighbouring children. And they used to say
this among themselves, ' Has our little pigeon come from the church?";
that is, from Telach-Dubglaisse in Tir-Lugdach in the [land of the] tribe
of Conall" [Temple Douglas in Tirconnell]. "But Columcille's original
name was Crimthan. And this Columcille from his youth gave very great
love to Christ. . . ." Cf the other versions, 1905 ed., 144-146. Adamnan,
Praefatio II, states that he was called Columba not only "from the days of
infancy," but even prophetically before his birth, by St Mochta, Patrick's
disciple.
Calum at the present day passes as the Gaelic equivalent of " Malcolm,"
which was oxx^mzWy Mael-Coluimb, " Columba's devotee." In this work,
I translate Colomb, or Colum, by "Columba" when St Columba is meant ;
and give the compound name " Columcille " when it occurs.
* Skene's edition, 107-108.
ORIGIN OF COLUMBA 23
whose father may be called in Latin Filius Navis, but is in
the Irish tongue called Mac Naue.^
^ "Noah's son." For Columba's birth, see year ca. 521.
Cf. also the Continuation of Adamnan (in MS. B), in ed. Reeves, 246-
247) (Stokes and Strachan, Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus, ii, 281): "St
Columba's relatives : — Fedelmid, his father, the son of Fergus ; Ethne, his
mother, the daughter of Filius Navis. logen, Columba's younger brother
german. Also his three sisters german, Cuimne, the mother of Macc-Decuil's
sons, who are called M'Ernoc, and Cascene, and Meldal, and Bran (who
was buried in Derry), St Columba's cousins ; Mincholeth, mother of
Enan's sons, of whom one was called Caiman ; Sinech, mother of Mocu-
Cein's sons in Ciiil-uisci, whose names are the monk Aidan (who was buried
in Cuil-Uisci), and Conri Mocu-Cein (who was buried in Durrow), and
grandmother of To-cummi Mocu-Cein, a holy priest, who ended the present
life in the island of Zona, very wearied with age."
(The expression "brother german" stands for Irish derb-brathir "full-
brother " ; brathir " brother " sometimes means " cousin.")
Cf. the note in L.B. (1880 Oengus, p. xcix) : " . . . Columcille, son of
Fedlimid, son of Fergus. Columcille's name was Crimthan at first.
"And Columcille's mother was Ethne, daughter of Dimma, son of
Noah, son of Etine, son of Coirpre the poet, son of Ailill the great, son of
Breccan, son of Fiacc, son of Daire Barrach, son of Cathair the great.
And Columcille's three sisters were Cumfne, Minchloth, and Sinech."
For Columba's kindred, cf. the Book of Ballymote, 84-85. Cf the Life
in the Salamanca MS., Smedt and De Backer's Acta, 845.
Genealogies of Saints, in the Book of Leinster, facsimile, p. 347, column
2 : " Columcille, son of Fedlimid, son of Fergus, son of Conall Gulban, son
of Niall of the Nine Hostages, son of Eochaid M[uinremor], son of Muire-
dach Tprech], son of Fiachu Srop[tine], son of Corpre Lifechar, son of
Cormac UI[fota], son of Art Oenfer, son of Cond Cetchathach, son of
Fedlimid R[echtaid]." (Cf. also ibid. 366, top margin. For these kings,
from Fedlimid to Niall, cf. Coir Anmann, Irische Texte, iii, 2, 334-338.)
The first part of the pedigree is also in L.B., 12 d; B.B., 215 f. Cf.
A.U., s.aa. 546 = 547 and 585 = 586; and the Irish Life, in Stokes's Three
Homilies, 100 (below).
Cf. the verse in the preface to the Amra, Liber Hymnorum, i, 165 :
" Ethne, distinguished in her time, the queen of the Corpraige, was the
mother of Columba, a bright conjunction ; the daughter of Dimma, Noah's
son." (Cf. Book of Leinster, 366, top margin.)
She is called "long-sided Ethne" {Eithne idebfhotta) in the verse in
which Bridget welcomes Columba, in the Tripartite Life, i, 1 50.
Amra Coluimchille, Liber Hymnorum, i, 182, Atkinson's translation,
ii, 80 : " May the descendant of the body of Cathair with nobility see me
without stain. (I.e., may he look on me without stain, a descendant of
Coirpre Nia-fer of Leinster ; for Ethne daughter of Dimma macc-Noe was
his [Colum Cille's] mother, of the Carburys of Leinster ; and he [Coirpre]
was a descendant of Cathair Mor, son of Fedelmid the All-wise.")
24 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
In the second year after the battle of Cuil-dremne, in the
forty-second year of his age, he sailed over from Ireland to
Britain, wishing to live in pilgrimage for Christ's sake.i
For the story of Columba's grandmother, Ere, see above, p. 4-
The Lebar Brecc (facsimile, 236 b, foot) represents Columba as saymg :
" The Irish are dearer to me than [the rest of] the men of the world ; and
the tribe of Conall, than the [rest of the] Irish ; and the tribe of Lugaid,
than the [rest of the] tribe of Conall."
Columba's uncle, Ernan, is mentioned by Adamnan, I, 45 (below, p. 63).
Adamnan speaks also of a relative of Columba's mother (II, 40; ed.
Skene, 184). , ,■ a ■ i -n
Columba's sister, Uthende, and her six sons, are mentioned in L.B.
(1880 Oengus, p. liv) : "Their mother was of the eminent descendants of
Conall IVIor" (i.e. of Conall Gulban, ancestor of the Cenel-Conaill). Cf.
"Seven sons of Uthenne, Fedlimid's daughter," in MS. Rawlinson B. 512 ;
1905 Oengus, 78.
Reeves has drawn up a genealogy of Columba and the abbots of lona
(Adamnan, after p. 342 ; Skene's ed., p. clxxxv. Cf. ed. Reeves, 8 ; ed.
Skene, 249. See also Fowler's ed., after p. xciv).
1 Cuil-dremne was in Carbury, between Drumcliff and Sligo ; see
Hogan's Onomasticon.
Tigernach dates the battle of Cuil-dremne in [560] (f.n. 5) ; Revue
Celtique, xvii, 143-144: "The battle of Cuil-dremne [was gained] over
Diarmait, Cerball's son. Forgus and Donald, two sons of Muirchertach,
Erc's son ; and Ainmire, Setna's son ; and Nindid, Duach's son ; and Aed,
king of Connaught, son of Eochaid Dry-flesh, were the conquerors, through
the prayer of Columcille, who said : ' O God, why clearest thou not away
the mist, that we might reckon the number of the host that reaps judgements
off us?
"'A host marching round a cairn, the son of storm [i.e. the wind]
betrays them ; [because] my wizard, who will not deny me, is God's son,
who will assist me.
" ' Baetan's steed before the host makes the advance beautiful ; Baetan
of the yellow hair thinks it well, it will bear its burden upon it.'
" It was Fraechan son of Teniusan that made the Druids' Fence for
Diarmait. It was Tuatan, son of Dimman, son of Saran, son of Cormac,
son of Eogan, that overthrew the Druids' Fence. Maiglinde went across
it, and he alone was killed."
This passage appears with little difference in C.S., 52-54, s.a. [560]
(Hennessy's 561).
A.U. give two dates for the battle; i, 56, s.a. 559 = 560: "The
feast of Tara [was held] by Diarmait, Cerball's son. . . . The battle of
Cuil-dremne." Ibid. s.a. 560 = 561 : "The battle of Cuil-dremne [was
gained] over Diarmait, Cerball's son, and there three thousand fell."
A.I., 7, O'Conor's year 553 = 558: — "[A year] in which the battle of
Cuil-dremne was fought ; and in it Ainmire, Setna's son, and Ainnedid,
BATTLE OF CUIL-DREMNE 25
Fergus's son, and Donald, were the conquerors ; while Diarmait fled. And
on that day Clonfert of Brendan {Bre/nmui] was founded, at an angel's
command \angelus iniperante\.
[O'Conor's 554 = 559] "The end of the cycle of Victorius." The
Victorian paschal cycle, introduced in 457, was issued as a calendar of
532 years, from 28 to 559 A.D. (1-532 A.P., Victorian system). Although
Victorius numbered his years from the Passion, he made them correspond
with the consular year, and therefore begin upon ist January. In the
same year-section [=559] is noticed (from Bede's or Isidore's Chronicle)
Tiberius' succession to Justinus, an event of 578.
The year-section preceding that describing Cuil-dremne in T. contains
the "flight of the Scots" (above, year 559), and the following (R.C., xvii,
142-143): "The last Feast of Tara [was held] by Diarmait, Cerball's
son. . . .
" The death of Curnan, son of Aed, son of Eochaid Dry-flesh, [king of
Connaught,] by Diarmait, Cerball's son, [although Curnan was] under
Columcille's protection. And this was one of the causes of the battle of
Cuil-dremne." So also, with little diflference, in C.S., 52, Hennessy's year
560 = 559.
The Annals from the Book of Leinster (p. 246; R.S. 89, ii, 514), s.a.
565 : "The battle of Cuil-dremne [was gained] against Diarmait, Cerball's
son." (The date 566, attached to this event in Stokes's edition, belongs to
the next entry, the one-year reign of Donald and Fergus, Erc's grand-
sons ; in these annals dated 565-566.)
F.M., i, 190-192, s.a. 554 (and "the 16th year of Diarmait," sovereign
of Ireland) : " The last Feast of Tara was held by Diarmait, king of
Ireland.
" Curnan, son of Aed, son of Eochaid Dry -flesh, that is to say the son
of the king of Connaught, was killed by Diarmait, Cerball's son, in spite of
Columcille's sureties and protection, after having been dragged out of his
hands ; and this was the cause of the battle of Cuil-dremne." And ibid.,
192-194, s.a. 555 (and "the 17th year of Diarmait"]: "The battle of
Cuil-dremne was gained over Diarmait, Cerball's son, by Fergus and by
Donald, two sons of Muirchertach, Erc's son, and by Ainmire, Setna's son,
and by Ninnid, Duach's son, and by Aed, Eochaid Tirmcharna's son, king
of Connaught. The clans of the Ui-Neill, of the north and of Connaught,
fought this battle of Cuil-dremne against the king, Diarmait, because
he was guilty of the slaying of Curnan, son of Aed, son of Eochaid
Dry-flesh, in Columcille's protection ; and further because of the unjust
judgement given by Diarmait against Columcille, concerning Finnian's
book (which Columcille had copied without letting Finnian know), when
they asked for Diarmait's decision : and Diarmait had pronounced the
famous judgement, 'To every cow belongs her calf,' etc. . . ." (Here
follows, with little difference, the verse passage translated above from
Tigernach.)
O'Donnell, Life of Columba, in Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga, 409 a:
"The king . . . pronounced judgement for Finnian, and he uttered the
26 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Devoted even from his boyhood to Christian discipleship/
and by gift of God, through his zeal for wisdom, preserving
integrity of body and purity of soul, he showed himself fitted
judgement in Irish verse, famous to this day among the Irish, in this
fashion : ' Lc gach boin a boi?tin, agiis le gach leabhar a leabhran' ; that is,
'Let the calf belong to its mother, and the copy to its original.'"
O'Donnell's, though late, is the fullest account ; q.v., u.s., 408 a -409 b.
Immediately after the battle of Cuil-dremne, Tigernach gives under
[561] (f.n. 6): "The battle of Cuil-Uinnsenn in Teffia [was gained] over
Diarmait, Cerball's son, by Aed, Brendan's son, the king of Teffia ; and
there Diarmait fled." So also in C.S., 54, s.a. [561] (Hennessy's 562). Aed
had previously granted Durrow to Columba, for the foundation of a
monastery ; see T. and C.S., in their notice of Aed's death, s.a. [587] ;
MS. A of A.U., i, 72, s.a. 588 = 589.
Immediately after the battle of Cuil-Uinnsenn, both T. and C.S. place
Columba's voyage to Scotland.
These events appear in A. I., 6-7 ; the Feast of Tara under O'Conor's
year 550 = 555, the death of Curnan under O'Conor's 552 = 557, the battle
of Cuil-dremne under O'Conor's 553 = 558, the battle of Cuil-Uinnsenn
under O'Conor's 554 = 559. A.I. agree with the other Irish Annals in
placing Columba's arrival in Scotland two years after the battle of Cuil-
dremne. (So also in the Annals of Boyle.)
See also the Preface to the Altus Prositor, below, p. 97.
Chronological tract (of nth century ; Stokes) in Lebar Brecc ; Stokes,
Tripartite Life, ii, 552: "33 years from Patrick's death" (placed by this
tract in [493]) "to the death of Bridget, in the 70th year of her age [526]
in the same year [were] Bridget's death and [that of] the first Ailill,
abbot of Armagh.
" 36 years from Bridget's death to the battle of Cuil-dremne [562].
"35 years from the battle of Cuil-dremne to the death of Columcille, in
the 76th year of his age [597].
"43 years from the death of Columcille to the battle of Moira [640].
" 25 years from the battle of Moira to the pestilence \buidechar\ of which
died Diarmait and Blathmac, two sons of Aed Slaine [665]. . . ." (They
died in 665 or 668, according to A.U.) The dates in square brackets are
those deducible from the tract.
Marianus Scottus, in M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 546, s.a. 585 = 563, and the
37th of Justinian, inserts : " Columcille fought the battle of Cuil-dremne."
^ Tirocinia, the monastic noviciate.
A.I., 5, O'Conor's year 527 = 532 (64 years before 599), read: "Loss of
bread of Columba." A.U., i, 46, s.a. 535 = 536, read simply "loss of bread" ;
but possibly Columba's dedication may be meant (cf. Ecclesiastes, XI, i).
Columba would in 536 have been about 15 years old. There seems to be
nothing else in the Lives to which these words could refer. (Under the
same year, A.U. notice the death of Pope John II, an event of 535. This
is taken from the Liber Pontificalis ; M.G.H., Gesta Pontificum, i, 141.)
CHARACTER OF COLUMBA 27
for heavenly customs, though placed on earthly soil. For he
was angelic in appearance/ polished in speech, holy in work,
excellent in intelligence, great in resourcefulness ; having lived
for thirty-four years as an island soldier. He could not pass
the interval of even one hour without setting himself either to
prayer, or to reading, writing, or even to some [manual] labour.^
He was also so constantly occupied, day and night, without any
intermission, with indefatigable labours of fasts and vigils, that
the weight of each particular labour seemed beyond human
capacity to bear. And with all this he was dear to all, showing
his holy face ever cheerful ; and he rejoiced in his inmost heart
with the joy of the Holy Spirit.^
^ Cf. verses in L.B. (1880 Oengus, p. ci) and in IMS. Laud 610 (1905
Oengus, 148), thus translated by Stokes (1905 Oengus, 149); "Colum, fair,
mighty form, face ruddy, broad, radiant, body white, fame without false-
hood, hair curly, eye grey, luminous."
" vel etiam aliciii operatio7ii. <Zi. the fratres operarii mentioned by
Adamnan, III, 23 ; below, year 597.
Cf. the account given by Sulpicius Severus of the constant activity of
St Martin, in prayer and reading (Life of Martin, P.L. 20, 175, 176); a
passage doubtless known to Adamnan.
^ Cf. the Life in the Salamanca MS., Smedt and De Backer's Acta, 853 :
'■'■Note Columba's inanner of life. He applied his mind more indefatigably
than could be believed to fasts and vigils and prayers, also to meditations
upon the scriptures and to preachings of the faith, and to the other works
of charity. And when he did allow himself some time for sleep, he lay with
his head supported on a stone and his body thrown upon the bare ground,
with nothing but a skin between. But although he afflicted his body with
such labours, yet by provision of divine favour he was held worthy of
admiration by all for beauty of countenance, ruddy cheeks and condition
of body."
Amra Coluimchille, Liber Hymnorum, i, 178 : " He assailed the fatness of
his side (i.e., he betrayed the fatness of his side ; for the mark of his ribs
was apparent through his linen shirt \bldi'\ upon the shore). The desires
of his body, he destroyed. (I.e., he destroyed the desires of his body.)"
Cf. a verse in the preface to the Amra, i, 166 : "[Columba] used to lie
bare" {gle ; " openly," Atkinson) " in the sand; in his resting there was
much affliction. When the wind blew his clothing, the course of his ribs
was visible through it."
The Amra Coluimchille, ibid., i, 170: "He kept vigil as long as he
lived ; (i.e., he made twelve hundred genuflexions daily, except only on
festivals ; so that his ribs became apparent through his linen shirt [bldi b'?t\).
He was of brief age (i.e., straight, or trifling, or small, i.e. 76 years, as
the poet said) ; he was of small sufficiency (i.e., trifling was [the amount
of food] that satisfied him)." The same, ibid., i, 172 : " He suffered briefly.
28 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
and conquered. (I.e. fairly he has conquered his desires in the short time
during which he existed.)" Most of this obscure composition is eulogy of
Columba. See Atkinson's and Stokes' translations.
Amra Coluimchille, Liber Hymnorum, i, 173, 174 : " He commented on"
{sluinnsiusj Atkinson's translation) "law-books, books which Cassian
loved [?]. (I.e., he so read books of law, as he read books of John Cassian
for their clearness ; or he read books of law as John Cassian did.) ... He
divided part from figure, among the books of law. (I.e., he put the history
of the law on one side, and its meaning on the other side.)"
For his knowledge of the calendar, we may compare the same work,
ibid., i, 174, translated ii, 68-69.
Amra Coluimchille, Liber Hymnorum, i, 180: "He conversed with an
angel. He discussed [? atgailt\ Greek grammar. (I.e., he held converse
with an angel, and he studied grammar like the Greeks. Or, he conversed
with grammarians and with Greeks)" ("grammatically and in Greek,"
Atkinson. The meaning is obscure.)
Amra Coluimchille, Liber Hymnorum, i, 180-181 : "Not with Niall's
strength is he, . . . who injured not, when he died [Stokes' translation ;
R.C., XX, 407]. ([I.e.] he did not commit any injury for which he should
have died, if it were a cause for [death] in other cases.)" The glossator
means that Columba did nothing for which a smaller man would have
died. Atkinson follows the glossator, though doubtfully, in translating
the text : " He did not commit an injury for which one dies." Cf. with
this^Adamnan, below, years 686, 688.
Amra Coluimchille, Liber Hymnorum, i, 176: "The art of his priest-
hood" (i.e. hymn-writing?) "was melodious, was unique. (I.e., all thought
that his voice was sweet ; and all were satisfied with the unique art which
he had of priesthood. Or priesthood was only one of his arts, because he
was a poet, he was a prophet, he was a sage.)
" To mankind he was unintelligible. (I.e. his hymns were unintelligible
to other people.)
" He was' a shelter to the naked, a shelter to the poor. (I.e., clothing
and feeding them.)"
With the words " He was a poet . . . prophet . . . sage," cf. the
second line of the stanza in which, according to the Tripartite Life, i, 150,
Patrick foretold the birth of Columba (" He will be a sage, a prophet, a
poet" tr. Stokes) ; and the first line of stanza 103 of Berchan's Prophecy
(P. & S., 79). The notator of the Amra seems to quote some verse that
has been copied also by the writers of Berchan and the Tripartite Life.
According to Adamnan, I, i (ed. Skene, 113-114), Columba had from
early years the gift of prophecy, or rather of second-sight There are many
stories of this faculty in Adamnan and in the Irish Life. According to
Giraldus Cambrensis, Columba was one of the four prophets of Ireland
(Expugnatio Hibernica ; v, 384-385, cf. 341-342).
Adamnan says also (I, i ; ed. Skene, in): "And he by himself alone
repulsed, with God's aid, and drove back from this our primary island [of
lona], attacking and innumerable troops of demons fighting against him,
seen by his bodily eyes, and beginning to bring upon his monastic company
CHARACTER OF COLUMBA 29
Irish Life of Columba; Stokes's Three Homilies, pp. 122-124I
Now there never was begotten of the Gael a person nobler,
or wiser, or of higher descent, than Columcille : there never
came to them one more lowly, more humble, more modest.
Great indeed was Columcille's modesty, since he used himself
to take off his monks' sandals, and to wash them for them. He
used often to carry his share of corn on his back to the mill,
and he ground it and bore it back to his house. He never
wore linen or wool next his skin. He slept not except with his
side against the bare earth ; with nothing under his head but a
pillar of stone for a pillow. And he slept not at all, except for
the time that his disciple Diarmait chanted three chapters of
the Beaius. After that he rose up, and made lamentation and
hand-clapping like a loving mother weeping for her only son.
deadly diseases." This story is told more fully, and attributed to Columba
himself, in III, 8 ; it is also in Cummine, IX, who attributes their repulse
to the assistance of angels (Pinkerton, Vitae, 32-33).
Poems written by Columba were believed to have miraculously protective
powers in battle (Adamnan, I, i).
When Columba was a boy novice, he had a tutor \7tutritot-\ called
Cruithnechan, according to Adamnan, III, 2 (ed. Skene, 195). Later,
while he was a young man and deacon, he had an old man Gemman as
instructor (Adamnan, II, 25 ; ed. Skene, 169). Afterwards St Finnian
[of Moville] was his teacher (Adamnan, II, i. III, 4; ed. Skene, 152, 196.
Cf Cummine, III, IV ; and the Salamanca Life, ed. Smedt and De Backer,
847). Finnian died in 579, according to A.U. ; in [577] according to T.
(an old entry ; but without year-heading. Supply f.n. 5, as in C.S.,
Hennessy's year 578).
The Lebar Brecc, in a mythical account, says that Columba received
priest's orders from bishop Etchen of Clonfad (1880 Oengus, pp. 1-li ;
other versions in 1905 ed., 72. Cf. J. H. Todd, Introduction to Obits and
Martyrologies of Christchurch, pp. liii-lv. Cf also Martyrology of Donegal,
44 ; Colgan's Acta Sanctorum, 304-306 ; and O'Donnell's Life of Columba,
in Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga, 396-397). Etchen died on nth February,
according to the martyrologies and F.M. ; in 577 = 578, according to A.U.
and F.M. ; in [576] according to T. (R.C., xvii, 152) and C.S., 60, Hennessy's
year 577 ; in the same year as Brendan of Clonfert, according to A.B.
For Columba's creation of the monastery of Derry, see year 546 ; for
his elevation of Patrick's remains, and distribution of relics, see year 553.
His life-history is traced by Reeves (Adamnan, Ixviii-lxxx ; ed. Skene,
xxxiii-lxxix). Cf. the Irish Life, below.
1 Very similarly also in the Book of Lismore ; Stokes, Lismore Lives,
32-33-
With the Irish Life, cf. the life in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 92-96.
30 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
After that he sang the hundred-and-fifty [psalms] until morning,
[lying] in the sand of the shore, as [the poet] said : " The three
fifties, heavy was the vigil ; in the night, the torment was great.
In the sea by the side of Scotland, before the sun had risen ;
bare he laid himself, noble afflictions, in the sand ; great was
the affliction. The course of his ribs was plain through his
clothing, when the wind blew it."
That was his night-work. In the day he attended at the
canonical hours ; he offered the body of Christ, and his blood.
He preached the gospel, baptized, consecrated, anointed ; he
healed lepers, and blind, and lame, and all other diseased
persons ; he raised the dead.
Irish Life of Oolumba ; Stokes's Three Homilies, pp. 96 ff.^
The time when the Christians keep the festival and
celebration of Columcille's death is the fifth day ^before the
Ides of June, as regards the day of the solar month. Every
year on this day,^ etc.
And the wise men of the Gael relate at this season every
year an abridgement of the exposition of the nobility * and noble
parentage of St Columcille, and moreover of the innumerable
miracles and wonders that the Lord worked for him while he
lived in this world ; and of the perfecting and distinguished
conclusion which [the Lord] gave at last to [Columba's]
victorious career, when he reached his own true fatherland and
true native country, the abode of Paradise, in the presence of
God for ever.
Columcille's descent was noble, as the world is concerned ;
he was of the descendants of Conall, Niall's son. He had by
descent the right to the kingship of Ireland, and it would have
been offered to him had he not renounced it for God. But it
is clear that he was a chosen son of God, because the elders of
Ireland prophesied of him before his birth. . . .^
^ Also (a somewhat later text) in the Book of Lismore ; Stokes's
Lismore Lives, 22 ff.
- 9th June.
^ This Life was meant to be read on 9th June.
* shocheneoil "noble descent" in L.B. ; shochair "privilege" (Stokes),
in Book of Lismore.
'' Here are cited predictions of Columba attributed to Mochta of Louth,
Patrick, Bee Macc-De, and Eogan of Ardstraw.
BIRTH OF COLUMBA 31
Buitte, Bronach's son, prophesied of Columcille, and said to
his household : " This night has been born a son, glorious,
honourable before God and men ; and he will come here thirty
years from to-night, accompanied by twelve men ; and he will
reveal my grave and point out my burial-place, and we shall be
one ^ in heaven and on earth."
As Columcille's birth was foretold by the elders of Ireland,
so also it was displayed in visions and in dreams. Thus it was
displayed in the vision that was shown to his mother. She
imagined that a great mantle was given to her, and that it
stretched from Insi-Mod to Caer-Abrocc,^ and every colour was
present in it. And a youth saw the splendid garment, and took
the mantle from her into the air. And Ethne was sorrowful
because of it. And she imagined that the same youth came
to her again, and said to her : " Good woman," said the youth,
" thou needest not to grieve, but gladness and delight are
meeter for thee ; because this cloak portends that thou wilt
bear a son, and Ireland and Scotland will be full of his
doctrine."
Likewise the v/aiting-woman ^ saw a vision; she imagined
that the birds of the air bore Ethne's bowels throughout the
territories of Ireland and Scotland. Ethne herself interpreted
this vision, and spoke then thus : " I shall bear a son, and his
doctrine will extend throughout the territories of Ireland and
Scotland."
As it had been predicted by the elders of Ireland, and had
been seen in visions, so Columcille was born. And Gortan is
the name of the place where he was born ; and he was born
upon the seventh day * before the Ides of December, as regards
the day of the solar month, and on Thursday, as regards the
day of the week.
Wonderful was the son who was born there ; a son of the
king of heaven and of earth : Columcille, son of Fedlimid, son
of Fergus, son of Conall Gulban, son of Niall Nine-hostager.
1 diaid ar n-oentu, literally " our unity will be " ; Stokes translates this
" our union shall abide."
' CO Caer nambrocc in Lebar Brace ; co Caeir n-Abrocc in Book of
Lismore, i.e. "to York," The Insi-Mod are Inishymoe, the islands in Clew
Bay, off the coast of Mayo, according to Reeves ; Adamnan, 191.
^ anben imtha sin, Lebar Brecc ; a ben imthasi, Book of Lismore.
■* 7th December, a Thursday in 521.
32 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
His mother was of the Corprige of Leinster : Ethne Olmar,
daughter of Dimma, son of Noah.
Immediately after his birth he was taken [away], and
Cruithnechan, Cellachan's son, the noble priest, baptized him ;
and thereafter he fostered him, at the command of angels
of God.
Now when he reached the age for study, the priest went to
a certain seer,i to ask him when the boy ought to begin. When
the seer had scanned the sky, he said : " Write his alphabet
for him now." Thereupon it was written on a cake.^ And
Columcille consumed the cake thus, half of it to the east of a
water and half of it to the west of a water.
The seer said, by grace of prophecy, " So shall the territory
of this boy be, half of it to the east of a sea, that is, in Scotland,
and half of it to the west of a sea, that is, in Ireland." . . .^
Thereafter [Cruithnechan] offered Columcille to the Lord of
the elements, and [Columcille] asked three boons of [God] :
charity, and wisdom, and pilgrimage. All three were granted
to him in full.
He bade farewell to his foster-father, and his foster-father
gave him leave to go, and blessed him fervently. Then
[Columba] went to study wisdom with the noble bishop,
Finnian of Moville. . . .*
[Columba] then bade farewell to Finnian, and went to
Gemman the Master. . . . ^
He then bade farewell to Gemman, and went to Finnian of
Clonard. . . ."
Columcille then bade farewell to Finnian, and went to
^ fdith ; "spaeman," "prophet" Stokes.
- I.e., that time was propitious, and his education was symbolically
begun.
5 Columba chanted a psalm for Cruithnechan, although he had learned
only the alphabet ; and he raised Cruithnechan from death caused by
falling in a wood.
* Columba turned water to wine for the mass.
'' Here is related the episode, told also by Adamnan, of Columba's curse
killing a man who had killed a girl in his presence.
^ Finnian bade Columba build his hut in the door of the church.
Columba was relieved by an angel of his share in the quern-grinding.
Finnian had a vision of a golden moon and a silver moon— Columba and
Ciaran, the Wright's son.
COLUMBA IN IRELAND 33
Glasnevin; because fifty were studying there with Mobi,
including Cainnech and Comgall and Ciaran. . . }
On one occasion a great church was built by Mobi, and the
priests were considering what each of them would like to have
the church filled with. "I should like," said Ciaran, "to have
it filled with sons of the church to attend at the canonical
hours." " I should like " said Cainnech, " to have it filled with
books for the use of the elect." ^ " I should like " said Comgall,
"to have it filled with tribulation and disease, that they might
enter my own body to oppress and to chastise me." But
Columcille chose that it should be filled with gold and silver
with which to cover relics and monasteries. Mobi said that it
would not be so, but that Columcille's community would be
richer than any other congregation, either in Ireland or in
Scotland. . . .^
Then another time when he was in Derry, he planned to go
to Rome and to Jerusalem.* On another occasion he went
from Derry to Tours of Martin, and took away with him the
gospel that had been in the earth on Martin's bosom for a
hundred years. And he left it in Derry.
God did many miracles and wonders for Columcille in
Derry. [Columba] loved that city greatly, and said :
" I love Derry for these reasons : for its smoothness ; for its
purity ; because it is full of holy angels, from one end to the other."
Thereafter Columcille founded Raphoe. There he raised
the carpenter from death, after he had been drowned in the
1 Columba miraculously transferred monastic huts across a flooded river.
^ do macaib bethad. For the meaning of this expression cf. the Life of
Cainnech, Plummer's Vitae, i, 167, where films vitae means " one of the
elect."
^ Mobi predicted plague ; Columba stopped it at the river Biur. Derry
was founded (see year 546) ; see the preface to the hymn Noli, Pater.
Wattles were taken without permission, and paid for with barley seed.
Columba drew water from a rock to baptize a child.
* nosiniraid dula do Roim ecus do Jerusalem, Lebar Brecc ; no
imraideth dula, Lismore Life. " He bethought him of going " Stokes.
This surely means that he went. The same expression is used of his going
to Britain, below.
This voyage to Rome never occurred. An altogether miraculous visit
to Rome (through the air, fighting for king Brandub's soul) is described in
O'Donnell's Life (III, 45); Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga, 439a. See
Reeves's Adamnan, 205. Cf Tallaght Discourse, 133.
C
34 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
mill-pond. Still in Raphoe his community needed a plough-
share ; and he blessed the hands of the little boy that was with
him, Fergna by name, and he made the ploughshare; and
through [Columba's] blessing [Fergna] was skilled in metal
work thenceforward.
Then [Columba] went on a preaching-circuit to the king of
Teffia, who was named Aed, Brendan's son. And [Aed] gave
him the place where Durrow is to-day; and a monastery ^ was
made there by [Columba]. . . }
After that he blessed Durrow, and left there as keeper one
of his community, Cormac Ua-Liathain.
Then he went to Aed Slane, Diarmait's son ; he came to
the place where Kells is to-day. It was a castle of the king of
Ireland at that time ; the castle of Diarmait, Cerball's son. . . ?
There was a great oak under which Columcille remained,
so long as he was in that place. This oak lasted for many
ages, but fell in the uproar of a great wind. A certain man
took some of its bark to tan his shoes ; and as soon as he wore
his shoes after they had been tanned, leprosy seized him from
his soles to his crown.
Then Columcille went to Aed Slane, and prophesied on his
behalf, and said that he would live long unless he committed
parricide ; but if he did parricide, he would live only four years
afterwards. And he blessed a cowl for him, and said that he
should not be wounded so long as he wore that cowl. But Aed
Slane did do parricide, contrary to the word of Columcille,
upon Suibne, Colman's son ; and after four years he went upon
an expedition ; he forgot his cowl ; he was killed upon that day.
After that, Columcille founded many churches in Brega.
He left in them two elders and many relics. He left Ossine,
Cellach's son, in Clonmore of Ferrard ; [and] he went after
that to Monasterboice. There his staff struck the ladder of
' redes.
^ He turned bitter apples sweet; he sent to Colman Mor, Diarmait's
son, a sword so blessed that none could die beside it.
^ Columba foretold the future of Kells and Killskeer ; and " he marked
out that city [of Kells] as it is now ; and he blessed it earnestly ; and he
said that it would be the chief possession he should have among the lands,
although his resurrection would not be there " (i.e., although he should not
be buried there). But the Columbite monks did not get Kells until the
year 804, q.v. This was written long after that date.
COLUMBA IN IRELAND 35
glass by which Buitte had climbed to heaven ; and the sound
of it was heard through the whole church. And he revealed
the grave of Buitte. And he marked out [Buitte's] church/ as
Buitte himself had prophesied upon the day of his death.
For he marked out many churches, and wrote many books,'''
as the poet has said : " He marked out, without relaxing,^ three
hundred fair churches (it is true) ; and he wrote three hundred
bright, noble, miracle-working books. . . .* "
Any book that his hand had written, though it were long
under water, not even one letter in it was washed out.
He founded a church in Rechraind ^ in the east of Brega,
and left deacon Colman there. . . .^
He founded a church in the place where Swords' is to-day.
He left there an elder of his community, Finan Lobur ; and he
left the gospel which he had written with his own hand. And
he marked out a well there, called Sord, that is " pure." And
he blessed a cross. For he was accustomed to make crosses
and book-satchels and book-covers ^ and altar vessels,^ as
[the poet] said : " He blessed three hundred miracle-working
crosses, three hundred rushing wells ; and a hundred splendid
. . . satchels,^" and a hundred croziers, and a hundred book-
' dororaind a chill; Stokes's translation. Not in the Lismore Life.
^ The Lismore Life adds, " namely three hundred churches and three
hundred books," and omits the stanza quoted in Lebar Brecc.
^ cen mannair " without loosening " Stokes.
* trebon; "lasting(?)" Stokes (z'j'CCir. buadach trebon. lebor solas saer roscrib).
8 irrachraind oirthir breg ; " now Lambay, Adamnan's Rechrea insula"
Stokes. This is Lambay, but in Adamnan Rathlin may be meant.
^ Cainnech and Comgall saw a pillar of fire over Columba's head while
he celebrated mass there. See Adamnan, below, pp. 55-56.
' " About seven miles north of Dublin " Stokes.
^ polaire ocus tiaga lebor; "writing-tablets and book-satchels" Stokes,
Lismore Lives.
" aid7ne eclastacda.
'" cSt ipolaire an anathach; " a hundred tablets," Stokes (Lismore
Lives). This seems an unlikely meaning here.
" cet Hag; " satchels," Stokes. The Lismore Life omits the quotation,
and reads: "and he blessed 300 crosses and 300 wells, and 100 polaires
and 100 tiag%."
'^ Two instances of second-sight stand here, one in connection with
Cainnech's monks, another with Bridget (who died ca. 524 ; see above,
p. 17).
36 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Afterwards he went to Leinster, and left many churches
founded there, including Druimm-Monach, and Moone, and
many other churches.
Afterwards Columcille went to Clonmacnoise, with the
hymn that he had made for Ciaran/ for he made many
praises for God's community ; as [the poet] said, " Noble
hundred-and-fifty [hymns], nobler than [those of] any apostle ;
the number of miracles are [as] grass ^; some [of the hymns
were written] in Latin, which was obscure^; others in Irish,
fair is the tale."
Now in Clonmacnoise a little boy came to him and took a
small hair from [Columba's] clothing, without his perceiving it.
But God revealed the matter to [Columba.] He prophesied of
the boy that he should be a wise man and religious. That is
Ernan of Clondara to-day.
Afterwards Columcille went into the territories of Connaught
on a preaching-circuit, and he founded many churches and
establishments in that province-; among them Assylyn* and
Drumcliff And he left Mothoria in Drumcliff,^ and left with
them a crozier which he himself had made. Columcille then
went past Assaroe and founded many churches in Tirconnell
and Tyrone. He founded [the church] in Tory Island, and left
in it an elder of his community, Ernaine.
Now when Columcille had made the circuit of all Ireland,
and had sown faith and belief, after he had baptized many
peoples, after he had founded churches and establishments,
after he had left in them elders and relics of saints and of
martyrs,^ there came to his mind the resolution he had deter-
mined upon from the beginning of his life, namely to go into
pilgrimage. Then he planned to go across the sea to preach
God's word to Scots and to Britons and SaxonsJ
1 Cf. Liber Hymnorum, i, 157.
2 itUn ferta fer ; Stokes's translation (Lismore Lives.)
^ soebail J "beguiling," Stokes.
* Ess-mic - Eire. Assylyn, on the Boyle, according to Reeves,
Adamnan, 281.
^ This clause is not in the Lismore Life.
^ minda ociis martire ; perhaps " reliquaries and relics," with Stokes.
■ Similarly in the Life of Columba in the Salamanca MS., Smedt and
De Backer's Acta, 847-848 : "And after the holy man saw that a fitting
time had arrived to carry out what he had formerly purposed, that is to
COLUMBA EXCOMMUNICATED 37
?56i
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book III, c. 3 ^
Concerning the apparition of holy angels, that St Brendan
had seen passing along the plain in company of the blessed ^nan.
After the interval of many seasons,^ when St Columba was
being excommunicated by a certain synod for some venial and
indeed excusable causes, unjustly, as afterwards became plain
in the end, he came to the same assembly that had been
collected against himself. And because St Brendan (the
founder of the monastery called Birra in Irish ^ ) had seen
him coming, far off, he quickly rose and bowed his face, and
reverently kissed him. Some of the elders of the assembly
separated from the rest, and rebuked him, saying, " Why dost
thou not refuse to rise in presence of one excommunicated, and
to kiss him?" Then he spoke to them and said, "If you
could see what the Lord has not disdained to reveal to me this
day concerning this his chosen one, whom you dishonour, you
would never have excommunicated him whom God by no
means excommunicates in accordance with your unjust decree,
but even exalts by more and more." They retorted, saying,
say for his purpose to go into pilgrimage, and for converting the Picts
to the faith, he left his native land and sailed with prosperous passage to
the island of lona, which is situated in the northern ocean between Ireland
and Britain ; and there he built a most noble monastery, and fed white
flocks of monks with the salutary nutriment of doctrine. He also converted
the Picts to the faith of Christ."
' Reeves's ed., 192-194; Skene's, 195-196.
2 After the time of a miraculous occurrence in Columba's boyhood.
^ The death of Brendan of Birr was revealed to Columba in lona
when it occurred, according to Adamnan, III, 11 (ed. Skene, 201), and
Cummine, VII ; and Columba instituted the .day as Brendan's festival.
Cf. the Life in the Salamanca MS., ed. Smedt and De Backer, 851.
Brendan died either in 564 = 565 or in 571 = 572, according to A.U.,
i, 60, 62 ; in [565] or [572], according to T., u.s., 147, 150, and C.S., 56, 58,
Hennessy's years 566 and 573. A.I. place his death under O'Conor's year
565 = 573 (26 years before 599). Cf. A.C. s.a. [574]. The Annals from the
Book of Leinster, R.S. 89, ii, 514, place his death in 580; F.M., on 29th
November 571.
Brendan of Birr died in the year of the battle of Femin, according to
D.M.F., I, p. 6, first year-section ("about the year of Christ 571"). This
battle was fought in 573, according to A.U. and A.I. Perhaps 573 is the
true year of Brendan's death.
38 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
" How, we should like to know, does God glorify, as thou sayest,
him whom we have excommunicated, and not without cause?"
"I have seen" said Brendan, "a column streaming with fire,
and exceedingly bright, preceding this man of God whom you
despise; and holy angels accompanying him on his journey
through the plain. So I dare not slight this man whom I perceive
to be preordained by God to live as leader of the peoples."
After he had said this, they not only desisted, without ventur-
ing to excommunicate the holy man further, but even honoured
him with great reverence. This affair occurred in Teltown.^
563
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book III, c. 4^
About the same time ^ the saint sailed over to Britain with
twelve fellow-warriors as his disciples.'*'
' The later accounts which give Columba's share in the battle of
Cuil-dremne as the cause of his departure from Ireland may have
justification ; Adamnan touches this matter very gently. It seems probable
that the synod here spoken of had assembled after that battle.
An account somewhat similar to Adamnan's appears in the Salamanca
MS., ed. Smedt and De Backer, 221-22;).
Cf the notes on Oengus, in MS. Rawlinson B 512 (R.S. 89, ii,
556; 1905 Oengus, 204): "The cutting-off of Ciaran's life, Columcille's
being sent across the sea, and Mochuta's being driven from Rahen, these
are the three discreditable stories of the saints of Ireland." To similar
effect in L.B. (1880 Oengus, cxliv), Avhich says that these were "the three
worst counsels carried out in Ireland by advice of saints." But the
annotator of the Amra puts a different complexion upon it. Amra Coluim-
chille (Liber Hymnorum, i, 179) : " In Scotland, fear of hell. (I.e. for fear
of hell he went into Scotland.)"
Cf. the glossator's note in the Amra Coluimchille, i, 173: "[Columba]
conquered in the battles of the three Culls ; the battle of Cuil-Dremne,
against the Connaught-men ; and the battle of Cuil-Feda, against Colman
Mor, Diarmait's son ; and the battle of Cuil-Rathin [Coleraine], against the
Ulstermen, in the contest between Columba and Comgall for Ros-Torathair."
The Metrical Dindsenchas (from the Book of Leinster), ed. Gwynn, Todd
Lecture Series, 8, i, 26 : " Columcille (who used to ransom captives)
gained the battle [of Cuildremne] against Diarmait ; before he went out
across the sea, the lord of Tara had yielded to him."
^ Reeves's edition, 195 ; Skene's, 196.
^ The previous passage (the previous chapter in Cummine) relates how
Finnian [of Moville] (called "bishop Finnio" by Adamnan) saw Columba
escorted by an angel. Adamnan places Finnian's vision vaguely ("at
another time ") after the synod of Teltown.
* With the word "fellow- warriors" {commilito7ics) compare Adamnan's
FOLLOWERS OF COLUMBA 39
Continuation of Adamnan's Life of Columba, Reeves's edition,
pp. 245-246 1
These are the names of the twelve men who sailed over
with St Columba from Ireland, in his first crossing to Britain :
The two sons of Brendan : Baithene, who [was called] also
Conin, St Columba's successor ; and Cobthach, his brother ;
Ernan, St Columba's uncle ;
Diarmait, his attendant ;
Rus, and Fechno, two sons of Rodan ;
Scandal, son of Bresal, son of Enda, son of Niall;
Lugaid Mocu-Themne ;
Echoid ;
Tochannu Mocu-Fircetea ;
Cairnan, son of Brandub, son of Meilge ;
Grillan.2 . . .
description of Columba as an " island soldier." The meaning is " soldiers
of Christ" ; but here the word suggests that Columba and his followers
had taken part in the battle of Cuil-dremne.
The number "twelve" appears also in the Irish Life; Stokes's Three
Homilies, 100 ; but see the same work below.
' Skene's ed., Ixxi-lxxii ; Stokes and Strachan, Thesaurus, ii, 281. This
is taken from Reeves's MS. B (for which see Reeves, xxiv-xxv).
2 This list is copied imperfectly by Fordun ; III, 26 (i, 113).
It is probable that these are all names of men who were associated with
Columba in Scotland at one time or another.
The Irish Life in Lebar Brecc ; Stokes's Homilies, 118 : "the monks he
had with him in [the church of lona] were a hundred and fifty for contem-
plation" {ri ieoir, i.e. theoria; Stokes's translation) "and sixty for active
life " {ri achtdilj Stokes \actualis\, but possibly laymen are meant) ; " as
said the poet : 'Wondrous were the youths that were in lona ; a hundred
and fifty in monasticism, with their curachs over the sea ; sixty men
rowing.'
" When Columcille had founded lona, he went upon a preaching-circuit
through Scotland and Wales and England. And he brought them to faith
and belief, after performing many miracles, after raising the dead from
death."
Similarly also in the Book of Lismore ; Stokes, Lismore Lives, 30 (for
" sixty " above, the Lismore Life reads " forty " ; perhaps this is a printer's
error. Stokes translates it "sixty"; ibid., 178). For the numbers, cf.
below, year 575.
Lebar Brecc, 19b,: " Colum of Terryglass, son of Nindid, son of
Naxair, son of Crimthan, son of Eochaid, son of Oengus, son of Crimthan,
son of Cathair Mor.
40 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
" My Maedoc of Fid-duin, son of Midgna, son of Meti, son of Nindid,
son of Naxair, son of Crimthan, son of Cathair Mor.
" Colman Cuile, son of Midgna ; i.e., brother of My Maedoc of Fid-duin.
And their sister was Conchend."
This pedigree (corrected) places Maedoc in the gth generation from
Cathair Mor, from whom Columba was descended by ii generations.
Cf. the pedigree in the Book of Leinster, 351 d. (Cf. Forbes, Kalendars
of Scottish Saints, 412.)
Martyrology of Oengus, 23rd March : " My Maedoc, diadem of Scot-
land, relates loftiness from Christ." Notes in the Franciscan MS. (1905
Oengus, 100) and in L.B. (1880 Oengus, Ixiv) give his pedigree. Cf.
Tallaght, in L.L., 357 d.
According to the Book of Deer, Drostan was a pupil of Columba. Cf.
the Breviary of Aberdeen, i, 3, xix (14th December) : " St Drostan, abbot."
" Blessed Drostan, sprung from royal ancestry of the Scots." "... He
took the habit in Dalquongale. Upon the death of the abbot of that place,
the blessed Drostan was elected abbot." "... He removed himself to a
desert place in the regions of Scotland ; and leading there the life of a
hermit he built a church in a place that is called Glenesk." "And the
bones of the most holy confessor Drostan are preserved at Aberdour in
a tomb of stone, and there many suffering from various oppressions of
disease are restored by his merits to health." See below, ii, 174-181.
One companion of Columba was Munnu or Fintan. Cf. the Breviary of
Aberdeen, ii, 3, cxxxi : "The abbot St Mundus, at Kilmund and Dissert."
(See Martyrology of Oengus, 21st October.)
A pupil of Congall and Sillenus, he received the habit from Columba,
according to this Breviary.
Fintan was Aed's son, according to Adamnan, II, 31 (see below, p. 61).
Machar also is said to have been one of Columba's companions on the
voyage from Ireland.
According to the Scots Life of Machar (Horstmann, Altenglische
Legenden, Neue Folge, 190-207 ; Metcalfe, Legends, ii, i ff.), Machar
[Sand Morys\ was the son of an Irish king and queen, Syaconus and
Synchene ; he was called by them Mochumma [Mocwnma, Mocumba] ; he
was fostered by Colman \Telemane\. As a child, he restored to life his
infant brother. He was miraculously saved from death by fire and by
water. He became a disciple of Columba, who called him Machar
{Machore) when he reached full manhood. Sent by Columba to preach in
Mull, he cured seven lepers there. (Cf. the Aberdeen Breviary.)
When Columba and his followers set sail for Scotland, Machar was the
first to embark. " Then, God helping, they sailed a while, till they came
near to the island of lona [Ty], and there struck sail ; then they thought to
land there. One Maelumai [Mellumd] at that moment came to the sea
and saw them there, and knew St Columba, and was glad ; and asked him
at once if he wished to land, and he said ' Yes.' Then the peasant [carle]
waded to the boat without delay. And when he had [carried] them to the
land, then said St Columba: 'Are we all here?' Maelumai said, 'Yes, sir.
ST MACHAR 41
now.' St Columba made them pass before him to see ; and he missed
St Machar, who still lay in his prayers. Then St Columba said to the
peasant : ' One still is wanting, who is more to God of heaven than we all
are.' Then the peasant went over, and asked if he wished to be carried
dry to land. ' Yes,' said he ; and straightway he carried him dry to the
land. . . .
" Then said St Columba : ' Brothers, blessed be this place ; and pray to
God that he send his angel to bless it, since it has chanced that we have
come here.' And after they had done as he said, they presently passed
over the whole island ; and found it very productive, and good and suit-
able to dwell in. And in a while one may easily sail to that isle out of
Ireland." They found a "fair stead," and built mansions for Columba and
Machar, and dwellings for the remainder of the company.
After some time Machar left lona, and " God helping, sailed the sea,
in three days, without difficulty ; and arrived by a straight course in the
north of Scotland \_e'wine north in 5.], where they found dwelling a
Christian man, whose name was Ferchar \^Farcare\ and who had riches
and great power" in the country of the Picts. Ferchar received Machar
gladly, and brought him "to his town," and provided him with all that he
needed. Ferchar let Machar choose any place out of all his heritage. And
Machar searched till he found " a place that was suitable for him ; beside
the bank of a water that ran into the sea, and looked as if it had been a
bishop's staff." He built the necessary dwellings. "And after that he
caused a costly church to be built by craftsmen, and it men called still
St Machar's See or Seat." A religious man dwelling near, called Devenick
{Dewynik), went to convert the Picts of Caithness. " Devenick went over
to Caithness, to folk who were then without the truth ; and he prospered
so well in short time there, that he made them perfect in God's lore.
" St Machar continued to preach to the Picts, as he had done before,
and so prospered that he caused the greater part of them to become
Christian. And notably he brought to the truth leading men, who had
till then been without the truth ; both through the teaching he gave them,
and by showing several miracles. And far and wide he destroyed their
temples, and the idols which were in them."
He turned a boar to stone,
A sorcerer, Dinone, dwelt in that country ; he appeared to have seven
heads, but when Machar repeated the psalm Exsurgat Deus (Psalms,
LXVIII ; in Vulgate, LXVn) he was seen to have but one; and he
became a Christian. Machar performed miracles of healing, and raised
from death a relative of Columba called Synchenus. Those who opposed
him lost their lives. One spring, he sent to his bishop " to my lord
Ternane" for seed, and produced a miraculous crop of bere and rye in
waste land.
A man refused Machar ground for a church ; but a fish-bone stuck in
the man's throat, till he yielded. " St Machar then measured the place,
which was long and broad and very smooth : and in a short time he
had a comely church built there, of fair trees."
42 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Machar received a visit from " St Ternan, the bishop near."
"Not long afterwards, upon a day a man said to St Machar that St
Devenick in Caithness had perished of age, and was dead ; and while he
lay on his death-straw he had said to those beside him: 'When you see
that I am dead, I conjure you for God's sake that you let no labour weary
you, but carry my body to a certain church of which St Machar knows, and
pray him for the sake of heaven's king that he remember and be mindful
of the promise which he made to me of his good will, at our parting."
Machar had promised to bury him where he had laboured, and where
he had parted from Machar, near the place of Machar's first church
among the Picts. The bearers of the body were resting near the hill
of Crostan iCreskane). Machar directed them to take it to Banchory,
where they buried him, and built a church above him. There miracles
appeared. " Men call the place wherein he .lay Banchory-Devenick to
this day."
Columba entered Scotland, intending to go to Rome. Machar went
with him, and they came to pope Gregory, who made Machar bishop of
all the Picts, and changed his name to Mauritius {Morise). Gregory
instructed Machar and blessed them both, and they returned, visiting
on their way the tomb of St Martin at Tours ; the bishop of Tours
received them with great honour, and wished them to remain with
him. Martin appeared to Columba and gave him " the book of the
Gospel which had been laid in the grave for some time, beside him,
where he was buried"; "which all his lifetime [Columba] held in
great liking, as a relic ; and when he died, he left it to his church, as
was reasonable."
Machar remained in Tours for three years and a half, as the bishop's
administrator, as "father and soul-herd." Then he died, and was
embalmed and sumptuously buried beside Martin. There his remains do
miracles ; his intercession is obtained by suppliants.
This Life has very little authority, and is in some respects palpably
false. In general agreement with its earlier details is the office for the
festival of St Machar in the Breviary of Aberdeen (ii, 3, 154-157; 12th
November, a " double principal [festival] in the church of Aberdeen,"
which was dedicated to this saint): "As his true History relates, we
learn that St Mauricius was born of a father Syacanus, a regulus of the
Irish ; and of a mother Synchena, his queen. . . ." (This office is also in
Metcalfe, Scottish Saints, i, 217-221.)
For S. Ternan, see i.a. A. P. Forbes, Liber Ecclesie B. Terrenani de
Arbuthnott (1864), Preface, pp. Ixxii-lxxxiv.
Ternan may possibly have been the Torannan who is commemorated
under June 12th, in Oengus (1880 ed., xciii, cccxxiv. ; 1905 ed., 140,447;
" Long-lived, active Torannan, over a wide sea of ships " ; see the notes
variously identifying him, 1905 ed., 148, 149; Donegal, 166, 167, 168); and
in Gorman, 114.
MONASTERY OF lONA 43
563
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 144, s.a. [562]
The sailing of Columcille to the island of lona, in the
forty-fifth year of his age.^
1 F.n. I.
2 In text " forty-i5fth " (xlu) ; probably we should read "forty-second"
(xlii), as in C.S., and in Adamnan. A.U. also read "forty-second," in spite
of the fact that this number is not in agreement with the dates they give.
"42nd" is also the reading of the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 88, s.a. 563 (cf.
82 : " St Columcille being then banished into Scotland . . .").
C.S., 54, s.a. [563] (f.n. I ; Hennessy's year 563), and A.U., i, 60, s.a.
562 = 563 (with f.n. and e. of 563) : "Voyage of Columcille to lona in the
forty-second year of his age." MS. B of A.U. reads only : " Voyage of
Columcille from Ireland." This stands 44 or 40 years after A.U.'s date of
Columba's birth.
A.I., 7, O'Conor's year 555 = 563 (36 years before 599, i year after 559) :
" Columcille in pilgrimage. His first night in Scotland was Pentecost."
This is placed 44 years after his birth. According to MacCarthy's tables
(N and O, in A.U., iv, Introduction), the Celtic Pentecost in 563 was
13th May, the same as Roman Pentecost. Tigernach's reckoning (below,
year 597) requires an earlier day of arrival than 9th June.
Columba's voyage is used as an era to reckon from, but erroneously, in
A.U., ii, 310, s.a. 1249.
F.M., i, 196, s.a. 557: "Columcille went to Scotland, and afterwards
founded a church ; and it is named after him."
A.C., Y Cymmrodor, ix, 155, s.a. [562] (8 years after the "iioth
year" after 444): "Columcille went forth in[to] Britain." In MS. B
(Ab Ithel, 4) : " Columcille came out of Ireland in[to] Britain." The annal
is not in MS. C.
Bede's date 565 is given by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and by the
Annals of St Neots (Stevenson's Asser, 120). Bede's account implies that
Columba passed some time in Britain before his settlement in lona. It
seems possible that Columba may have remained from 563 to 564 with the
king of Dalriata (see Adamnan, below, p. 48), and from 564 to 565 in
Pictland ; and that he did not finally settle in lona until 565. (We may
note that Maelrubai passed about two years in Britain before establishing
his monastery at Applecross ; below, years 671, 673.)
Version I of the Chronicle of the Picts, in Skene's P. & S., 286 :
"The arrival of St Columba to the Picts, 565 ; and he lived with them
for thirty-two years afterwards. Columba died in the time of Brude,
Maelchon's son, 592." (The first sentence is taken from English, the
second, erroneously, from Irish, sources.)
C.H., 8: "In the year '565, father Columba came from Ireland to
Britain, to teach the Picts ; and he made a monastery in the island of
lona." This is taken from Bede, H.E., Recapitulatio ; i, 353. The Annals
44 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Preface to the hymn Alius Prositor ; Bernard and
Atkinson's Liber Hymnorum, vol. i, p. 63
Columcille went to lona in the 565tli year after the birth
of Christ. According to Bede, in the year of the Lord's
Incarnation 565, at which time Justinus the younger received
the helm of the Roman empire, after Justinian, he came
from Ireland to Britain, a priest and abbot, noted for the habit
and life of a monk, with the name of a dove, to preach the word
of God to the provinces of the northern Picts. At that time
Brude, Maelchon's son, reigned over the Picts ; and he granted
lona to Columba. And there Columba was buried when he
was seventy-six 1 years old, thirty-four years after he had come
to Britain to preach.^
of Lund (M.G.H., Scriptores, xxix, 191, s.a. 567) quote from the same
source.
Columba's mission is entered (from Bede) by Marianus Scottus, in
M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 546, insertion s.a. 587 = 565 (and ist of Justinus II).
Herimannus Augiensis, Chronicon ; M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 88, s.a.
565: "St Columba, priest and abbot, came from Ireland and preached
the word of God to the Britons." Columba's mission is mentioned also
under 565 by Bernoldus, Chronicon ; ibid., v, 413 ; and by Alberic of
Trois Fontaines ; ibid., xxiii, 693.
Sigebert of Gemblours, M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 318, s.a. 566: "St
Columba, a priest, coming from Ireland was held in renown in Britain."
Life of Catroe, in P. & S., 108-109 (reprinted from Colgan's Acta
Sanctorum, p. 495, 6th March) : " Several years passed," [after the Scottish
settlement in Ireland ; reading aliquot ior guot] "and [the Scots] crossed
over the sea that is beside them, and occupied the island of Eu, which is
now called lona \Eueam insulam, quae nunc lona dicitur, repleveruni\
Not resting there, they passed \j)erlegentes\ the neighbouring sea of
Britain, and over the river Rosis, and settled the district of Ross" (^er
Rosim amnem, Rossiam regionem manserunt j for which Skene would read
invaserunt, " invaded "). " They went also to the cities of St Andrews
[^Rtgmonat/z] and Belachoir [Bellethor], situated far apart, and overcame
them, to hold them [ever after]. And thus they called the whole land
Scotia [which previously had been] called by its own name Chorischia . . ."
This curious account does not distinguish between ecclesiastical and civil
occupation.
■ " Seventy-seven " in Reeves's quotation (Adamnan, 435) : this is the
reading of the Franciscan MS. (used by Colgan, in Trias Thaumaturga).
^ This account is derived from Bede ; see E.C., 6-8. The first sentence
is in Irish, the rest is in Latin.
CONSECRATION OF lONA 45
563
Irish Life of Columba, in Lebar Brecc ; Stokes's Three
Homilies, pp. 116-118^
So he went upon an expedition. His age was forty-two
when he went ; he lived thirty-four years in Scotland ; his
complete age was seventy-seven years. ^
And the number [of those] that went was twenty bishops,
forty priests, thirty deacons, fifty students. As said [the poet] :
" Their number was forty priests, twenty bishops (noble was
their power) ; for psalm-singing, without doubt, thirty deacons,
fifty boys." 3
Then he went in cheerful mood, and came to the place that
is called to-day lona of Columcille.* He arrived there on the
night of Pentecost.
Two bishops that were in the land came to send him away
from it. But God revealed to Columcille that they were not
really bishops ; therefore they abandoned the island to him
when he related to them their history, and their true
performances.^
Then Columcille said to his community : " It were well for
us that our roots should go into the ground here." And he
said to them, " It is permitted you that some one of you should
go into the ground of this island, to consecrate it."
Oran rose up readily, and spoke thus : " If I should be
taken," said he, " I am ready for that."
" Oran," said Columcille, " thou shalt have reward for it.
No prayer shall be granted to any one at my grave, unless he
first make it to thee."
Then Oran went to heaven. Then [Columba] founded
the church of lona.^
1 Also in the Book of Lismore ; Stokes's Lismore Lives, 30.
2 The Lismore Life reads here erroneously : " Then he went upon an
expedition. He was 45 years in Scotland ; his complete age was 77 years."
3 Cf. the Liber Hymnorum, below, year 575, note.
* In modern Gaelic 1-Chohdm-chille.
5 atindrium n-diles ; " what they ought to perform," Stokes.
^ This is a late authority for an old legend. Cf Stokes, Lismore Lives,
This story (in Lebar Brecc, facsimile, 33 a) is to some extent supported
by the name of the graveyard in lona, Reilig Odhrain, at the present day.
46 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Berclian''s Prophecy, stanzas 1 02-1 13; in Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 79
Three score years from to-morrow,^ pleasant to my
heart . . . ^ till a son will be born in Raith-cro,^ of whom
Ireland and Scotland will be full.
He will be a scholar, a seer, a poet, a sage of the son of
the God of heaven ; he will be a warrior and cleric, pure and
fierce ; a celibate, a priest.
He will be a chief prophet beyond measure ; he is not a
bishop, through neglect.* Heaven and earth will be full of
him, of the son who has the prophecy.
Ireland will not be without a wise one, after Bridget, and
Patrick of great deeds ; with the youth . . . ^ the battle of
Cuil-dremne . . .^
But Adamnan, III, 5, gives a different account of the first death in the
community of lona, of a monk Brito (perhaps " a Briton " ; not certainly
different from Oran).
There are, however, other places named after Oran, and the legend
may be dismissed as unhistorical.
The Martyrology of Oengus commemorates Oran at 27th October :
"Oran, a noble champion" {sab; cf ibid. loth November, and in 1880 ed.
p. clxvi, a gloss in Lebar Brecc) " [and] a good swimmer." There is this
note in Lebar Brecc (ibid., clx) : " By swimming he went into Gair-maicc-
Moga (an island in Corkaguiny). Oran, a priest of Tech-Airerain in Meath ;
or of Latteragh of Oran in Muscraige-Tire, and of lona of Columcille, that
is to say [of] Reilic Odrain " [" Oran's graveyard," still so-called] " in lona.
Or he lies in Gair-maicc-Moga, an island in Corkaguiny; and he went there
by swimming, as they say." That is to say, the annotator was uncertain
which of two Orans was commemorated on this day.
Oran of Latteragh's death is recorded by F.M. under 548, October
2nd ; i, 186.
27th October would have been a most unlikely time of year for
Columba's first settlement in lona.
1 I.e., from the death of Patrick (stanza 97). Patrick probably died in
461, Columba was probably born in 521.
^ cia raladh, rhyming with bdrach.
2 Glossed above : "i.e., Columcille." See year 521. Raith-Cro was in
Brega.
■* Bishop Etchen is said to have conferred upon him priest's orders,
instead of bishop's orders, by mistake. See 1905 Oengus, 72. Cf. above,
p. 29.
° athbuir aimne j a cheville, " I speak thus " (reading aibiur) ?
" ni anbhadh cath Ciila Dreimne : read dm m-biadh cath " by whom the
COLUMBA LEAVES IRELAND 47
Alas for Ireland, which will hear of the battle ! Alas,
alas for her sons; alas for her kings; alas for freemen,
alas for bondmen ; alas for the people ; sea and land be-
wailing it.
The youth Columba will go from the centre of Derry, past
Cuaile-Ciannacht ; he will hear three shouts behind him. He
will speak to his boatman, consulting him (?).^
Loch Foyle under waves of blood ; the wailing of the birds
(it is not falsehood), the wind rises against the Oakwood,^
lamenting over the pilgrim.
Then he will speak a true message, which I shall not
conceal, to the sons of heaven and earth, with a shower of
tears upon his pure wan cheek :
" My fortress in lona, without a fault, and my soul in
Derry ; and my body under the stone under which are Bridget
and Patrick.^
"The angels will carry me from the east to Ireland out of
Scotland : dear the death that shall take me out of Scotland
to Ireland ! "
And I am certain, although he comes, he will not be absent
in lona, every day in his choir in Derry, and his body in
Downpatrick.
I beseech the Father and the Son, and the equally powerful
battle . . . will be caused"? The initial vowel of anbhadh is elided,
therefore ni is not the negative particle.
' adbJier fria churc\K\air na adhrns, rhyming with dia cis. The initial
vowel oi adhrus is elided, therefore na is not the negative particle. With
adhrus cf. Windisch, Worterbuch, s.v. athreSs ; O'Donovan, s.v. aitreos.
This and the previous imperfect rhyme are marks of age, in the nucleus of
the Prophecy.
^ an ghaothfri Dhoire at asfraigh. (For the rhyme with ailithrigh cf.
similar imperfect assonance in stanzas i, 99, 100.) Perhaps a/ was originally
a gloss, intended to correct asfraigh to atfraigh.
There is perhaps in the previous stanza the same play upon the
meaning of Derry ("a dove will go from the Oakwood ").
^ I.e. in Downpatrick : see stanza loi. This stanza (no) is quoted
in the Irish Life of Columba (Lismore Lives, 317) ; and by O'Donnell.
This was probably written before the time when, according to Giraldus
Cambrensis (v, 163-164, 387), during John de Courcy's rule over Ulster,
the bodies of Patrick, Bridget, and Columba, (called contemporaries) were
found in Downpatrick, and translated.
48 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
gentle Spirit, that it may be a long time before the pilgrim
goes to death, to his new healing.^
563
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book I, c. 7 -
Of tlie blessed man's prophecy concerning the clash of battle
fought far away.
After the battle of Cuil-dremne, [and] at the time when the
blessed man first sailed away from Ireland ^ on pilgrimage, the
same man of God dwelling with king Conall, Comgall's son, in
Britain, told him in full one day (that is, at the same hour in
which the battle called in Irish Ondemone was fought in
Ireland^) all about the battle's being fought, and even about
the kings to whom the Lord granted victory over their
enemies : and their proper names were Ainmire, son of Setna;
and the two sons of [Muirchertach] Erc's son, Donald and
Fergus.^ Further concerning the [Irish] Picts' king, who was
1 ddicc uir inn ailithrechj read da uc ur, unelided? MS. B has Daigh
uir i n-ailithreach. Read in t-ailitker, as in stanza 154 (year 942), to rhyme
with ar ceal of the previous line.
2 Reeves's ed., 31-33; Skene's, 120. This passage is abbreviated in
Fordun, III, 26 (i, 113).
3 Scotia; so also below. For the date, see pp. 43, 104-105.
* The battle of Moin-daire-lothair was gained " by the Ui-Neill of the
north, over the [Irish] Picts" (T., R.C., xvii, 145, q.v. ; cf. C.S., 54 ; A.U., i,
58 ; and P.M.). This is the battle that the Irish annals record in the
year of Columba's departure from Ireland, and it must have been the
battle intended by Adamnan. (A.U. place it also under the previous year ;
i, 56.)
5 years before 563 (s.a. [557], fn. i ; R.C., xvii, 141-142) T. records:
"The slaughter of Colman Mor, Diarmait's son, in his chariot, by
Dubslait, Tren's grandson, of the [Irish] Picts." Cf C.S., Hennessy's year
558 ; A.U., s.a. 557 = 558- Diarmait, of the southern Ui-Neill, was succeeded
in the sovereignty of Ireland by Fergus and Donald, who were in 563 the
chiefs of the northern Ui-Neill.
^ According to T. (u.s., 146), Donald and Fergus {Fergus) succeeded
Diarmait Cerball's son in the sovereignty in [564] (f n. 3 ; but under the
same year-heading have been inserted foreign events of 565 and 552, taken
through Bede from Isidore and the Liber Pontificalis). Similarly C.S., 56
(Hennessy's year 565), but without notice of foreign events. A.U., i, 60,
place Fergus and Donald's accession in 564 = 565 (with fn. and e. of '565).
The Annals from the Book of Leinster (R.S. 89, ii, 514) say: "Donald
and Fergus, two sons of Erc's son, [reigned] one year."
Donald and Fergus, of the northern Ui-Neill, won the battles of Sligo
COLUMBA VISITS KINGS CONALL AND BRUDE 49
called Eochaid Laib/ the saint likewise prophesied how he was
conquered, but escaped, sitting in his chariot.
ca. 564
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book 11, c. 35 ^
Concerning the sudden spontaneous opening of the gate of a
king's fortress?
At another time, that is, on the saint's first laborious
journey to king Brude, it happened that the king was uplifted
by royal pride and acted arrogantly, not opening the gates
upon the blessed man's first arrival.
As soon as the man of God saw this he went with his
comrades to the wings of the gates, and first pressed upon
them an image* of the Lord's cross, then laid his hand upon
them, striking against the gates; and immediately, of their own
accord, the bolts were forcibly withdrawn, and the gates opened
and Cuil-conaire over Connaught in 543 and 550 ; of Cuil-dremne, over
the sovereign of Ireland, in 561 ; and of Moin-daire-lothair, over Dalaraide,
in 563 (A.U.). They were the first of the northern Ui-Neill to become
sovereigns of Ireland.
Ainmire Setna's son became king of Ireland after Donald's death in
566 or 573 (A.U., i, 60, 64 ; according to T., in ?[565], R.C., xvii, 148, under
f.n. 7, for which read 4, as in C.S., 56, Hennessy's year 566).
Adamnan here presumably calls these three men kings, because they
reigned over Ireland afterwards.
Ainmire's father Setna was the brother of Columba's father Fedlimid.
Ere, Loarn's daughter, Muirchertach's mother, was Fedlimid's mother also.
Ainmire was Columba's first-cousin ; Donald and Fergus were Columba's
half cousins.
' The death of king Eochaid's son is recorded by A.U., i, 86, s.a. 610 =
611 (with fn. and e. of 611) : "The death of Eogan, son of Eochaid Laib."
^ Reeves's ed., 150-152 ; Skene's, 176-177. Adamnan is here copied
by the Life in the Salamanca MS., ed. Smedt and De Backer, 850 ; and
by Fordun, IV, 11.
' Reeves identified Brude's castle with the site on Craigphadrick,
two miles south-west of Inverness (Adamnan, 151); but the identity
is uncertain. The Amra suggests that it may have been in Strathtay.
See R.C., xx, 400-401.
* signum. Cf. with this the statement in the Life attributed to
Cummine, c. XXV (Pinkerton's Vitae, 43), that Columba "very often
unlocked the church when it was not opened for him, without a key,
without spoiling the lock ; by merely pressing upon it the image \effigiein\
of the Lord's cross." Cf. the Salamanca MS., u.s., 850.
D
50
EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
with all speed. And immediately after they were opened, the
saint entered with his companions.^
Learning this, the king and his council ^ were much afraid ;
and he left the house, and went to meet the blessed man with
reverence, and addressed him mildly with peaceful words ; and
thenceforth from that day all the days of his life the same ruler
honoured the holy and venerable man befittingly with very
high esteem.^
1 The Life of St Comgall says that Columba's companions on this
occasion included Comgall of Bangor and Cainnech of Aghaboe ; Plummer's
Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae, ii, i8 : "On one occasion three most blessed
abbots, St Comgall, St Columba, and St Cainnech, came to the heathen
king called Brude ; and [the king] commanded the doors of the fortress
to be shut against them. But St Comgall broke the gates with the sign
of the holy cross, and they fell broken to the ground ; and St Columba
broke the door of the king's house with the same sign, and St Cainnech
also signed the king's hand, which was flourishing a sword to slay them.
And immediately the king's hand was dried up, and so remained, until he
believed in God. But when he became a believer in God, his hand was
released." See also below, year .■' 564.
An Edinburgh MS. makes the king's son, Maelcu, the opponent of
Columba on this occasion ; Stokes, Lismore Lives, 315.
^ cum senatu.
^ According to the Life of Cainnech (Plummer's Vitae, i, 159) that saint
gave sight, hearing, and voice, to the daughter of the king of the Picts ;
in the island of lona, according to the Salamanca MS., etc. ; Smedt and
De Backer's Acta, 373.
Adamnan relates (II, 33 ; Skene, 174-175) that Columba once asked the
wizard Broichan to release a female slave, and, when he refused, cursed
him in presence of king Brude : Broichan should die before Columba left
that country. Columba proceeded to the river Ness, picked up a white
pebble, and blessed it. It became lighter than water, and the water in
which it floated had the power of curing disease. Broichan' immediately
fell ill in Brude's fortress, but was cured by this pebble after he had freed
the slave. Preserved among the king's treasures, the pebble wrought
many cures (so also in Cummine, XXV ; Pinkerton, Vitae, 43) ; but when
a sick man's time had come, the pebble could never be found. " So also
on the day of king Brude's death it was sought, but was not found in the
place where it had before been kept " (Adamnan).
Broichan is spoken of here as Brude's tutor or guardian (nutricius) ;
this may imply that Brude was still a minor when Columba visited him
first. But later accounts do not agree with this.
In spite of this lesson, Broichan stirred up a contrary wind against
Columba, who nevertheless sailed away against it (Adamnan, II, 34 ;
Skene, 175-176), on Loch Ness.
Adamnan locates two other episodes in the same neighbourhood.
MIRACLES OF COLUMBA 51
?564
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book I, c. 37 ^
This also we ought not to hide, which has been indubitably
handed down by certain experienced men concerning the
blessed man's voice in psalmody. For the voice of the
venerable man, when he sang with the brethren in the church,
was heard raised in an inimitable manner sometimes four
furlongs off, that is, five hundred paces ; sometimes even eight
furlongs off, that is to say a mile. Yet strange to say, in the
ears of those that stood with him in the church his voice
exceeded not the volume of human voice in magnitude of
sound : although at the same time those that stood beyond
the distance of a mile heard the same voice so clearly that they
could distinguish even every syllable of the verses that he sang ;
for his voice sounded alike in the hearers' ears, both near and
far away. But this marvel concerning the voice of the blessed
man is proved to have taken place not always, but rarely ;
without the favour of the divine spirit, however, it could not
have occurred at all.
This, too, must not be hid, which is related to have occurred
Once " when the blessed man stayed for some days in the province of the
Picts, he had to cross the river Ness. But when he reached its bank,
he saw some of the inhabitants burying an unfortunate little man, whom,
as the buriers themselves related, an aquatic beast had caught as he was
swimming, a short while before, and had bitten most savagely." Columba
bade Lugne Mocumin swim over for the ferry-boat, and protected him
miraculously from the beast. (Adamnan, 11,27 ; Skene, 170-171.)
The Irish Life gives a somewhat different account ; Stokes, Three
Homilies, 118; Lismore Lives, 31. Cf. the Life in the Salamanca MS.,
Smedt and De Backer's Acta, 849.
Probably the same Lugne is spoken of in Adamnan, II, 18 (Skene, 163) :
"... a youth of good ability, Lugne by name, who afterwards when an
old man was prior in the monastery on the island of Elena." This Lugne
was cured of a tendency to bleeding from the nose. {Elena insula:
perhaps a variant form oi Ilea insula, II, 23, for I slay. Cf. Hinbina insula
and Hinba insula for Hinba. Eilean, "island," is of Norse origin, and
could hardly have entered in Adamnan's day into local nomenclature.)
At Airchartdan (Urquhart), "near the lake of river Ness," he baptized
an aged man, Emchat, who immediately died. " Also his son, Virolec,
believed, and was baptized with his whole house." (Ill, 14 ; Skene, 203.)
A similar episode is related as having taken place in Skye ; below.
1 Reeves's edition, 72-74 ; Skene's, 137-138.
52 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
once beside the fortress of king Brude, in connection with such
an inimitable elevation of his voice. For while the saint with
a few brethren was singing evening praises of God, according
to custom, outside the king's fortress, some wizards came near
to them and endeavoured, as far as they could, to prevent them,
that the sounds of divine praise might not be heard among
heathen peoples. Understanding this, the saint began to sing
the forty-fourth psalm,^ and in marvellous fashion his voice
was the same moment so raised in the air, like some dreadful
thunder, that both king and people trembled in insufferable
fear.^
?S64
Life of Comgall of Bangor; Plummer's Vitae Sanctorum
Hiberniae, vol. ii, p. 1 1
Also in the seventh year after the monastery of Bangor had
been founded^ the holy father Comgall .sailed to Britain,
1 Psalm XLV, in the English version ; XLIV in the Vulgate.
2 Cf. the Liber Hymnorum, i, 165 : "The voice of Columcille was
audible to a distance of a mile and a half, while he celebrated [ic celebrad],
as the poet has said : 'The sweetness of the sound of Columcille's voice
was great, [rising] above every choir ' " {hi'ias cech cliir, " above every
(bard's) train" Stokes; "above every company" Atkinson. But in the
context, clergy must be meant :) " 'to the distance of fifteen hundred steps
(marvellous the range) it was clear.'" This verse appears also in Lebar
Brecc among the notes on the Martyrology of Oengus-(i88o ed., p. ci), and
in other MSS. (1905 Oengus, 148, 149).
In the Irish Life in Lebar Brecc this verse is quoted of a definite
occasion, when Columba was a child : Stokes, Three Homilies, 102 (cf
Lismore Lives, 25).
Amra Coluimchille, Liber Hymnorum, i, 179 (cf Atkinson's translation,
ii, 76) : " Blessing subdued fierce lips that were at Toi — a king's will !
(I.e., he subdued the lips of barbarous [men] whom the sovereign of Toi
had, although their desire was to say evil things ; so that they spoke
blessings, as in Balaam's case.)"
Amra Coluimchille, Liber Hymnorum, i, 169 : " For [we have] not
[now the] teacher who taught the tribes of Toi. (I.e., him whose words
helped the nations, teaching them to be silent ;" (the glossator understands
Toi as toi^ silence) " or, the teacher who sang [to] the nations that were
about the Tay — the proper name of a stream in Scotland.)"
^ The foundation of the church of Bangor is placed by A.U. (i, 54,
56) under 554 = 555 or under 558 = 559 (with earlier spelling at 555); by
A.I., 6, under O'Conor's year 548 = 553 (6 years before 559, but 43 years
ST COMGALL VISITS SCOTLAND 53
wishing to visit there certain saints,^ and to remain there for
a time. And he founded a monastery there, in a certain
village in the district of Heth ; there he remained for a while.
One day, while St Comgall was alone at work out-of-doors
in a field, he placed his chrismal [pall] over his robe. That
day many heathen robbers of the Ficts invaded the village,^ to
carry off everything that was there, both human beings and
cattle. But when the heathen came to St Comgall where he
was at work out-of-doors, and saw his chrismal over his gown,^
they thought that the chrismal was St Comgall's god ; and the
robbers dared not touch him for fear of his god. But the spoilers
took to their ships St Comgall's brethren with all their substance.
Now when the holy father Comgall saw this, he was enraged,
and said : " The Lord is my support and my refuge and my
deliverer." * And worshipping the Lord he signed the sky and
the earth and the sea ; and immediately the heathen were
before 599). It stands under f.n. i =[557] in Tigernach (R.C., xvii, 142)
and C.S. (52 ; Hennessy's year 558). The original annal from which these
are derived is probably old. The 7th year after 557 would have been
563-564. Comgall is said to have been with Columba when Columba first
visited Brude, probably in 564 : we may provisionally assume that this
was about the time when Comgall came to Scotland and lived in Tiree.
Comgall had been an abbot for several years before he founded Bangor
church. The length of his abbacy was 50 years, 3 months and 10 days,
according to T. and C.S. ; that is to say, from 1st March [551] to loth
May [600], when he died, in his ninety-first year ; R.C., xvii, 163, s.a. [600]
(f.n. 6). This is perhaps an old entry, and the year may be correct. So
also in C.S., 66, s.a. [600] (Hennessy's year 602), and in F.M., i, 224, s.a.
600. A.U. place his death in 601 = 602 ; and also, from Cuanu's Book, in
600 = 601 (with f.n. and e. of 602 and 601); and his birth in 515 = 516 or
519 = 520, perhaps wrongly.
Martyrology of Tallaght, May loth, in Book of Leinster, 360 c :
" Comgall of Bangor, in the 91st year of his age, and the 50th year, 3rd
month, and loth day, of his abbacy." Similarly in the Brussels version,
Kelly, p. xxiii. May loth.
See below, year 575, where it appears that Comgall was an Irish Pict.
' Brendan had visited Tiree before 558 ; apparently disciples of his
had remained there. The occasion of Comgall's coming to Scotland may
have been the same as that described by Adamnan in the passage
translated next below.
^ This may mean that Comgall was regarded as a trespasser.
^ crisfnale eius super capam suam.
« Psalms, XVII, 3.
54 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
struck with blindness, and moreover the sea swelled dreadfully,
so that it cast the ships upon the shore, and the bodies of the
heathen were severely injured. Then they abandoned all that
they had taken, and with earnest prayers begged for pardon
from St Comgall : and the saint, moved with pity, prayed for
them. And they recovered their eyesight, and calm was
restored, and they returned, empty and feeble. Afterwards
St Comgall was conducted back to Ireland by many holy men.
563x567 ?S64
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book III, c. 17^
Regarding the pillar of light seen to blaze from the holy
man's head.
At another time, four holy founders of monasteries came
over from Ireland to visit St Columba, and found him in the
island of Hinba ^ ; these distinguished men's names were
Comgall Mocu-Aridi,^ Cainnech Mocu-Dalon,* Brendan Mocu-
Alti,^ Cormac, grandson of Lethan.''
' Reeves's edition, 219-222; Skene's, 205-206.
This narrative appears also in the Life attributed to Cummine, XII
(Pinkerton's Vitae, 34) ; but Cummine does not name the visitors. The
Life in the Salamanca MS. follows Adamnan, more briefly (Smedt and
De Backer, Acta, 850-851). The Irish Life places the occurrence in
Rechraind (Lambay?), and makes Cainnech and Comgall witnesses of
the light.
^ In Cummine, here, and again in chapter V, this name is spelt
Hyinba, according to Pinkerton's text {Himba in Colgan's Trias Thauma-
turga, 321). In Adamnan it is Hhiba and Hinbina insula (but the
Capitula to book III have Hinibd).
Hinba has not been identified. It was most likely a small island given
up to monastic use. It may have contained the harbour of Muirbulc-mar
("great sea-pouch"), or Muirbolc Paradisi (see Adamnan, III, 23), and if
so was not far from Ardnamurchan (ibid., I, 13). From the narrative
given here (III, 17) one might perhaps infer that the island was near
some populous region.
^ For Comgall of Bangor see the passage last quoted.
* For Cainnech, abbot of Aghaboe, compare the pleasant anecdotes in
Adamnan, I, 4; II, 13; II, 14 (Skene, 118- 119, 160-161, 161). See
Reeves's edition, 121, 220-221. Cf the Irish Life; Stokes, Three
Homilies, 118-120; Lismore Lives, 31.
Cf. the later stories in the Salamanca MS., Smedt and De Backer's
Acta, 371-375 ; and in Plummer's Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae, i, 158-161.
Oengus places Cainnech's death on October nth : " Cainnech, descen-
IRISH ABBOTS VISIT COLUMBA 55
These all with one consent chose that St Columba should
celebrate in their presence the sacred mysteries of the Eucharist
in the church. And in obedience to their command he entered
the church with them, on Sunday, as usual.^ after the reading
of the Evangel. And there, while [Columba] was performing
the ceremony of mass, St Brendan Mocu-Alti saw, as he after-
wards imparted to Comgall and Cainnech, a radiating globe of
dant of Dala" (Stokes). This note appears in Lebar Brecc (1880 Oengus,
p. civ): " Cainnech, descendant of Dala; he was a son of Aed Alaind, and his
chief church \_primcheir\ is Aghaboe, and he has an abbey-church {redes]
in St Andrews \cill rigtnonaig] in Scotland.
" When Cainnech went to Finnian, he asked of him a place to live in.
' I see none now,' said Finnian, ' because the others have taken them
before thee.' 'There is an empty place' said Cainnech. . . ." See the
1905 Oengus, 222.
The Martyrology of Donegal (270, October nth) says : " His principal
church is Aghaboe, and he has an abbey-church in St Andrews [z cCitl
RighmanadH\ in Scotland."
Tigernach places Cainnech's death in [599] ; C.S., in [598] (Hennessy's
year 600) ; A.U., in 599 = 600, and, from Cuanu's Book, in 598 = 599 ; the
Annals of Clonmacnoise, in 599. Under the same year, Tigernach and
A.U. place the battle of 603 (below). A.I. place his death four years after
599, i.e. in 603 (O'Conor's year 595). 603 is probably the true date.
° Brendan founded the church of Clonfert in [558], according to
Tigernach, R.C., xvii, 142 (f.n. 3), and C.S., 52 (Hennessy's year 559).
A.U. place the foundation in 557 = 558. Probably 558 is the true date
of the foundation, although A.I. place it on the day of the battle of
Cuil-dremne. The Life of Brendan (in Plummer's Vitae Sanctorum
Hiberniae, i, 145) says : "When the man of God was seventy-seven years
old, he founded a church at Clonfert, saying : ' Here shall I dwell for
ever.'" (Cf Psalms, CXXXI I— Vulgate, CXXXI— , 14.)
See above, p. 18.
See Reeves, Adamnan, 55, 221-222. Cf below, p. 64.
Brendan's death is placed in 576 = 577, and alternatively in 582 = 583,
by A.U. ; under fn. 3 =576 in Tigernach (R.C., xvii, 152), and C.S.
(60, Hennessy's year 576) ; in A.I., (" Repose of Brendan of Clonfert, in the
94th year of his age") under O'Conor's year 570 = 578.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 89, s.a. 579 : " St Brendan of Clonfert died,
577, 1 6th of May, or 583."
" For this Cormac (" Cormac Ua-Liathain") see below.
1 In the Life attributed to Cummine : " This too he did one Sunday.
And after the recitation of the Gospel, they saw . . . ." Cummine omits
reference to the custom of reading the Gospel in the open air, and
finishing the service of mass inside the church. This is probably one of
several indications that Cummine's Life is later than Adamnan's.
56 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
fire, exceedingly bright, blazing from St Columba's head, and
rising Hke a pillar, so long as he stood before the altar, and
consecrated the holy oblation, until he had concluded the same
sacred ministries.
564x583
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book 11, c. 42 ^
The blessed man^s prophecy concerning the voyage of Corniac,
grandson of Lethan.
At another time Cormac, a soldier of Christ, of whom we
have made some brief commemoration in the first book of this
work,^ attempted for a second time to seek a desert in the
ocean.
And after [Cormac] had sailed away from land with full
sails over the limitless ocean, about the same time St Columba,
staying beyond the Ridge of Britain, commanded king Brude
in presence of the kinglet of the Orkneys, saying, " Some of us
have recently sailed out, desiring to find a desert in the
1 Reeves's edition, 166-168 ; Skene's, 185-186. Of. Fordun, IV, 11.
^ Adamnan (I, 6; Skene, 119) relates that Columba saw clairvoyantly
Cormac's second expedition to seek a " desert in the ocean," and foretold
that it also would be unsuccessful ; " and for no other fault of his than
that he has received in his expedition the monk of a religious abbot,
wrongly departing to accompany [Cormac] without the abbot's permission."
Cormac was left as guardian of the monastery of Durrow when
Columba departed from it ; Reeves, 365 (in Skene, 241-242). Irish Life,
Stokes's Three Homilies, no. In the previous passage (above) Cormac
appears as the successful founder of a monastery. He was Columba's
successor in Durrow.
Martyrology of Gorman, p. 120, June 21st: "Pious Cormac Ua-
Liathan," with the note : " abbot of Durrow, and bishop, and this Cormac
was also an anchorite." Martyrology of Oengus, June 21st: "Cormac,
the fair descendant of Liathan, was a beautiful cleric." Brussels
Martyrology of Tallaght, Kelly, p. xxvii, " Cormac Ua-Liathain in Durrow."
See the Martyrology of Donegal, p. 174: Adamnan, Reeves, 264-274
(Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus, ii, 272, 273, 279).
Cf the notes on Oengus, 1905 ed., pp. 156-158 ; 1880 ed., cvi. The
Lebar Brecc says that Cormac " rests in Durrow of Columcille."
" Cormac Ua-Liathain " appears also in the Brussels Martyrology of
Tallaght, Kelly, p. xxvi, at June 8th.
Cormac's pedigree is given in the Book of Leinster, 351 b.
ORKNEY SUBJECT TO KING BRUDE 57
impassable sea ^ ; and in case they chance after long wanderings ^
to come to the Orkney isles, command this chieftain earnestly,
since his hostages are in thy hand, that no harm befal them
within his territories."
The saint said this because he foreknew in spirit that after
some months this Cormac would come to the Orkneys. This
occurred afterwards, and because of the holy man's aforesaid
commendation [Cormac] was saved from imminent death in
the Orkneys. . . .^
563x597
Adamnan, Life of Oolumba, book II, c. 1 1 *
Concerning another^ malign springing water which the holy
man blessed in the district of the Picts.
At another time, when the blessed man abode for some
days in the province of the Picts, he heard a rumour spread
among the heathen people concerning another fountain, which
the stupid folk reverenced as a god, the devil blinding their
senses ; because those that drank from that spring, or
assiduously washed their hands or feet in it, were struck by
demoniacal art, God permitting it, and came away leprous or
partly blind, or else infirm or affected by some other disease.
By all this the heathen were led astray, and gave honour to
the stream as to a god.
Understanding this, the saint one day went boldly to the
spring. And the wizards, whom he had often driven from him
in confusion and defeat, seeing this rejoiced greatly, since
they thought that he would likewise suffer from touching the
baleful water.
He first raised his holy hand, invoking the name of Christ,
and washed his hands and feet ; and thereafter drank, with
his companions, of the same water, blessed by him. And from
' inpelago intransmeabili ; i.e., over the Pentland Firth?
2 post longos circuitus : " by circumnavigation " .?
2 Cormac's arrival in Zona on his return is related, and his interesting
experiences on the third journey, into the Arctic Ocean, are described.
Ibid., 186-187.
* Reeves's edition, 119; Skene's, 159-160.
5 The previous spring mentioned had been produced by Columba out
of a rock : Adamnan, II, 10.
58 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
that day the demons departed from the spring ; and not only
was it permitted to hurt no one, but even, after the saint had
blessed it and washed in it, many diseases were cured by the
same spring among the people.
563x597
Adamnan, Life of Columlba, book II, c. 1 7 ^
Concerning a vessel that an evildoer named Silnan had filled
with milk taken from a bull.
This is related to have occurred in the house of a rich
plebeian called Foirtgirn, who dwelt on mount Cainle.^ While
the saint was a guest there he judged with true judgement
between two peasants who were at strife ; and one of them,
who was a wizard, took at the saint's command, by diabolic
art, milk from a bull which was near. This the saint com-
manded to be done, not to confirm these evil deeds (heaven
forbid), but to refute them in presence of the multitude. And
so the blessed man asked that the vessel which appeared to be
full of this milk should quickly be given to him ; and he
blessed it with this statement, saying, " Now it will be proved
that this is not true milk, as it is supposed to be, but blood
bleached by deceit of demons to beguile mankind"; and
immediately the milky colour was changed to the proper hue,
that is to say, to blood. The bull, too, which in the short space
of one hour, wasted and shrunk with wretched leanness, was
upon the point of death, when bathed with water blessed by
the saint was cured with marvellous rapidity.^
563x597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book I, c. 34*
Of a boat removed at the saints command.
At another time when he journeyed over the Ridge of
1 Reeves's edition, 126-127 ; Skene's, 163.
^ Adamnan relates an episode connected with the death " in the
district of Cainle " of an enchanter, Neman son of Gruthriche ; I, 39
(Skene, 138).
^ Wizardry or druidism and the study of omens were characteristic of
the Picts. See the verses in the Irish Nennius, Todd, 142-144 ; in Skene's
P. & S., 41-42.
* Reeves's edition, 64 ; Skene's, 134-135.
COLUMBA'S TRAVELS AMONG THE PICTS 59
Britain, he found an [empty] hamlet among deserted fields,
and the saint made his abode there, beside the bank of a
stream there entering a lake.^ The same night he roused his
sleeping companions, who had tasted drowsiness, and said, " At
once, at once, go out swiftly, and bring hither quickly our boat
which you placed in a house beyond the stream, and place it
in a hut near by."
And they obeyed at once, and did as they were commanded.
And after some interval, when they were at rest again, the
saint struck Diarmait silently, saying, " Now stand outside the
house, and see what is being done in the hamlet where before
you placed your boat." And obeying the saint's command he
left the house, and looking back saw that the village was being
wholly burned down by attacking fire. And he returned to
the saint and informed him of what was passing there. Then
the saint related to the brethren concerning a certain envious
pursuer who had set fire to those houses that night.
563x597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book I, c. 46
2
TJie holy maris prophecy concerning the little family of a
certain plebeian.
At another time also a certain plebeian came among the
rest to the saint when he lodged in the place that is called in
Scottish Coire-Salchain.^ And when the saint saw him coming
1 In book I, Capitulationes, the name of the place is given : " Of the
removal of a boat beside the lake Lochdiae." (" Otherwise, Nigra Dea
{loch i. dub) ; now the Lochy, Gaelic Lochaidh, in^Lochaber, or the Lochy
at Tyndrum " : Professor Watson, Celtic Review, 1912, p. 383.) Adamnan's
Nigra Dea was a river in Lochaber.
Adamnan mentions also visits of Columba to Lochaber {Regie stagno
Aporum contermina, II, 29 ; regio quae stagni liioribus Aporici est conter-
inina, II, 37, i.e. "the district bordering the lake of Abers," which is
presumably Loch Lochy). A very interesting tale of a miracle (in
Cummine, XIV ; Pinkerton, Vitae, 35-36) is located by Adamnan (II, 37)
in Lochaber ; Adamnan translates the name of a salmon-river there by
nigra dea "black goddess" ; i.e. the Lochy, which connects Loch Lochy
with Loch Linnhe.
2 Reeves's edition, 88-89 ; Skene's, 143-144.
3 Perhaps Coire Salachain in Morvern, north-west of Loch Creran
across Loch Linnhe ; but the name is not distinctive.
60 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
to him in the evening, he said, " Where dwellest thou ? " He
said, " I dwell in the district that borders upon the shores of
lake Crogreth."^ "That little province thou namest" said the
saint, " is at present being ravaged by barbarian plunderers."
And hearing this the unhappy plebeian began to lament
for his wife and sons. But the saint, seeing that he was in
great grief, said consoling him, "Go, little man, go, all thy
little family has escaped, fleeing into the mountain ; but the
invaders have driven off all thy little cattle,^ and likewise the
cruel ravagers have plundered all the furniture of thy house."
Upon hearing this the plebeian returned to his country, and
found everything fulfilled as the saint had foretold.
563x597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book i, c. 33 ^
The holy man's prophecy concerning one A rtbranan.
When the blessed man was staying for some days in the island
of Skye,* he struck with his staff a spot of land in a certain
place, near to the sea, and spoke thus to his companions : " Strange
to say, my children, to-day on this spot of land a heathen old
man, who has preserved what was naturally right through his
whole life, will be baptized, will die, and will be buried."
And behold, after the interval of about one hour, a boat
reached that harbour ; and in its prow was carried a decrepit
old man, the chief of the army^ of Geona ; and two youths
^ Professor Watson thinks that Crogreth was " most likely Loch
Creran, formerly L. Creveren, connected with L. Etive by Glen Salach "
(Celtic Review, 1912, p. 383). No more probable identification has been
made ; but the names are not so similar as to prove the conjecture.
^ pecusctda, possibly "sheep" (cf. Gaelic meanbh-chrodh "sheep or
goats," literally "small cattle"). The diminutives in this passage are
usually explained as a characteristic of Adamnan's style ; they may how-
ever be meant literally, or they may represent Columba's manner of
speech to a rustic.
3 Reeves's edition, 62-63 ; Skene's, 134. Cf. the Life in the Salamanca
MS. ; Smedt and De Backer, 852.
* " When he was staying for some days in the isle of Skye " he killed
by words a boar that was charging him ; Adamnan, II, 26. Cf. Cummine,
XXV ; Pinkerton, Vitae, 43.
* Literally " cohort " {Geonae pritnarius cohoriis). Possibly this word
implies that Artbranan belonged to a British community where Roman
military traditions survived ; but this is altogether uncertain.
COLUMBA'S TRAVELS AMONG THE PICTS 61
lifted him from the ship and laid him down in front of the
blessed man. And immediately upon receiving the word of
God from the saint through an interpreter/ he believed, and
was baptized by him ; and, as the saint had prophesied, after
the ceremony of baptism had been completed, he presently
died in the same spot, and there his companions heaped a pile
of stones and buried him. It may be seen even to-day on the
shore of the sea. And the river in the same locality in which
he had received this baptism is to the present day named by
the inhabitants Dobur-Artbranain,^ after his name.
563x597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book II, c. 23 ^
Also at another time the holy man earnestly consigned a
certain exile of noble Pictish race, Tarain by name, into the
hands of a rich man called Feradach, who dwelt in the island
of Islay ; and instructed that he should live for some months
in [Feradach's] retinue as one of his friends. But although
[Feradach] had received him commended with such recom-
mendation from the hand of the holy man, after a few days
he acted treacherously and slaughtered him, by a cruel
command. . . .*
563x597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book II, c. 3 1 ^
Of the healing of Finten, son of Aed, when he was at the point
of death.
Also at another time when the saint travelled across the
Ridge of Britain, a certain youth, called Finten, one of his
companions, was troubled with sudden sickness and brought
to the point of death ; and his fellow warriors sadly begged
the saint to pray for him. And immediately he took pity upon
them and spread his holy hands to heaven in earnest prayer,
' Cf. below, p. 62. Evidently Columba did not know the language of
Geona. Artbranan's name is Celtic.
2 I.e. "Artbranan's Water."
^ Reeves's edition, 134-135 ; Skene's, 167.
* The offender's death follows.
" Reeves's edition, 144 ; Skene's, 173.
62 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
and blessed the sick man, saying, " This youth for whom you
plead shall live a long life ; he shall remain as the survivor
of all of us who are present here, and shall die in good old
age."
This prophecy of the blessed man was completely fulfilled ;
for the same youth, afterwards the founder of the monastery
that is called Kailli-auinde, ended the present life in good
old age.
563 X 597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book II, c. 32^
At that time,2 when St Columba stayed for some days in
the province of the Picts, a certain plebeian with his whole
family heard and believed the word of life when the holy man
preached through an interpreter,^ and believing was baptized,
the husband with his wife and children and friends. . . .*
563x597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book I, c. 31^
The holy maris prophecy concerning his monk Cailtan.
At another time the saint sent two monks to another of his
monks, called Cailtan, who was at that time prior in the cell
that is to-day also called by the name of his brother Diuni,
beside the lake of river Awe*"; and by these messengers sent
the following commands : " Go quickly, hasten to Cailtan, and
bid him come to me without any delay."
And following the saint's instructions they departed, and
^ Reeves's edition, 145 ; Skene's, 173.
^ The time of Finten's sickness ; above.
^ Cf. above, p. 61. From these two passages we may conclude that
some dialects at least of Pictish were not intelligible to an Irishman in
the 6th century.
* One of the sons died soon afterwards, and blame was laid upon
Christianity ; Columba brought the boy to life. Adamnan, u.s., 145-146
(Skene, 173-174). This episode is mentioned by Cummine, XXV; Pinkerton's
Vitae, 43.
Cf. the Irish Life ; Stokes, Three Homilies, 118 ; Lismore Lives, 30-31.
Cf. the Life in the Salamanca MS. ; Smedt and De Backer's Acta,
849-850.
^ Reeves's edition, 60 ; Skene's, 132-133.
" Stagno . . . Abae fluminis. Cf. year 676.
PRIORS OF LOCH AWE AND HINBA 63
arriving at Cill-Diuni they imparted to Cailtan the nature of
their message. And he delayed not at all, but followed the
saint's messengers that very hour, and accompanying them on
their journey quickly came to [Columba] where he dwelt in
the island of lona.
And seeing him, the saint spoke to him in this fashion and
addressed him in these words: "O Cailtan, thou didst well in
hastening obediently to me ; rest for a little. I sent to invite
thee for this cause, loving thee as a friend, that thou mightest
finish the course of thy life with me here in true obedience.
For before the end of this week thou shalt pass in peace to
the Lord."
Hearing this, [Cailtan] rendered thanks to God, and weeping
kissed the saint, and went to the hospice, after receiving his
benediction : and the same night following he fell ill, and he
passed to Christ the Lord within the same week, according to
the saint's word.
563x597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book I, c. 45 ^
The holy man's prophecy concerning the priest Ernanp-
Also at another time the venerable man sent the priest
Ernan, an old man, his uncle, to the priority of the monastery
that he had founded many years before in the island of
Hinba.3
When the saint kissed him and blessed him at his departure,
he pronounced this prophecy concerning him, saying, " This my
friend now departing I have no hope of seeing again in this
world."
And so after not many days this Ernan was troubled with
a certain disease, and was carried back, wishing to go to the
saint ; and [Columba] rejoiced greatly in his arrival, and began
to go to meet him at the harbour. And Ernan, although his
steps were feeble, attempted nevertheless very eagerly to go
from the harbour on his own feet to meet the saint.
But when there was a space of about twenty-four paces
between the two, he was taken by sudden death, and fell
^ Reeves's edition, 86-88 ; Skene's, 143.
^ For Ernan see above, p. 39.
See above, p. 54.
64 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
expiring on the ground before the saint had seen his face in
life, that the saint's word should not in any way be vain.
And hence a cross was set up in that place, before the door
of a kiln ^ ; and another cross likewise stands even to-day, set
up where the saint was when [Ernan] expired.
563x597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book I, c. 26 ^
Of a guesfs arrival that the saint foretold.
Also at another time, on the third day of the week, the
saint thus prophesied to the brethren : " To-morrow, being the
fourth day of the week, we intend to fast ; nevertheless an
inconvenient^ guest will arrive, and the customary fast will be
relaxed. ... *
563 X 597
Adamnan, Life of Columlba, book I, c. 21^
At another time the saint came to the island of Hinba, and
on that day ordered that some indulgence in food should be
allowed even to penitents.
But there was among the penitents there one Neman, son
of Cathir, who refused to receive at the saint's command the
offered consolation. And the saint addressed him in these
words : " O Neman, thou receivest not any indulgence of
refection granted by me and Baithine ; a time will come
when thou shalt chew mare's flesh in the woods secretly
with robbers."
Accordingly he returned afterwards to the world, and was
found sharing such flesh in a pass with thieves, according to
the saint's words, taking it from a wooden gridiron.
^ ante januavz canabae. See Reeves, 88, 440.
' Reeves's edition, 54-55 ; Skene's, 129.
^ " dangerous " Fowler (jnolesto).
* The guest was Aidan, Fergna's son, " who, it is said, for twelve years
had been the attendant of Brendan Mocu-Alti," abbot of Clonfert.
Cf. the Irish canons ; Wasserschleben, Irische Kanonensammlung,
XII, 15.
^ Reeves's edition, 50-51 ; Skene's, 127.
MONASTIC CUSTOMS 65
563x597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book II, c. 3 ^
At another time the saint sent his monks to bring from a
plebeian's field bundles of twigs, with which to build a hospice.
And when they returned and came to the saint, having
a freight-ship filled with the aforesaid building-material of
twigs, and told that the plebeian was greatly grieved because
of this loss, the saint in consequence bade them, saying, " Then
lest we offend the man, let six pecks of barley be taken to
him by us, and let him sow them at this time in ploughed
land." . . }
563 X 597
Adamnan, Life of Oolumba, book I, c. 41 ''
The holy maris prophecy concerning the thief Ere Mocu-druide,
who dwelt in the island of Colosus.^
At another time, when the saint abode in the island of
' Reeves's edition, 106 ; Skene's, 153.
For the use of wattles in building see S.C.S., ii, 57-59.
^ The corn was sown after 12th June, and reaped in the beginning
of August ; this was regarded as a miracle. The plebeian is called
Findchan, his place Delcros. In Adamnan, II, 44 (below, p. 186) seed of
some kind was sown in lona late in April or early in May According to
Reeves, 107 : " In the neighbourhood of lona barley is occasionally sown
early in July ; but the usual time of sowing is June ; of reaping, the early
part of September."
In the Irish Life the episode is placed in the neighbourhood of Derry :
Stokes, Three Homilies, 108, Lismore Lives, 27.
^ Reeves's edition, 77-79 ; Skene's, 139-140.
^ In Coloso insula. Below, de i7isula Coloso; and in II, 22, (below,)
inter Maleam et Colosum insulas. The nominative postulated was there-
fore Colosus insula.
Adamnan's general practice is to give islands' names in quasi-adjectival
form, or at least as nouns with a feminine termination : Egea insula, for
Eigg ; Elena insula, II, 18 ; Ethica terra, for Tiree ; Hinbina insula once
for the usual Hinba insula; Ilea insula for Islay ; loua insula for lona ;
Longa insula for the Long Island or Luing, II, 24 ; Oidecha insula for
Aithche, II, 14 ; Rechrea insula, II, 41, for Rechru, I, 5 ; Saifiea insula for
PShuna, II, 45 ; Scia insula for Skye ; see above, p. 51. Another exception
to this practice is Ommon insula, I, 36.
Coloso is perhaps the form from which Adamnan has constructed his
Colosus insula.
From this narrative Colosus insula appears to have been within so
66 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
lona, he called to him two men of the brethren, their names
being Lugbe and Silnan. And he bade them, saying, " Cross
over at once to the island of Mull, and in the little plains near
the sea look for the robber Ere ; for he came secretly alone
last night from the island of Colosus, and endeavours to hide
during the day among the sand-dunes, under his boat, which he
has covered with hay, intending to sail over by night to the
small island where the seals belonging to our sealing rights
breed and are bred, and to kill some of them violently, and
after very greedily and predaciously filling his boat to return
to his habitation."
Hearing this they obeyed and sailed over, and found the
thief hidden in the place indicated beforehand by the saint ;
and they brought him to the saint, as he had instructed
them.
And seeing him, the saint said to him : " Wherefore dost
thou often transgress God's command and steal what belongs
to others? When thou needest anything come to us, and thou
shalt receive what is necessary by asking for it."
And so speaking he ordered that wethers should be killed
and given to the poor thief, that he should not return home
empty.
And after some considerable time the saint foresaw in spirit
the thief's imminent death, and sent to Baithine, who was at
that time dwelling as prior in Mag-Luinge [in Tiree], and bade
him send the thief as last gifts a fat sheep and six pecks
of corn.
And when Baithine had sent over as the saint had
commanded, the miserable robber was found on that day
taken by sudden death, and the gifts sent over were used at
his funeral.
short a distance from a sandy shore of Mull that one man in a coracle
could cross over in the night. It was also near Tiree.
In II, 22, (below,) a ship was between Mull and Colosus insula after
sailing for a few hours, on a quiet day, from a harbour in Ardnamurchan ;
and visible (apparently) from a hill there. Colonsay is some fifty miles
from the present Ardnamurchan, and some thirty-five from Tiree. Coll is
at a suitable distance from Ardnamurchan, and is near Tiree. The name
has been regarded as pointing to Colonsay (modern Colasa), but this is
very doubtful for phonetic reasons ; and the context seems to indicate
Coll. (Cf. also the editors of the Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus, ii, 276, 278.)
CURSES OF COLUMBA 67
563 X 597
Adamnan, Life of Columtoa, MS. B, book II, c. 20 ^
On the other hand he pronounced the following prophetic
sentence concerning a certain very niggardly rich man called
Fingen,^ who had despised St Columba and had not received
him as a guest : " The riches of that greedy man who has
despised Christ in pilgrim guests, from this day shall gradually
decrease, and shall be reduced to nothing ; and he shall beg ;
and his son shall run from house to house with a half empty
wallet ; and he shall be struck by a rival [beggar] with an axe
in the pit of a threshing-floor, and shall die." And all this was
completely fulfilled, according to the holy man's prophecy, in
the case of both.
Adamnan, Life of Oolumlba, book II, c. 22 ^
Of the death of wizards that had scorned the saint.
The venerable man greatly loved the above-mentioned
Columban,* whom the virtue of his blessing had made, from a
poor man, rich ; because he offered him many pious services.
But there was at that time a certain man, a wizard, a
persecutor of the good, by name John, the son of Conall, son
of Donald, sprung from the royal race of Gabran. He perse-
cuted St Columba's friend, the Columban mentioned above ;
and he had plundered his house, carrying off all that he found
in it, acting as an enemy not once, but twice.
And hence it happened not undeservedly to this malignant
man that the third time, after the third despoliation of the
same house, as he returned to his ship, laden with spoil with
his associates, he met the blessed man [Columba], whom he
had imagined far away, approaching close at hand.^ And
1 Reeves's edition, 131 ; Skene's, 165.
This chapter is wholly omitted by the oldest MS. The preceding
passage describes Columba's blessing of his host Nesan Cam's five cows,
that they should increase to 105 ; an episode that is related also in con-
nection with the cows of a poor man, Columban, in II, 21 (Skene, 165-166),
and is spoken of also by Cummine, XXV, in Pinkerton's Vitae, 43.
^ Ingenio ; Uigeno in the Capitulationes of book 1 1 (Skene, 1 50).
^ Reeves's edition, 132-134; Skene's, 166-167.
* See the note on the preceding passage.
^ In X^yX proprius ; re.a.d propius.
68 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
when the saint upbraided him for his wicked deeds, and asked
and urged him to abandon his booty, he remained cruel and
obdurate, and scorned the saint ; and entering his ship with
the booty, scoffed and mocked at the blessed man.
And the saint followed him down to the sea, and entering
the green sea-waves up to his knees raised both hands to
heaven, and prayed earnestly to Christ, who glorifies his elect
that glorify him.
The harbour in which he stood after the departure of the
persecutor, and for a while prayed to the Lord, is in a place
that is called in Scottish Aithchambas of Ardnamurchan.^ . . .
After some interval of a few short hours,^ the day being
quite serene, behold a cloud arisen from the sea, as the saint
had said, driven with great roaring of wind caught the
plunderer with his booty between the isles of Mull and
Colosus,^ and swamped him in a sudden squall in the middle
of the sea; and of those that were in the ship not one, in
accordance with the saint's word, escaped. . . .*
1 Aithchambas Art Muirchol. Reeves reads Ait-chamas, "pleasant
bay"; and the editors of the Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus (ii, 278) would
correct the text to Aithchamba sive Art Muirchol, "Aithchamba or
Ardnamurchan." But emendation is perhaps unnecessary.
Ardnamurchan is called by Adamnan Artda muirchol, apparently a
plural, which forms the plural dative Artdaib muirchol.
Columba and his companions watched from high ground ; Columba
promised the immediate destruction of the robber, and it seems to be
implied that the catastrophe occurred while they were there, and within
their sight.
^ moranim, read horarum.
' See above, p. 65.
* A visit of Columba to Ardnamurchan took place shortly after the
deaths [in 572] of Baetan, son of Muirchertach Erc's son, and Eochaid,
son of Donald [Muirchertach's son] ; Adamnan, I, 12 (Skene, 122). A
harbour in this district is there called AfwzVi^o/c /"anzi/zj-/ ("heavenly sea-
pouch"), being apparently named after the Muirbolc (now Murlough) in
Antrim.
On a visit to Ardnamurchan Columba drew water from a rock to
baptize a child : "This [child] was Lugu Cen[n]calad [i.e. Hard-head], and
his parents were in Ardnamurchan, where even to-day a spring is seen,
distinguished by the name of St Columba." Adamnan, II, 10 (Skene,
158-159). Cf. the Irish Life; Stokes, Three Homilies, 108; Lismore
Lives, 27.
PERSECUTION BY SCOTS OF ARGYLE 69
563 X 597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book II, c. 24 ^
Of another wicked man, persecutor of churches, whose name is
called in Latitt Manus Dextera.
At another time, when the blessed man, dwelling in the
island of Hinba, had begun to excommunicate some^ perse-
cutors of the churches, the sons namely of Conall Donald's
son, (one of whose sons was John, of whom we have related
above,) one of their companion malefactors upon instigation
of the devil ran up with a spear, to slay the saint. And one
of the brethren, Findlugan by name, to prevent this interposed,
wearing the holy man's cowl, ready to die for him. But in a
marvellous manner this vestment of the blessed man, like
some very strong and impenetrable coat of mail, could not be
pierced, even by the strong cast of a sharp spear from a strong
man's hand, but remained uninjured ; and he that wore it was
preserved safe and unhurt through its protection. And the
villain, who [was called in Latin] Manus Dextera, went away
again, thinking that he had transfixed the holy man with
the spear.
After completion of a year from that day, when the saint
was dwelling in the island of lona, he said, " It is an entire year
to this day from the day when Lam Dess ^ slew, to the extent
of his power, Findlugan in my stead ; but he too, as I think,
is slain in this hour."
And this occurred according to the saint's revelation
at the same instant in the island that in Latin may be called
Longa*; there this Lam Dess alone had perished, in a
fight between two companies of men, pierced by the
spear of Cronan Baithan's son, thrown, it is said, in the
name of St Columba. And after his death the men ceased
to fight.
' Reeves's edition, 135-137 ; Skene's, 168-169.
^ alios,
' Lam dess "right hand" is the Old Irish form of the name previously
given in Latin {nia7tus dextera).
* I.e. "the long [island]." Possibly the Long Island of the present
day (the Outer Hebrides).
70 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
565x588
Adamnan, Life of Columlba, book I, c. 36 ^
The blessed man's prophecy concerning the priest Findchan,
founder of the monastery that in Scottish is called Artchain, in
the land of Tiree?
At another time the above-mentioned priest Findchan,
soldier of Christ, brought with him from Ireland ^ to Britain,
in the habit of clergy, Aed, surnamed the Black, sprung from
royal blood, an [Irish] Pict by race, to be a pilgrim with him
for some years in his monastery. This Aed the Black had
been a very blood-thirsty man and the slayer of many ; and
he had also killed Diarmait, Cerball's son, ruler over all Ireland,^
appointed by God's authority. After this same Aed had
passed some time in pilgrimage, a bishop was called in, and
[Aed] was ordained priest in presence of* Findchan aforesaid,
although not rightly. But the bishop dared not place his hand
upon [Aed's] head until the same Findchan (who loved Aed
after the flesh) had first placed his hand in confirmation upon
his head.
When this ordination was afterwards announced to the
holy man [Columba,] he was ill-pleased. Thereupon he
pronounced this terrible sentence concerning Findchan and
Aed, who had been ordained, saying : " The right hand that
Findchan, contrary to right and to ecclesiastic law, has placed
upon the head of that son of perdition, shall presently decay,
and after great torture of suffering shall precede him to the
ground in burial ; and he surviving shall live for many years
after his hand has been interred. But Aed, undeservedly
ordained, shall return to his vomit like a dog ; and he shall be
again a bloody murderer, and at last, slaughtered with a spear,
he shall fall from a log into water, and shall sink and die. He
has long ago deserved such termination of his life, because he
slaughtered the king of all Ireland." ^
■ Reeves's edition, 66-71 ; Skene's, 135-136.
^ In Adamnan, Ethica terra or EtJika rcgio.
^ Scotia.
^ Apiid^ in Irish writers often = "by." The form of ordination was
here gone through by the abbot, without validity, to relieve the bishop
of responsibility in the subsequent valid ordination performed by him.
*• Scotiae.
ABUSES IN MONASTERY OF TIREE 71
And this prophecy of the blessed man was fulfilled in both
cases ; for the priest Findchan's right hand decayed from the
effects of a blow and preceded him to earth, being buried in
the island that is called Ommon ; while he lived for many
years afterwards, according to St Columba's words. And Aed
the Black, a priest only in name, returned to his former crimes,
was pierced by treachery with a spear, fell from the prow of a
raft into the water of a lake, and perished.
PART III
Affairs before and after the Council
OF Druimm-Ceta
ca. 568
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 60, s.a. 567= 568 ^
A campaign in the western world [was led] by Colman Bee,
Diarmait's son, and Conall, Comgall's son.^
ca. 570
Tigernach, Annals; in Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 149,
s.a. [568] 3
And Gildas [died].*
1 With f.n, and e. of 568.
^ Also ibid., s.a. 566 = 567 (with f.n. of 567); "A campaign in the
western world " {Jecht in lardoman), as in the passage translated above).
Probably lardoman was the name of a district.
P.M., i, 204, s.a. 565 : "A fleet [was led] by Colman Bee, son of
Diarmait, son of Fergus Cerr-bel, and by Conall, Comgall's son, prince
\toiseacK\ of Dalriata, into Soil and into Islay ; and they took from
them many spoils."
The battle appears thus in A.I., 7, O'Conor's year 560 = 568 (31 years
before 599) : "The battle of Ard-Tommain [was fought] by Colman Bee,
son of Ailill, son of Comgall."
The Annals from the Book of Leinster, R.S. 89, ii, 514: "583.
A battle in the western world (that is, in Soil and in Islay,) [was fought]
by Colman Bee, D[iarmait's] son, and by Conall, Comgall's son."
Colman Bee was responsible for the death of Baetan, Ninnid's son,
king of Tara, and was himself killed the next year by Aed, Ainmire's son.
A.U., i, 70-72, s.aa. 585 = 586 and 586=587.
2 F.n. I.
* A.U., i, 62, s.a. 569 = 570 (with f.n. and e. of 570) : "Gildas died."
In MS. A, Gildas's death is placed alternatively under 576 = 577.
A. I., 7, O'Conor's year 559 = 567 (32 years before 599 ; and s.a. 562 in
Harleian MS., ibid., note) : "The repose of bishop Gildas."
Annals from L.L. (R.S. 89, ii, 514); "Gildas the Wise reposed,"
72
GILDAS. KING RIDERCH 73
?573
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book I, c. 15.^
The blessed man \Columbd s^ prophecy concerning king Roderc,
Tothail's son, who reigned in the Rock of Clyde?'
At one time this king, since he was a friend of the holy
man [Columba], sent to him a secret message by Lugbe
Mocu-Min, wishing to know whether he should be slaughtered
by enemies, or not. And when Lugbe was questioned by the
saint regarding the same king, and the kingdom, and the
people, he replied as in pity, saying, " Why dost thou inquire
concerning that unfortunate man, who can by no means know
at what hour he may be slain by his enemies?" Thereupon
the saint foretold : " He shall never be given up into the hands
of enemies, but shall die in his own house, upon his pillow"
And this prophecy of the saint regarding king Roderc was
completely fulfilled ; for according to his word, [Roderc] died
a placid death in his own house.
573
Annales Cambriae, Ab Ithel's edition, p. 5, s.a. [573]^
The battle of Arterid* [between the sons of Elifer and
without date ; placed immediately before the death of Aed Suibne's son
(t585;A.U.).
Probably the best authority is the Annales Cambriae. A.C., MS. B
Ab Ithel's ed., 5, s.a. [565] (121 years after 444) : " The voyage of Gildas
to Ireland." (Many canons of the Irish church are attributed to Gildas
see Wasserschleben, Irische Kanonensammlung (1885), g, 35, 73, 133, 139
150, 151, 154, 212, 237.)
A.C., Y Cymmrodor, ix, 155, s.a. [570] (6 years after the " 120th year''
after 444): "Gildas died." (MS. B adds, "the wisest of the Britons" ; ed,
Ab Ithel, 5.)
The Martyrology of Donegal, 296, enters his death under November 4th
Fordun, III, 22-23, places the death of Gildas erroneously in the
reign of Gabran. For his birth, see his De Excidio, c. 26 ; M.G.H
Auctores, xiii, 40.
' Reeves's edition, 43-44 ; Skene's, 123-124.
2 Petra Cloithe j i.e., Ail-Chluaide (Dumbarton). For Roderc or
Riderch, see years 573, 612, notes.
^ Placed 9 years after the "r20th year" after 444 (Y Cymmrodor, ix, 155).
"i Armieridm MS. A ; Erderit, B ; Arderit, C.
74 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Guendoleu, the son of Keidiau. And in this battle Guendoleu
fell. Merlin became insane].^
1 The part within brackets is taken from MS. B.
According to Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, i, 66, the battle was
fought "between Gwenddolew, whose name is surrounded by bardic
tradition with every type and symbol of a semi-pagan cult, and on the
other side three leading chiefs, who each became the founder of a
kingdom — Maelgwn Gwynedd, Rydderch Hael, and Aedan, son of Gafran,
called Fradawg, or the treacherous."
But Mailcun, king of Gwynedd or Guenedota, had died in 547.
Riderch, king of Dumbarton, died ca. 612 ; see also above.
The success of this battle may have strengthened Aidan's hold of the
kingdom of Argyle, and improved his position in the negotiations with
Ireland. See year 575.
In an article published by the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland
(Proceedings, vi, 91-98), Skene argued with all likelihood that the place
of this battle was the "Roman Camp" or "Moat of Liddel," near
Carwhinelow, near Arthuret, in the valley of the Liddel, eight miles
from Carlisle, and within sight of Burnswark. Skene further derived
Carwhinelow from Caer Guendoleu or Gwenddolew, and Ridding from
Erydon, a name which occurs in the Cyvoesi Myrddin, a dialogue between
Merlin and his sister Gwendydd ; "the battle of Ardderyd and Erydon" ;
"... Gwendolau was slain in the blood-fray of Ardderyd." (Skene,
U.S., 94-95-)
Skene cites six Welsh Triads that refer to the battle or to people
who fought in it ; U.S., 92.
The battle of Arderydd is mentioned in Welsh Triads ; Loth's
Mabinogion, ii, triads no. 16, 48 ; M.A., 396, 397-398. It is named second
among the " three frivolous battles of the island of Britain " : " the battle
of Arderydd, fought because of a lark's nest." M.A., 391. Loth's
Mabinogion, 1913 ed., ii, 283 (triad no. 79).
A Welsh Triad mentions an expedition of Aidan to Strathclyde :
"The third [costly plundering expedition of the island of Britain] was that
in which Aidan the Traitor went into Alclut to the court of Riderch Hael :
after it, there remained neither food nor drink, nor any living thing."
M.A., 391. Loth's Mabinogion (1913), ii, 248 (triad no. 19). Cf. M.A.,
406.
The legends that grew up around Merlin, his remorse over causing the
battle, and the deaths resulting from it, and his subsequent attachment,
upon Kentigern's recommendation, to Riderch's court, are scarcely to be
regarded as history. Cf. Joceline's Life of Kentigern, c. 45 ; Historians
of Scotland, v, 241 (118, 371-374), and below, p. 139, with Bower's
Scotichronicon, III, 31 (Goodall's edition, i, 135-137; Edinburgh, 1759).
But if Merlin composed the prophecies ascribed to him, he was certainly
insane.
For the sons of Elifer, see year 580.
DEATH OF KING CONALL 75
?S74
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 151, s.a. [573] 1
The death of Conall, Comgall's son, king of Dalriata, in the
[sixteenth] 2 year of his reign. He gave as offering ^ the island
of lona of Columcille.*
ca. 574
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 114-118; in Skene's
Picts and Scots, pp. 82-83
Alas for the Picts to whom he ^ will go eastward, if they
knew the thing that approaches them (?).^ He will not be
1 With f.n. 7. Under f.n. 3=575, with the marginal date 4437, Tigernach
notes tlie reign for 7 years of Tiberius. This is taken from Bede's
Chronicle (M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 308, s.a. 4536). Tiberius II was emperor
from 578 to 582 ; Bede says, from 4529 to 4536 ; Isidore, from 5772 to
5779 (Auctores, xi, 477).
^ In the text, "thirteenth"; read "sixteenth" (no. xui for xiii).
"Sixteenth" in C.S., A.U., and the Annals of Clonmacnoise.
^ ofenxvit ; offerebat in C.S. ; obtulit in A.U. The word is translated
by F.M. ro edhbair.
* To the same effect in C.S., 60, s.a. [573] (fn. 7 ; Hennessy's year
574). So also in A.U., i, 64, s.a. 573 = 574 (with fn. and e. of 574). A.I.,
8, O'Conor' s year 566 = 574 (25 years before 599) : "The death of Conall,
Comgall's son. He reigned for sixteen years" (this is placed 15 years
after Gabran's death). F.M., i, 208, s.a. 572 (and the " 15th year of Aed,
Ainmire's son " as sovereign of Ireland) : " Conall, Comgall's son, the king
of Dalriata, died. He offered up lona to Columcille."
Soon after he left Ireland, Columba had been Conall's guest ; see
Adamnan, II, 7 ; above, p. 48. As Reeves has pointed out, the grant of
lona must rather have been made by Brude, with Conall's consent.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 89, s.a. 569 : " Conall, son of Comgall that
gave the island of lona \_Hug}i\ to Columcille, died in the i6th year of his
reign over Dalriata."
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 60 : " Five times three years, without
a verse [of eulogy] \^gan roi?7?{], Conall, Comgall's son, was king" (Skene
translated gan roinn " without interruption." But cf the Duan Albanach,
below, years 607, 630, notes. For the gender, see Irische Texte, iii, 1, 128).
"Without division" of spoils or of territory is also a possible translation.
The Chronicles of Dalriata give Conall a reign of 14 years ; but the
Irish Annals and the Duan seem to prove that he reigned for over 15 years.
Fordun's account (III, 26) of Conall's death and successor is incorrect.
For the succession of Conall's cousin Aidan, see year 607, note.
^ Apparently this was Aidan, Gabran's son, before his accession to the
kingdom.
'' da bfestaois aim ni da bfuil.
76 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
satisfied that an Irishman should have been i<iiig in the
east in subjection to the Picts.^
He will be a short while in the east, according to his will ; he
will not come against his word. At the time when they molest him
he will not be king. He will cast the Picts into insignificance.^
He is the first man who will rise _ in the east, after his
molestation by the Picts: the distressed traveller^ will be the
red flam.e that awakens war.*
A dart will glance from the shield's edge,^ with whom will
be wanderers his grey [horses]^: a rider of the swift horse'
(it is not falsehood) which will seek Ireland in one day.
Thirteen years (one after another) [he will fight against]
the Pictish host (fair the diadem).^ He will not be king at the
time of his death, on a Thursday, in Kintyre.^
^ nir ba sdnih leis gorbd righ thair \ eirinnech fa chruithnechaibh.
The first of these hnes has a syllable too many. Ba has probably been
written twice, in error ; read ni sdmh leis (or gor-rigthair, " that an
Irishman should have been subject to the Picts " i").
^ attrdth no craidlifeadh, ni ba righj \ fo-ciochra cruithnecha i nemhbrigh.
^ in t-aistearach inuiedhach.
■* Here is the note : "i.e. Aidan, Gabran's son. But Aidan belongs to
Leinster, according to his genealogy." This gloss has been placed at
Aidan's accession, not where he is first mentioned.
^ do bhile sgiaith. In MS. B do bhilibh Sciath, with O'Connell's note
" do bhile sceith perhaps." O'Connell's emendation is correct. This phrase
is a play upon Skye's name (in the genitive Sceth, Sgiad, A.U. ;
modern nominative Sgiath, like sgiath " shield." The '' dart " was surely
Cano, Gartnait's son, who fled from Skye to Ireland in 668 and died in
687. The Tale of Cano (Yellow Book of Lecan, 128-132; Kuno Meyer,
Anecdota from Irish MSS., i, I- 1 5) says that Cano escaped from Aidan,
Gabran's son ; and the writer of the Prophecy has had the same false
idea. See year ?6oi, note.
The Tale implies that Cano was king for a time.
« Or "[men]"?
'' Presumably a wooden ship. The Tale speaks of curachs. The
journey from Skye to Ireland would have been a very long one for one
day ; but Dunskey, near Portpatrick, is so near to Ireland that this stanza
shows it is not meant.
* Tri bliadhna deg,cinn archinn, \ fri shluagh cruithnech, cAin in inhind.
MS. B has ceatiii ar cheann, . . . cain an Meunn, with O'Connell's note
" i. caoin." Such chevilles are used for verse-building without much
regard to their meaning.
The Prophecy seems to have reverted to Aidan.
" The Prophecy is continued at year 843.
SUCCESSION OF KING AIDAN 77
ca. 574
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book III, c. 5 ^
Of the angel of the Lord who appeared in a visioti to Si
Columba ivhile he dwelt in the island of Hinba, being sent to
appoint Aidan as king.
At another time, when this excellent man [Columba] was
dwelling in the island of Hinba, one night in ecstasy of mind
he saw an angel of the Lord sent to him ; and [the angelj had
in his hand a glass book of the appointment of kings. And
when the venerable man had received it from the angel's hand,
at his command he began to read it. And when he refused
to appoint Aidan as king, according to what was commanded
him in the book, because he loved Eoganan^ [Aidan's] brother
more, suddenly the angel stretched out his hand and struck the
saint with a scourge, from which a livid scar remained in his
side for all the days of his life. And these words he addressed
to him, saying, " Know surely that I have been sent from God
to thee with the book of glass, that according to the words thou
hast read in it thou shalt appoint Aidan to the kingdom. And
if thou refuse to obey this command, I shall strike thee again."
So when this angel of the Lord had appeared to him for
three successive nights, having in his hand the same book of
glass, and had given him the same commands of the Lord
concerning the same king's appointment, the saint followed the
Lord's word, and sailed over to the island of lona ; and there,
as he had been commanded, he ordained Aidan, who arrived
about the same time, as king. And among the words of the
ordination he prophesied the future concerning [Aidan's] sons
and grandsons and great grandsons ; and laying his hand upon
his head, he ordained and blessed him.^
' Reeves's edition, 197-198 ; Skene's, 196-197. This anecdote is given
more briefly in Cummine's Life (below). It is abbreviated from Adamnan
by Fordun (III, 27 ; i, 113-114), who omits the words of the prophecy, and
its fulfilment.
''■ Eogan or Eoganan's death is noted under year 597, below. Cummine's
Life omits the name.
2 For the fulfilment of this prophecy see year 639.
This incident appears thus in the Life attributed to Cummine, c. V ; in
Pinkerton's Vitae, 30 : —
''''\Colu7nbd\ consecrates Aidan as king, and predicts the future concerning
his sons.
"At another time the holy man, dwelling in the island of Hymba, saw
78 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 574
Tigernach, Annals ; u.s., continued.
The battle of Delgu ^ in Kintyre ; and in it Duncan, son of
one night, in ecstasy of mind, an angel of the Lord sent to him. And [the
angel] had in his hand a glass book of the appointment of kings.
" [Columba] received it from the angel's hand and began to read it.
But he refused to appoint Aidan as king, according to the commandment ;
for he loved [Aidan's] brother more ; and suddenly the angel stretched
out his hand, and struck the saint with a scourge, from which a livid scar
remained in his side for all the days of his life. And in these words [the
angel] addressed him : ' Know surely that I have been sent by God to
bid thee appoint Aidan as king ; and if thou refuse, I shall strike thee
again.'
" When for three successive nights the angel of the Lord had given
him the same commands concerning the appointment of Aidan, the saint
sailed over to God's island of lona ; and upon Aidan's arrival there,
appointed him as king."
Tripartite Life of St Patrick, i, 162 (and Skene's P. & S., 17) : "Patrick
was welcomed in the land [of Dalaraide] by Erc's twelve sons. And
Fergus Mor, Erc's son, said to Patrick, ' If my brother should respect me
in the division of his land, I would give [my share] to thee.' And Patrick
offered that part to bishop Olcan ; that is, Airthir Maige.
" Patrick said to Fergus : ' Though to-day thy brother have little esteem
for thee, yet thou shalt be king, and from thee shall come the kings in this
country and over Fortriu for ever.' And this was fulfilled in Aidan, Gabran's
son, who took Scotland by force. And Patrick left many churches and
establishments in the territory of [Irish] Dalriata."
This story has no more authority than the other version given by the
same Life : see above, p. 2.
Cf. Colgan's 7th Life of Patrick, Trias Thaumaturga, 147 b ; and the
still more extended account in Joceline of Furness (ca. 1 185), Life of
Patrick, ibid., 95 b, and in P. & S., 142-143.
Cf year 575, note.
A story of Columba is told in the Yellow Book of Lecan, 164 a,
beginning : " Columcille, Fedlimid's son, was the confessor of Aidan,
Gabran's son, king of Scotland."
According to a fabulous tale in the Yellow Book of Lecan (facsimile,
128 a), Aidan was the son of Eochaid, son of Enda Gen-salach : Aidan was
fostered from his birth by Gabran's wife, Ingenach. Aidan's twin brother
was Brandub, king of Leinster. This alleged relationship caused recon-
ciliation and peace between Aidan and Brandub after Aidan's successful
invasion of Brandub's land (ibid.). The same story appears in Keating's
History of Ireland, at the end of the first book (ed. Dinneen, iii, 408-
412).
1 cath Delgon: but in A.U., bellum Telocho.
CONVENTION OF DRUIMM-CETA 79
Conall, son of Comgall, and many others of the allies of the
sons of Gabran/ fell.^
ca. 575
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 64, s.a. 574=575 ^
The great convention* of Druimm-ceta,^ in which were
Columcille and Aed, Ainmire's son.^
ca. 57S
Adamnan, Life of Columtaa, book I, c. lo'^
Of Donald, Aed's son.
Donald Aed's son, still a boy, was brought to St Columba
in Druimm-ceta by his foster-parents,^ and, regarding him,
[Columba] asked, saying : " Whose son is this,- that you have
1 In text Garbain ; read Gabrain, as in A.U.
2 Similarly in A.U., i, 66, s.a. 575 = 576 (with f.n. and e. of 576). Also
ibid., s.a. 576 = 577 (with f.n. and e. of 577) : " The battle of Telocho."
3 With f.n. and e. of 575.
■* Glossed "assembly" in Irish in MSS. A and B.
° "Identified with the mound called the Mullagh, in Roe Park, near
Newtownlimavady in the Co. Derry " ; Bernard and Atkinson's Liber
Hymnorum, ii, 225.
^ Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 90, s.a. 587 (the year-section begins with
the mission of Augustine): "Aed Ainmire's son succeeded in the
kingdom, and reigned 25 years" [592-1598 ; A.U.]
" In his time the meeting was between him and Aidan, Gabran's son,
king of Scotland, in Druimm-ceta \promkehaire\ with divers of the
nobility both spiritual and temporal of Ireland and Scotland, in their
company, for deciding the controversy between the said kings for the
territory and lordship of Dalriata. St Columcille and St Baithine were
present at that meeting."
The Annals from L.L. (R.S. 89, ii, 514) place the council of
Druimm-ceta immediately after the death of Daig, Cairell's son (1586 = 587,
A.U. ; under f.n. i =585, in T. and C.S., Hennessy's year 586; 586 in
F.M. ; in A.I., O'Conor's year 581 = 589). Lebar Brecc, 238 Ca: "The
king of [the tribe of] Coirpre, Aed, Gabran's son ; Aidan, son of Gabran
of the warriors, was sovereign of Scotland, full of arms. . . . They were
all . . . in the assembly of Druimm-ceta, making peace between Aed
. . . and Aidan."
For this conference cf. O'Donnell's Life of Columba, in Colgan's Trias
Thaumaturga, 430-431.
■^ Reeves's edition, 36-37 ; Skene's, 121-122.
* j>er nutritores.
80 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
brought?" They replied: "This is Donald, Aed's son, who
has been brought to thee for this, that he may return enriched
with thy blessing." And immediately after the saint had
blessed him, he said : " This [boy] shall survive after all his
brothers, and shall be a very famous king ; and he shall never
be given into the hands of his enemies, but shall die a placid
death in old age upon his bed, and within his own house,
surrounded by a crowd of his intimate friends." All these
things were truly fulfilled of him according to the blessed man's
prophecy.i
ca. 575
Adamnan, Life of Columtoa, book i, c. 1 1 ^
Of Scandlan, Colinan^s son.
At the same time and in the same place he went to
Scandlan, Colman's son,^ kept in chains by king Aed, desiring
to visit him. And after blessing him he said comforting him :
" Son, be not sorrowful, but rather be glad and of good comfort ;
for king Aed, by whom thou art enchained, will precede thee
from this world ; and, after some seasons of exile, thou shalt
reign as king over thy nation for thirty years. And again
thou shalt escape from the kingdom and be in exile for some
days ; after which recalled by the people thou shalt reign for
three short seasons." And all this was completely fulfilled
according to the saint's prophecy. For after thirty years he
was expelled from the kingdom, and was in exile for some
space of time ; but afterwards he was recalled by the people
and reigned, not, as he had imagined, for three years, but for
three months, after which he immediately died.*
' See year ca. 643, note.
'^ Reeves's edition, 38-39 ; Skene's, 122.
3 For Colman, Feradach's son, cf. the Life of Cainnech, Acta Sanctorum
ex Codice Salmanticensi, 384-385. He is called Cendfaelad, below.
* While Columba stayed at Druimm-ceta for the council he cured
many sick people, according to Adamnan, II, 6 (Skene, 156-157).
Many visits to Ireland are spoken of by Adamnan (I, 3, 9, 38, 40, 42 ;
II, 19, 36, 43) ; one, perhaps upon the way to Ireland, to Kintyre {caput
regionis, I, 28). A late and fabulous account of Columba's leaving and
returning to Ireland [in 563 and 575] appears in the Life of Farandan ;
C. Plummer, in Anecdota from Irish MSS., iii, r, ff.
QUESTIONS IN DISPUTE 81
The second Preface to fhe'Ajnra Coluiinchille ; in Bernard
and Atkinson's Liber Hymnorum, vol i, pp. 163-164 ^
The place of this poem was Druimm-ceta, where the great
assembly was. It was composed in the time of Aed, Ainmire's
son, and of Aidan, Gabran's son. The person [who composed
it] was Dalian, Forgall's son, of the Masraige of Mag-Slecht in
Breifne of Connaught. The cause, to obtain heaven for himself
and for others through him.^
Now the three causes of Columcille's coming from Scotland
to Ireland at that time were, to release Scandlan Mor, son of
Cendfaelad, king of Ossory, to whom he had given security ;
and to keep the poets in Ireland, because they were being
expelled on account of their oppressiveness, since thirty [men]
composed the full retinue, and fifteen the half retinue, of a
master-singer,^ and the number of the poets was twelve
hundred, as someone said . . .*; and to make peace between
the men of Ireland and of Scotland with regard to Dalriata.^
^ Also in Stokes's Goidelica, 156-157.
^ Cf. below. Cf. also a verse in the preface to the Amra, Liber
Hymnorum, i, 166.
3 i. md ollamain. Lebar na h-Uidre (p. 5) reads "because there were
thirty in the retinue of every ollam" (i.e. master-poet ; i cleir cac\K\
olloman) "and fifteen in the retinue of every anrad" (i.e. champion-poet),
and omits the next clause and the verse-quotation.
* Here two stanzas of verse are quoted : they are translated ibid., ii, 55.
The case of the poets is described in the first preface to the Amra, in
Liber Hymnorum, i, 162-163. I' 's there stated (162) that "Columcille
then came as he came from his cicrack, with a hundred and forty followers ;
as the poet said : 'Their number was forty priests, twenty bishops, noble
was their power ; at the psalm-singing, without a doubt, fifty deacons,
thirty sons ' " {mac, i.e. novices). Cf. the Irish Life, above, p. 45.
^ It is implied that the " men of Scotland " {_firu . . . Alban) were
Aidan's subjects, the "men of Ireland" Aed's. Aidan's subjects were the
Irish in Scotland. It is implied that Dalriata is not here synonymous
with the "men of Scotland," or the Irish in Scotland. Here and below the
subject of dispute appears to have been Irish Dalriata, which the king of
Scottish Dalriata claimed as part of his kingdom, while the Irish king
resisted his claim. If these earlier accounts are correct, later writers must
erroneously have imagined that Scottish Dalriata was the subject of
dispute, and therefore that it was only a part of Aidan's kingdom
(cf. Keating, History of Ireland, II, 9, 10 ; Dinneen, iii, 80-86, 94-96).
The three reasons appear similarly in the Lebar na h-Uidre version,
which diverges after this from the Liber Hymnorum.
82 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
And then Columcille came into the assembly, and some
people in the assembly rose to greet him ; and the poets
came to make music for him. . . }
For the question of Dalriata cf. the first preface to the Amra, Liber
Hymnorum, i, 163, ii, 54.
Liber Hymnorum, i, 187 : "Once Columcille and Aidan, Gabran's son,
went to an assembly at Druimm-ceta, to Aed, Ainmire's son ; and the
men of Ireland, both laymen and clergy, were there to the end of a year
and four months. [Columba and Aidan] came to ask for truce for the
men of Scotland, but it was not given to them. 'Yet there shall be truce
for ever,' said Columcille, ' without invasion from Ireland eastwards.'
Because Aed, Ainmire's son, had many grounds of dispute there ; such as
driving the [men of Irish] Dalriata across the sea, and the expulsion of
the wise men, and of Dail-Osraige after the fall of their hostage, Scandlan."
After describing the imprisonment of Scandlan, and his miraculous
release by aid of Cummine, son of Feradach, son of Muiredach, son of
Eogan, the same passage continues (ibid., 188): "Columcille had three
successes from this journey : peace regarding [Irish] Dalriata, namely
that its expeditionary and military service should belong to the men of
Ireland, but its tribute and tax to the men of Scotland ; and the retaining
of the wise men in Ireland ; and the release of Scandlan." Columba then
made peace with Cummine, and gave his staff and his blessing to Scandlan.
' Here are verses, translated ibid., ii, 55.
In the Introduction to the Amra in Lebar na h-Uidre, p. 5: "And
Columcille came afterwards into the assembly, and some rose before him,
to greet him. But according to another version no one rose before him
but Donald, the king's son ; for the king had said that no one should rise
before him, because he knew the reason why he came, and his coming
displeased him, and he did not wish to retain the poets or to release
Scandlan.
" So then Columcille blessed this Donald, because he had been cowardly
till then. And the queen was ill-pleased at his being blessed, because he
was her step-son ; and the priest was angry with her ; and she said to the
priest, ' Great is the warranty under which thou art.' The priest said,
' Thou too mayest be under warranty.' " (There is a pun here upon the
word corraigccht " warranty," which is used in the second instance as
if it meant " cranishness," from corr " crane.")
" So then she was turned into a crane, and her maid took to reviling
the priest ; and she was turned into another crane ; and from that time
onwards are [spoken of] the two cranes of Druimm-ceta, as some say.
" After that the poets came into the assembly with a eulogy upon
him. . . .
" The quartering of the poets was made after that through Ireland, and
their retinues were reduced, to twenty-four in the train of a master-singer
and twelve in the train of a champion-singer. . . ."
Cf. Lebar Brecc, 238 C b : " . . . The second cause was to keep the art
DECISION REGARDING DALRIATA 83
After that, Columcille besought Aed for Scandlan, but [Aed]
did not give him to him. And then Columcille said to Aed
that [Scandlan] should take off his shoes about nocturns in
whatever place [Columba] should be ; and so it was fulfilled.^
Colman, Comgellan's son, of Dalriata, gave the judgement :
that [Dalriata's] campaigning and military service should
belong to the men of Ireland, because military service always
goes with the soil - ; but their tribute and taxes should belong
to the men of Scotland.
[of poetry] in Ireland. [The poets] were a troublesome tribe ; they had
thirty men in one retinue, and whatever they asked of any one he had to
give it them, else he was summarily disposed of \_no gldm dkciid do
dcnam do]. They made three blisters in the face of any whom they
satirized ; that is to say, from life, lack of life. . . ."
' The preface to the Amra, in Liber Hymnorum, i, 163: "Columcille
released Scandlan, Cendfaelad's son, from his hostage-ship, and he bowed
down to the gospel ; . . . and he gave him eight score of plough-oxen [da/u
riatai\ ; . . . and therefore eight score plough-oxen are still owed [as
tribute] to the congregation of lona, by the [men of] Ossory."
Cf. Lebar Brecc, 238 C b : " The third cause was to relieve Scandlan
Mor, son of Cendfaelad the king of Ossory. [Scandlan's] father had given
him as a hostage into the hands of Aed Ainmire's son, the king : and
Columcille had given him warranty that he should be set free at the end
of a year, or that another hostage should be taken in his stead. And Aed
took none but him; and an enclosure of wattle was made round him, with
no way out. . . ." Cf. ibid., 238 D a-b.
^ This sentence proves that the Dalriata in dispute was part of the
land of Ireland, not a province outside Ireland. These are the words of
the judgement : a fecht ociis a slogad la firu Hereitd, ar is slogad la fo?inaib
dogrisj a cdin ocus a cobach la firu Alban. Similarly in Lebar na h-Uidre,
p. 6a; but there is added, no ain-muir-coblach nainind la firu Alba?z, 0
shein initnach imorro la firu h-Erenn (i.e. " or their fleet only [went] with
the men of Scotland, but from that time forward with the men of Ireland.")
Lebar Brecc, 238 C b : " The cause of writing the Amra was Columcille's
coming from Scotland to the assembly at Druimm-ceta, where the men of
Ireland were.
" There were three causes why Columcille came out of his pilgrimage.
The first cause was the dispeace between the men of Ireland and the men
of Scotland concerning Dalriata, because it was free from law and from
military service till then. And Columcille made peace in the council.
" Now this is the judgement which Colman Comgellan's son made for
the Ulstermen : that Dalriata belongs to the men of Ireland. . . ."
This extract might suggest that Scottish Dalriata was in dispute, since
Irish Dalriata can hardly have been exempt from military service ; but
the following extract clearly indicates that Irish Dalriata is meant.
84 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
This was the Colman whom Columcille fondled ^ when he
was a little boy, saying : " O clear conscience, O pure soul,
here is a kiss for thee ; give thou a kiss to me ! " And
Columcille said that [Colman] should make terms of peace
between the men of Ireland and of Scotland.^
Then Dalian came to speak with Columcille, and thereupon
sang the prologue to him ; and Columcille permitted him not
to compose more than that, but to compose it at the time of
his death, and said that it was fitting for a dead person.
Now Columcille promised to Dalian riches and the fruits
of the earth, and Dalian accepted nothing but heaven for
himself and for every one who should sing it, and understand
it, both sense and sound.
[Dalian said,] " How shall I know of thy death, while thou
art in pilgrimage and I in Ireland?"
And Columcille gave him three signs, of the time when he
should compose the eulogy : that the rider of a piebald horse
Lebar Brecc, 238 D b : "As for the [men of] Dalriata, there was
contention concerning them between the men of Ireland and of Scotland.
The [men of] Dalriata and the men of Scotland were of the race of Coirpre
Rigfota son of Conaire, Mug's son. They were together in Munster ; but
a great famine came into Munster, and the race of Coirpre Rigfota came
out of it : and the one part of them went into Scotland, and the other part
remained in Ireland, and thence are the [men of] Dalriata to-day. There-
after they sowed in those lands till the time of Aidan, Gabran's son, king
of Scotland, and of Aed, Ainmire's son, king of Ireland Contention arose
between these two kings concerning them : and this is the third reason
why Columcille came from the east, for peace between the men of Ireland
and of Scotland regarding the [men of] Dalriata. . . . Now Columcille
came to the conference, and brought with him Colman, Comgellan's son.
And they said to Columcille, ' Give them thy judgement regarding the
Dalriata.' 'It is not I who shall give it,' said he, 'but yonder youth,
Colman, Comgellan's son.' So then Colman gave judgement, and this is
the judgement that he gave : their tax and tribute and customs and military
service belong to the men of Ireland. And when one of the men of Scot-
land comes from the east, the [men of] Dalriata must provide for him,
whether one or many come, so long as they are on this side ; and must
convey them also, if that be needed. Thus have been enumerated the
three questions for which Columcille came westwards . . ." Cf. R.C.,xx, 424.
1 dori^ni . . . in m-boide j Atkinson (literally) "to whom Columcille
did the kindness."
^ Colman seems to have been chosen to give a decision because he
belonged to Irish Dalriata, the country in dispute, and therefore not to
either of the disputing parties.
PROPHECIES OF COLUMBA 85
should tell him of the death of Coluracille ; and the first word
that he should say would be the beginning of the eulogy ; and
that [Dalian's] eyesight would be granted him so long as he
was composing [the eulogy].
The eulogy was sung in Ath-Feni in Meath, as Mael-
Suthain said. But [Columba's] successor Ferdomnach ^ relates
that it was sung upon the Ass's Way, from Dun-na-n-Airbed to
the cross at Tech-Lommain.^
ca. 57S
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book l, c. 49 ^
The blessed maris fore-knowledge of the battle that was fought
after many years in the fortress of Cethirn, and of a spring close
to its land.
One time when the blessed man was returning to the plains
by the sea after the conference of kings in Druimm-ceta,
(namely of Aed, son of Ainmire, and Aidan, Gabran's son,) he
and abbot Comgall rested, one fair day in summer-time, not
far from the aforesaid fortress. So then water was brought to
the saints in a bronze vessel from a spring close by, for them
to wash their hands. And when Columba had received it, he
spoke thus to abbot Comgall,* who was sitting by his side ;
" The spring, O Comgall, from which this water has run and
has been brought to us, a day will come when it will be fit for
no human use." "By what cause," said Comgall, "will its
springing water be polluted ? " Then St Columba said,
"Because it will be filled with human blood: for the friends
of my kindred, and thy relatives after the flesh, will be at war,
and will fight a battle in this neighbouring castle of Cethirn :
that is, the Ui-Neill and the [Irish] Pictish peoples. , . ."^
1 Ferdomnach, abbot of Kells, died in 1008.
2 " Portloman on L. Owel, county Westmeath" Hogan.
^ Reeves's edition, 91-93 ; Skene's, 145-146.
■* Comgall was the first abbot of Bangor ; see above, pp. 52-53.
» That Columba's prophecy had been fulfilled was attested to Adamnan
by an eye-witness " Finan, a soldier of Christ." Ibid., 93-97.
In the battle of Dun-Cethirn, Congal Caech, king of Ulster, was defeated
by Donald, Aed's son, king of Tara. Cf. A.U., i, 98, s.a. 628 = 629; T.,
R.C., xvii, 181, s.a. [627] (f.n. 5) ; C.S., 82, Hennessy's year 629 ; A. I., 12,
O'Conor's year 623 = 631 (32 years after 599).
86 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 580
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 68, s.a. 579= 580 ^
A campaign in the Orkneys [was conducted] by Aidan,
Gabran's son.^
ca. 580
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 153,
s.a. [578]^
Cennalath,* king of the Picts, died.^
580
Annales Cambriae ; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 155, s.a. [580]^
Gurci and Peretur died.^
1 With f.n. and e. of 580. Under the same year is placed the death of
Cennalath.
2 Also ibid., under 580=581 (with f.n. of 581) : "A campaign in the
Orkneys " (^fecht Ore, as in the previous passage).
^ F.n. 7. In the previous year-section (with f n. 5 in O'Conoi-'s edition,
i.e. [577]) is placed the death of pope Benedict I : " Benedict, a Roman by
race, sat [four] year[s], one month, twenty-nine days, and was buried in
the church of blessed Peter the apostle." Benedict died in 579. (The
text is corrected by that of A.U., which place his death in 578 = 579.) This
is derived from the Liber Pontificalis, which says that Benedict was pope
for 4 years, i month, 28 days (M.G.H., Gesta Pontificum, i, 159).
* Cindaeladh, possibly attracted to (the genitive of) Cendfaelad; in
A.U. Cennalath. The Chronicle of the Picts (ABC) says that " Galam
Cennaleph " shared Brude's kingdom for i year.
^ To the same effect in A.U., s.a. 579 = 580.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 8g, s.a. 580 : " The departing of Ulstermen
from Emain" {Eawyn. In A.U., "Return of the Ulstermen from
Eumania," s.a. 577 = 578.) "... Kenneth, king of the Picts, died.
Baetan Cairell's son, king of Ulster, died.
"The battle of the Isle of Man was given by Aidan. Gabran's son
was victor."
^ Placed 6 years after the " 130th year" after 444.
' " Sons of Elifer," adds MS. B (Ab Ithel, 5). See above, year 573.
Cf. Genealogy XII appended to A.C., Y Cymmrodor, ix, 175: — "Gurci
and Peretur, the sons of Elifer Cascord-maur [i.e. "of the great retinue"],
son of Gurgust Letlum, son of Ceneu, son of Coyl Hen."
Gurci and Peretur are mentioned in a Welsh Triad (M.A., 396 (11);
Loth's Mabinogion (1913), ii, 243 (triad no. 16). Cf. Skene's F.A.B.W.,
ii, 454)- Cf. M.A., 394.
KINGS CENNALATH AND BAETAN 87
Before 581 or before 587
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 23-26
After that,^ a king from the north ^ will take [the sovereignty
of Ireland]. His hosts will be wanderers from the great fort of
Mag-Line^; by him every tribe will be drained.
The pale-yellow Shouter*will be sovereign of all Ireland;
he will be king of Scotland in the east ; he will be a foe to the
Saxons.
A king who wins three battles in the east, three fatalities
in Scotland. By him are collected into his presence the relics
of the saints of Ireland.
Twenty-five years (it is not weak) [he will be] in the
sovereignty of Ireland.^ He dies of disease in his house ; his
grave [is] above Allabair.
S81
Book of Lecan, in Skene's Picts and Scots, pp. 127-129^
Baetan, Cairell's son, was king of Ireland and Scotland.^
' There appears to be a gap in the narrative before the events spoken
of in these stanzas.
^ Probably Baetan, Cairell's son.
Glossed above : "i.e., Fiachna, son of Baetan, son of Cairell" ; and in
the margin, " king." The next king spoken of is glossed " i.e., Baetan,
son of Cairell"; but stanza 30 says that he "dies of a draught of
poison in the east, in the castle of Lethet [z" n-diin leitheid], in Ulster."
Poison may be a metaphor for a violent death. Fiachna was killed in
Lethet-Midenn. It seems probable that the order of these stanzas (23-30)
is correct, but that the two glosses have been transposed by some copyist.
(The glosses are probably as old as the Prophecy.)
^ Moylinny (Hogan).
^ Perhaps " the Laugher " : an gairechtach glas-bhuidhe ; doubtless the
same " king from the north."
^ The list of kings of Ulster in the Book of Leinster, facsimile, 41, c,
says that Baetan reigned for 10 years, his brother Daig for 10 years,
Aed the Black, Suibne's son, for 5 years, before the reign of Fiachna,
Baetan's son.
^ Versions of this passage occur in four other MSS. (Skene, ibid., 127) ;
the Book of Leinster, facsimile, 330, b-c ; the Book of Ballymote, facsimile,
152, c ; and the Bodleian MSS. Rawlinson B 506, and Laud 610.
' According to A.U., i, 68, Baetan, Cairell's son, died in 580 = 581 ;
but his death is repeated there (i, 72) alternatively under year 586 = 587
(with the addition, "king of Ulster.") Probably 581 is the true date.
A.L (O'Conor's year 573 = 581) say that Baetan fell in battle.
88 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Aidan, Gabran's son, yielded to him at Ros-na'-Rig in
Semniu.^
Of [Baetan] was sung, when he carried the tribute of
Munster^ northwards: "There are many scores of miles
between Dun-Baetain and Lethet^; long land, wide sea, are
to the west between us and Imlech-Ibair.-*
" Although I have come here from fair Raith-Cruachan with
my tributes, my face is long after dinner in the castle of
Baetan, Cairell's son. Although I have come from Skye, I
have come twice and three times guarding jewels that had
changed their colour ; the Scot is very cold.^
" Fifty, sixty are under the water between Man and Ireland ;
nine here have gone to heaven ; dreadful is their pilgrimage.
" Though I [have come] from the mountain of Alps I saw
many hardships^; I gave much silver and gold, without
receiving honour."''
And Man was cleared by [Baetan] of foreigners,^ so that
dominion over it has belonged to the Ulstermen from that
time forward ^ ; and in the second year after his death the
Gaels abandoned Man.^"
' The battle of Ros-na-rig was probably fought before 575.
2 " of Man," wrongly, in Book of Ballymote.
^ According to Skene (S.C.S., i, 240, 241, note), Lothian "appears to be
meant" by this Lethet. Perhaps he meant to identify the word with
Leith (modern Gaelic Lid). This is certainly wrong. Lethet is the
dt'm-leitheid of Berchan's Prophecy, the Lethet-Midend of Tigernach.
■' Emly, in Tipperary county.
° aduar, here " cunning " ?
^ ?nor n-[d]eaccra.
' " Although I have come here . . . honour," in the Book of Lecan
only.
s These " foreigners " Cg-fl:z7/), the "Saxons" of Berchan (above), must
have been Angles of Northumbria. If these not very trustworthy sources
are to be believed, Man had been occupied by English about 34 years
after the definite establishment of the Anglian kingdom of Northumbria.
"The Hosting of Fiachna, Baetan's son, to Dun-Guaire in England"
(i Saxanaibh) was the subject of an Irish literary composition ; Book of
Leinster, 190 a.
° " of foreigners . . . forward" in Book of Lecan only.
'" In A.U., sa. 576 = 577: "The first peril of the Ulstermen in
Eufania " ; " in Emain [Macha]," i.e. Navan, in Armagh, according to
Tigernach (R.C., xvii, 152) and C.S. (60), and the translator of the Annals
of Clonmacnoise. But Stokes, comparing the Book of Armagh's Evonia
ISLE OF MAN 89
?S83
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol xvii, p. 153, s.a. [579]^
The battle of Man,^ in which Aidan, Gabran's son, was the
conqueror.^
(Tripartite Life, ii, 288), would identify Eufania with Man. A.I. (O'Conor's
year 571 = 579) : "First peril of the Ulstermen."
A.U., s.a. 577 = 578: "Return of the Ulstermen from Eumania";
similarly in T. ; " from Emain " in C.S.
Navan was within Ulster, therefore perhaps Man was meant.
Cf. year ? 583.
1 With f.n. I.
^ Cath Manandj so also ibid. 125 ; cath Mana?in ibid. 154, and in A.I.
and D.M.F. In A.U. at 582 bellum Manonnj at 583 belhcm Manandj at
504 bcllinn Mhanann. These are genitive forms of Mano, equivalent to
the Welsh name Manau.
^ This event is noticed by Tigernach in the same words (in Latin)
under the following year (for f.n. 5 in the text read 2 [=580], with O'Conor);
ibid., 154. The same event is wrongly entered (in Irish) by Tigernach
under [505] (fn. 6; ibid., 125): "The battle of Man [was fought] by
Aidan, Gabran's son " ; it is followed there by the death of Brude.
Similarly A.U. place the battle under years 503, 581, and 582, =504,
582, and 583. S.a. 581 = 582 (i, 68): "The battle of Man, in which the
victor was Aidan, son of Gabran, son of Domangart." S.a. 582 = 583
(i, 68): "The battle of Man [was fought] against Aidan." S.a. 503 =
504 (i, 34): "The battle of Man [was fought] by Aidan.'' The earliest
spelling is at 581 = 582.
Immediately after this battle is noticed the death of " Fergna, son of
Caiblene," in T., s.aa. [579] and [580], and in A.U., s.aa. 581 = 582 and
582 = 583 : but s.a. [580] Tigernach adds, "and this is the truth of it," a
remark that may be taken to apply to the battle also, and to support the
later date.
A. I., 8, O'Conor's year 575 = 583 (16 years before 599) : "The battle of
Man [was fought] by Aidan, Gabran's son."
D.M.F., I, p. 6 (Skene's P. & S., 401): "The battle of Man, in which
Aidan, Gabran's son, was the conqueror." This stands 8 years after the
battle of Femin [573], and one year before the death of Feradach Find,
Duach's son, king of Ossory [t 583 or 584, A.U. ; in A.I., O'Conor's 577 =
585. See below, p. 91, note].
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 74, s.a. 504: "Aidan, Gabran's son, king
of Scotland, fought a battle in the Isle of Man."
Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, ix, 155, s.a. [584] (the " 140th year"
after 444) : " A battle against Man " {bellum contra Euboniam).
There seems to be no doubt that the Afano referred to here was the
same place as that referred to under year 581. The place intended in
90 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
the verse-passage there, and in the Annales Cambriae, is certainly
the island of Man : and that is without doubt the meaning of Mano
here.
The names of Manau on the Forth and of the island of Man were
essentially identical, so that these writers might very easily have confused
the two. Skene thought that this battle was fought in Manau upon the
Forth, a district certainly in danger of invasion by Angles after 547.
Aidan's victory over the Miathi may have been gained in or near
Manau on the Forth, perhaps near Dunmyat, or Dumyat, which is upon
the borders of Clackmannan.
From 603 (if not before) to the time of Catguollaun, Manau south of
the Forth must have been under English authority. In 655, perhaps from
633, it may have belonged to Strathclyde. From 655 to 685 it belonged
probably to Northumbria ; and from 685 until 711 it may have been
re-annexed to Pictland.
Upon what authority I do not know, Fordun identifies this battle with
the British defeat at Fethanleag, recorded thus in A.S.C. ABCE, s.a. 584 :
" In this year Ceawlin and Cutha fought against the Britons in the place
that is called Fethanleag ; and Cutha was slain [there BC], and Ceawlin
took many towns, and incalculable spoils ; and dispersedly \_erre, yrre\ he
went thence home."
Fordun places this battle in Aidan's 15th year, which would be, accord-
ing to his reckoning, 584-585. He says (III, 28) that " Malgo, king of the
Britons" asked for Aidan's help against "the heathen nation of a wicked
race " ; and Aidan " sent his son Griffin, a distinguished knight, and
Brendinus, regulus of Man \_Eiiboniae\, his nephew by his sister, with a
powerful force." They were joined by " the Britons of the north." On
the third day, after they had passed Stanemore (or Mora lapidea), they
encountered the heathen army, led by Ceawlin, king of the West Saxons,
in Fethanleag. The enemy's front line was destroyed ; but after a
stubborn battle the Scots and Britons were defeated with great slaughter.
Griffin was killed (see below, p. 96).
This story is probably fabulous, and Malgo may be the Mailcun who
died in 547.
Fordun (III, 28), quoting from Vincentius Bellovacensis (who died in
1264), says that the regulus Brendinus had a brother, Adelfius, whose
daughter Gelgehes was (by " the king of Ireland, Philtanus") the mother
of St Furseus, Foylanus, and Ultanus. See below, p. 231.
This passage was derived from Sigebert of Gemblours, Chronica,
M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 320, s.a. 593. Cf. Bede's account of Furseus
(H.E., III, 19) ; the Life of Furseus in the Salamanca MS., Smedt and De
Backer's Acta, 99, 106 ; and the Life of Cuanna, in Colgan's Acta
Sanctorum, 251.
These three saints went on pilgrimage from Scotland, according to
Fordun (III, 37) ; but in reality from Ireland. Furseus founded a
monastery at Lagny in France ; Foylanus founded Fosses-la-ville in
Belgium. Fordun's account is borrowed from Sigebert (u.s., 324, s.a. 648),
KINGS BRUDE AND CONSTANTINE 91
ca. 584
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 154;
s.a. [S8i]i
The death of Brude, Maelchon's son, king of the Picts.^
ca. 589
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 72, s.a. 587 = 588
The conversion of Constantine to the Lord ; and great
snow ; and the slaughter of Aed Dub, Suibne's son, in a ship.^
who takes it from Bede. Cf. the Additamentum Nivialense to the Life of
Furseus, in M.G.H., Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum, iv, 450-451.
Fordun says that about the same time " Dido, bishop of Poitou, was
sent as an exile to the king in Scotland" ; but he should say, in Ireland.
He takes this from Sigebert, s.a. 657, who takes it from the Liber Historiae
Francorum ; M.G.H., U.S., ii, 316.
1 For f.n. 6 in Stokes's text read 3, with O'Conor ; i.e., [581] {iii for ui).
In the same year Tigernach notes ; " The death of Feradach, Duach's
son, the king of Ossory, slain by his own people." Feradach's death is
entered by A.U. under 582 = 583, and under 583 = 584; by A.I., under
O'Conor's year 577 = 585 (14 years before 599, but 23 years after 559) ; in
D.M.F., 9 years after the battle of Femin (573 + 9 = 582).
Under the same year-heading, Tigernach notes the pontificate of
Pelagius II [t ?59o] for 10 years, 6 months, 10 days. This is derived from
the Liber Pontificalis (M.G.H., Gesta Pontificum, i, i5o), which reads 10
years, 2 months, 10 days : and which is correctly copied by A.U., under
582 = 583.
In the next year-section (with f.n. 5 =582) Tigernach notes the reign of
Mauricius, who was emperor from 582 to 602. A.U. place this under
583 = 584, thus : " Mauricius reigned for 21 years, as Bede and Isidore say.'
2 This event is wrongly entered by Tigernach (u.s., 125) in similar
words, under f.n. 2 =506.
It appears similarly in A.U., i, 70, s.a. 583 = 584 (with f.n. and e. of 584) ;
and, omitting "king of the Picts," in A.U., i, 34, s.a. 504 = 505 ; and in
A.I., 8, under O'Conor's year 576 = 584 (5 years before 599).
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 89, s.a. 584 : " Brude, Maelchon's son, king of
Pictland, died."
See year ? 555.
■^ i luing. Possibly " in [the island of] Luing " ? For Aed see
Adamnan, above, pp. 70-71. Aed was ruler of the Picts of Dalaraide
(Down), and he had killed Diarmait, Cerball's son, king of Ireland.
Excepting Aed's death, the same annal is in Tigernach, R.C., xvii, 157,
s.a. [586] (f.n. 3) ; and (from A.U.) in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 90,
s.a. 587. " Constantine's conversion to the Lord" is in A.C., s.a. [589] (not
in MS. C ; ed. Ab Ithel, 5).
92 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
There appears to have been some confusion between different
St Constantines.
This Constantine may have been the first of the five kings that Gildas
denounced, in De Excidio Britanniae, c. 28 (M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 41-42).
E.g. : " Constantine, the tyrannical whelp of the foul lioness of Damnonia,
is not ignorant of these monstrous crimes." Damnonia was the region of
Devon and Cornwall. (There was also a Damnonia in Pictland ; possibly
in Perthshire, about the parish of Glendevon, beside the rivers Devon and
Black Devon ; bordering upon Clackmannan and Fife.)
Gildas warns another of the kings of Britain, Cuneglasus, against the
"foul lioness that will one day break thy bones " (c. 32) ; but in both cases
perhaps "lioness" is a metaphor for the land of Devon. In c. 23 Gildas
calls the Saxon's land on the continent a "barbarous lioness" (u.s., p. 38 ;
cf p. 39 at top).
According to Geoffrey of Monmouth, that Constantine's father was the
foster-father of Guanhumara, king Arthur's wife. In the Welsh Triads,
a St Constantine appears as king Arthur's grandfather (see Loth (1913), ii,
233 ; cf i, 244-246).
Oengus places the death of " Constantine, king of Rahen," on
March nth. Note in the Martyrology of Gorman, March nth, p. 52:
" Constantine, Fergus's son, of the Picts ; or a Briton, according to others.
Abbot of Rahen of Mochuta."
Brussels version of the Martyrology of Tallaght, Kelly, p. xviii,
Maixh nth : "[Festival] of Constantine, a Briton \Consta?itini Briio\, or
the son of Fergus of the Picts."
Notes in MS. Rawlinson B 512 (1905 Oengus, 92): "Constantine, i.e.
the son of Fergus, and successor of Mochuta of Rahen, in Delbna-Ethra
in Meath : a king of Britain who left his kingdom and came for pilgrimage
to Rahen in the time of Mochuta. And he was also king of Scotland "
{rig Alban e bcus\ "and he sold the riches of the world for- pilgrimage, in
order to gain heaven. . . ." Cf the notes in L.B. (1880 Oengus, Ixiii). There
are fabulous stories about Constantine in the notes in Rawlinson B. 512, u.s.,
pp. 92-94. It is there said that Constantine died before Mochuta (94).
Mochuta flourished ca. 630, and died in 637, according to A.U.
Therefore the Constantine of the Calendars can scarcely have been the
Constantine that entered monastic life in 589, and certainly not if the
latter was adult before 547, when Gildas wrote. Probably two or three
Constantines have been confused. Joceline's Life .of Kentigern would
perhaps identify the Constantine of 589 with Constantine, son of Riderch
of Cumbria. See below, p. 135.
Cf the Breviary of Aberdeen, i, 3, 67, under March i ith :
" St Constantine, king and martyr,"
" Constantinus, the son of Paternus king of Cornwall, married the
daughter of the king of Lesser Britain. But fortune was averse, and the
queen died. The king, grieving for her death, refused to be consoled,
and deliberately entrusted and gave up to his son the kingdom and his
sovereignty.
" Then he bade farewell to all, and, leaving the kingdom, sailed across
ST CONSTANTINE 93
to Ireland ; and coming to a certain house of religion he humbly endured
labour there, carrying all the grist to and from the mill for seven years ;
descending from a kingdom to a mill.
"And one day when Constantine of the mill sat in the mill and saw no
one, he said, 'Am I Constantir.e, king of Cornwall, whose head has
sustained so many helmets, his body so many coats of mail? Am I ?' he
inquired of himself. And he replied, ' I am not.'
"And when he had debated this with himself, a man who, hidden in the
mill, had heard it all, revealed to the abbot What he had heard. All came
quickly and drew him from the mill, and led him to the cloister ; they
taught him letters, and by inspiration of the holy spirit raised him
to the rank of priesthood.
" Immediately he bade farewell to all, and departed thence and came
to St Columba, a man most dear to God ; then he was sent into Galloway
by St Kentigern, to preach the word of God. There he was elected
abbot, and laboured to reform with word and example the flock entrusted
to him.
" Constantine had already reached decrepit old age ; he had long had it
in mind, and had prayed to the Lord, that he might die as a martyr for
Christ's Church : and he heard a voice from heaven saying that it should
be so as he had asked.
"And while the man of God had journeyed here and there through the
land, preaching the word of God, and was making a sojourn in the island
of Kintyre, certain wicked men collected together and hastened to the
island, wickedly to fulfil what the man of God had piously prayed for.
" So they came to the man of God, and cut off the hand of his
attendant ; and immediately, merely by a touch, he cured it. So. they
raged against the man of God, and afflicted him Avith various torments ;
and among other mortal wounds they also cut off his fore-arm. And they
went away, leaving him for dead.
"Then the saint called together his brethren, and consoled them in
charity ; and so among his prostrate brethren he slept in peace, worthy to
be reckoned among the saints and chosen martyrs of God. And he died
about the year of the Lord 576." (Cf the Bollandists' Acta Sanctorum,
March, iii, 62.)
This date of Constantine's death would fit the Constantine of Gildas, but
it cannot stand against the Irish Annals' date of Constantine's conversion.
A St Padarn (Paternus) is mentioned in a Welsh Triad ; M.A., 391 (43) ;
Loth, Mabinogion, ii, triad no. 77. There is nothing to show whether this
was the Paternus called by the Aberdeen Breviary the father of Constantine.
Fordun, III, 25, MSS. CF (i, in, note): "Arthur was a contemporary
of St Columba. Also at the same time St Constantine, king of Cornwall,
left his earthly kingdom, cleaving to and invoking the heavenly king ; and
came to Scotland with St Columba, and preached the faith to the Scots.
He founded the monastery of Govan and was its abbot, and he preached
to the Picts. He converted the whole land of Kintyre, and succumbed
there to martyrdom ; etc."
According to Reeves (Adamnan, 371) the church of Kilchousland in
94 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 590 1
ca. 591
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 158, s.a. [588]^
The battle of Leithrig [was fought] by Aidan, Gabran's son.^
Kintyre was dedicated to him. Cf. Cosmo Innes, Origines Parochiales,
ii, 1, 19.
" Kirk-constantine of Galloway " appears to have been the Kirlc of Urr,
Kirkcudbrightshire.
' Alberic of Trois Fontaines, Chronica ; M.G.H., Scriptores, xxiii, 695,
s.a. 602 : " The blessed Columbanus, coming from Scotland and Ireland,
founded Luxueil in Burgundy." Annales Uticenses, s.a. 611 ; in Le
Prevost's O.V., v, 147 : "In this time, St Columbanus was renowned, and
built Luxeuil ; and afterwards, Bobbio, in Italy." Cf Fordun, III, 32.
The letters of Columbanus are edited by W. Gundlach in M.G.H.,
Epistolae, iii, 154-190. The Rule and Penitential attributed to him are in
P.L. 80, 209-230.
^ F.n. 5. In the next year-section is recorded an eclipse of the sun in
the early morning.
A.I., 29, under O'Conor's year 586 = 594 (5 years before 599) enter an
" eclipse of the sun in the morning hour." There seems to have been no
eclipse before 6 a.m. within the possible period ; but there was a visible
eclipse in 594 on July 23rd at about 8 a.m., Paris time — i.e. about 7j a.m.,
at Inishfallen (the appearance of the eclipse would have been earlier than
the calculated time). Probably this was the eclipse recorded here ; possibly
" morning hour" here is equivalent to " first hour of the day," 6-7 a.m.
There was also an eclipse in 592, visible at Inishfallen about 8^ a.m.
Both these eclipses (of 592 and 594) seem to have been recorded by
A.U. ; s.a. 590 = 591 : "Defection of the sun, i.e. a dark early-morning"
{inane tenebrosimi). S.a. 591 = 592 : "a dark morning" {inatutina tenebrosd).
Of these, the later corresponds with the entry in A.I. ; the earlier, with
that in T.
Two years after the eclipse of 592, T. and C.S. enter s.a. [591], from
the Liber Pontificalis (M.G.H., Gesta Pontificum, i, 161, 162), a note of
the pontificate of pope Gregory I [590-604] (for 16 years, 6 months, 10 days,
according to T. ; read 13, 6, 10, as in C.S. and A.U.). A.U. enter this
under 592 = 593. A.I. read, under O'Conor's year 596 = 604 (5 years after
599) : "The repose of Gregory of Rome" ; i.e., in the correct year. See
year 608, note.
^ A.U., i, 72, s.a. 589 = 590 (with fn. and e. of 590): "The battle of
Leithreid [was fought] by Aidan, Gabran's son."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 91, s.a. 589 : " Felim, Tigernach's son, king
of Munster, died, [t 590 ; A.U.]
" The battle of Leithrig \Leihrye\ was fought by king Aidan of
Scotland."
BATTLES AND SONS OF AIDAN 95
ca. 592
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 159; s.a. [590]^
The death of Lugaid of Lismore ; that is, Moluoc.^
ca. 574x597
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book I, c. 9 ^
Si Columbds prophecy regarding the sons of king Aidan.
At another time, before the above-mentioned battle,* the
saint questioned king Aidan concerning the successor to the
kingdom. When [Aidan] replied that he knew not which of
his three sons would reign, Arthur, or Eochaid Find, or
Domangart, the saint immediately prophesied in this fashion :
" None of these three will be the ruler ; for they will fall in
battles, slain by enemies. But now if thou hast any younger
[sons], let them come to me ; and he whom the Lord has
chosen of them as king will suddenly fall upon my knees."
And when they were summoned, according to the saint's
word Eochaid Buide came and rested upon his bosom. And
at once the saint kissed and blessed him, and said to the father :
" This is the survivor, and the king that shall reign after thee ;
and his sons shall reign after him."
Afterwards, in its own time, all this was exactly fulfilled.
' With f.n. I ; one year after the eclipse of 592.
2 Also in Tigernach, u.s., 158, s.a. [588]: "The death of Lugaid of
Lismore." Similarly in C.S., 62, s.a. [589] (f.n. 6, with a note of the eclipse
of 592 ; Hennessy's year 590) ; and in A.U., i, 74, s.a. 591 = 592 (with f.n.
and e. of 592, and a note of the echpse of 594).
F.M., i, 212, s.a. 588 : "Lugaid of Lismore died."
Martyrology of Oengus, June 25th : "with Moluoc, pure and fair \_glan
n-geldae\ the sun of Lismore of Scotland." " Moluoc of Lismore in
Scotland " Rawlinson B 505 ; " namely of Cell Delga in Ardgal "
Franciscan MS. ; 1905 ed., p. 158.
Martyrology of Gorman, p. 122, June 25th : "Moluoc modest, white-
headed" {fial, findchemi) ; with the note : "of Lismore in Scotland."
" Moluoc of Lismore " Brussels Martyrology of Tallaght, Kelly, p. xxvii,
June 25th.
"Moluoc of Lismore in Scotland" Martyrology of Donegal, p. 178,
June 25th.
Moluoc was the founder of the monastery of Lismore. See year 61 r.
Cf. p. 19.
^ Reeves's ed., 35-36 ; Skene's ed., 121.
* Of king Aidan with the Miathi ; below.
96 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
For after a short interval of time, Arthur and Eochaid Find
were killed in the above-mentioned battle with the Miathi ; and
Domangart was killed in a rout of battle .in England i ; but
Eochaid Buide succeeded to the kingdom after his father.^
ca. S74XS97
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book I, c. 8 ^
Of the battle of the Miathi.
At another time, that is after the course of many years from
the above-mentioned battle [of Ondemone],* when the holy
man [Columba] was in the island of lona, he said suddenly to
his attendant, Diarmait, "Strike the bell" And summoned by
its sound the brethren ran very quickly to the church, preceded
by the holy abbot himself And when they had knelt down
there, he addressed them : " Let us now pray earnestly to the
Lord for this people, and for king Aidan ; because they enter
battle in this hour." And after a short interval he left the
oratory, and looking again upon the sky, said : " Now the
barbarians are put to flight ; and victory, although a sad one,
has nevertheless been granted to Aidan." And also the holy
man related prophetically the number of the slain in Aidan's
army, three hundred and three men.^
' See below, year ? 598.
^ This passage is quoted from Adamnan by Fordmi, III, 31 ; i, 116-
117. But at the end he reads (i, 117): "And all this was completely
fulfilled in its own time. For after a short interval of time Arthur and
Eochaid Find were slaughtered in the battle of the Maythi ; Arthur also"
(read "Domangart") "was slain [MS. C : in the war with the Saxons, as
also long before had been slain his older brother Grififin] ; but Eochaid
Buide, which in our tongue is sounded Eugenius " (this is wrong, because
" Eugenius " was the Latin equivalent of Eogan ; but Fordun errs similarly
elsewhere) " succeeded after a year to his father's kingdom.
"Now Conrad \Conanrodus\ the son of the king of South Wales, took
as his wife the daughter, by name Fynewennis, of this Grififin, the son of
king Aidan, Gabran's son. And he had by her a son, very dear to God,
St Drostan, who living in the monastic habit ofifered himself as an
acceptable offering to God."
^ Reeves's ed., 33-34 ; Skene's, 120.
* See above, p. 48.
° This incident is more briefly narrated in the Life attributed to Cummine,
XXV (Pinkerton, Vitae, 44) ; but the Miathi are not named there, except
as " a barbarian force."
The Miathi may have been the same people as the Maeatae, who lived
BATTLES OF AIDAN AND OF COLUMBA 97
? 590x597
Preface to the hymn Alius Prositor ; Bernard and Atkinson's
Liber Hymnorum, i, 62-64.'^
The place [of composition] of this hymn was lona ; the time,
[that of] Aidan, Gabran's son, and of Aed, Ainmire's son, king
of Ireland. And the king of the Romans at that time was
Mauricius, or Phocas.^ The person [composing it] was
Columcille, of the noble race of the Scots. He is called
Columba,^ according to the words : " Be ye wise as serpents,
and simple as doves."* The cause [of its composition was]
that he wished to praise God.
He spent seven years producing this hymn, in a little black
chapel without light,^ to beg for forgiveness on the score of the
battle of Cuil-dremne which he had won against Diarmait,
Cerball's son : and of the other battles that had been fought
because of him.®
to the north of the southern Roman wall. Dumyat or Dunmyat is supposed
to have been their border stronghold ; but this is not certain. Dumyat is
on the border of Clackmannanshire, the northern division of Manau on
the Forth. Nevertheless the battle with the Miathi is not to be identified
with the battle of Mano (above, year ? 583). It was not the battle of
Circhend (below, year ? 599) ; and there is nothing to connect it with the
battle of Leithrig (year 591).
Not far from Dumyat are the battle-fields of Ardoch and Sheriffmuir ;
the "battle of the Miathi" may have occurred in a locality not far remote
from these. But this is mere conjecture.
Again without traceable authority, Fordun (III, 29) connects this
battle with the defeat of Ceawlin (t 593) recorded by A.S.C. ABCE under
the year 592 : " In this year was great slaughter [in Britain E] at Woddes-
beorge [Wodnesbeorge E], and Ceawlin was driven out." The name is
no doubt " Woden's castle."
' Also in Todd's Book of Hymns, ii, 204-205, and in Stokes's Goidelica,
100-102. This legend is of value, if at all, as evidence of communication
between lona and Rome. Gregory I was pope from 590 to 604.
See O'Donnell's Life of Columba, in Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga, 412.
2 Aidan, Aed, and Mauricius, all reigned throughout the possible
period for this legend.
5 Coltcinba; below, Columbus.
* Matthew, X, 16.
^ in Nigra Cellula sine lumiiie.
° These paragraphs appear thus in L.B., ii, 237 ; L.H., i, 63 : " In the
time of Aidan, Gabran's son, king of Scotland, and of Aed, Ainmire's son,
king of Ireland ; further, Phocas was king of the Romans at that time.
G
98 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Or as others say, it was composed suddenly. One day
Columcille was in lona, and he had no one with him but
Baithine, and they had no food but a sieve-ful of oats. Then
Columcille said to Baithine, " Noble guests are coming to us
to-day, Baithine"; Gregory's people, who had come to him
with gifts. And he said to Baithine, " Stay here to wait upon
the guests, that I may go to the mill." He took up the load,
which was upon a certain stone within the church ^ ; [the stone's]
name was Blathnat, and it exists yet. Upon it division is made
in the refectory. Now he felt the burden heavy, and he
composed this hymn ^ in alphabetical order, [on the way] from
there to the mill: Adjutor laborantium, etc. And when he
put the first grist into the mill, at the same time he began the
first chapter ; and the grinding of the corn and the composing
of the hymn ceased together. And it was composed thus,
suddenly. . . ?
The cause [of composition,] because [Columba] wished to praise God, in
order to beseech forgiveness for the three battles that he had fought in
Ireland ; the battle of Coleraine in Dalaraide, between him and Comgall"
("of Bangor," interlined above), "in contention about a church, namely
Ros-torathair ; and the battle of Belach-feda of the weir " {arradj Todd's
translation) " of Clonard, and the battle of Cuil-dremne in Connaught, both
of which were fought against Diarmait, Cerball's son." See also R.C., xx,
434-
The order of the parts of this preface in L.B. is different from that in
the Liber Hymnorum. The preface begins thus in L.B., u.s. ; Todd, ii,
223; L.H., i, 62: "Alius Proseior. Columcille composed this hymn to
the Trinity, during seven years in the little black chapel \in cellula
nigral, t'^^' 's, in the Dub-recles in Derry of Columcille."
1 isindrecles. Redes " abbey-church " frequently signified " monastery."
- The Adjutor laborantiiim seems to have been another poem in
chapters whose first letters followed the order of the alphabet.
^ Here follows a notice of Columba's arrival in Scotland ; see above,
year 563.
The alternative account of the hymn's composition appears thus in
L.B. (Todd, ii, 223-224; L.H., i, 62-63): "Otherwise, it was composed
suddenly, as others say, while Columcille was alone in lona, with none
beside him but Baithine only. Then it was revealed to Columcille that
guests were coming to him, seven of the community of Gregory, who came
to him with gifts for him from Rome : the great jewel of Columcille, that
is to say a cross [preserved] to-day ; and a hymn of the week, that is, a
hymn for every night of the week ; and other gifts.
"And Columcille asked Baithine what food was in the monastery"
{isin choitchendj perhaps " in the common stock," with Bernard and
COLUMBA AND POPE GREGORY 99
Now this hymn was given to Gregory in the east, in return
for the gifts that had been given by him — the cross, named
the Great Jewel, and the hymns for the weei^.^
But the bearers, to test Gregory, interpolated in it three
chapters which Gregory had made, [in place of] Hie sublatus
and Orbem and Vagatur. But when they began to repeat the
hymn to Gregory, angels of God had come and were standing,
till they reached that chapter ; and Gregory stood in their
honour" till then. But when that was reached^ the angels sat,
and Gregory sat, and the hymn ended in this fashion. Now
Gregory asked for their confessions, because he knew that they
had made the interpolation. And they said that they had ;
and they were forgiven for it.
And [Gregory] said that there was no fault in the hymn
except the small extent to which the Trinity was praised in
it directly,* although it was praised in its creations.^
Atkinson). " ' There is a sieve of oats in it,' said Baithine. ' Do thou wait
upon the guests, Baithine,' said Columcille, ' while I go to the mill.'
"Thereupon Columcille took up the sack" (i.e. the "sieve" of oats,
the sieve-ful being used as a rough measure of quantity,) " from the stone
which is within the refectory in lona ; and the name of that stone is
Moelblatha, and it bestows good fortune upon all food that is placed upon
it. Thereupon, while going to the mill, he then composed' this little hymn,
the Adjutor laborantium ; and it is in alphabetical order.
" When Columcille threw the first grist into the mouth of the mill, then
he entered upon the beginning of the Alius;" (i.e., the first chapter) "and
the composing of the hymn and the grinding of the corn ceased together :
and [the hymn] was not composed as the fruit of lucubration, but
through the grace of the Lord."
1 There may have been some foundation for these legends of intercourse
between Columba and Gregory.
- Bernard and Atkinson, no doubt correctly, read ar a n-on[oir\-seom,
and translate " in their honour " ; Stokes read with Todd araroinnseotn,
and translated it "for his part." (This would have meant "for [Columba's]
part [of the work.] ")
^ Oroseched . . . sett; Bernard and Atkinson's translation. Stokes
translated this "when that was said" (Goidelica : see also O'Davoren's
Glossary in Archiv fiir celtische Lexicographic, ii, 449-450). But the
meaning would in this case be " when this had been said," which does not
agree with the context.
* per se.
^ trianadulib : "through its creatures," Stokes.
The last two paragraphs appear thus in L.B. (Todd, ii, 224 ; L.H., i,
63-64) : " It was taken to Gregory, and the attendants stole three chapters
100 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
And this rebuke reached Columcille ; and this was the
cause of the composition oi In te, Christe}
There is alphabetical order here,^ in Hebraic fashion. The
basis of this chapter ^ was drawn from the catholic faith — belief
in the unity with confession of trinity. It was composed in
from it : Hie sublatus and Orbem i7ifra and Christo de ccelis. And they
inserted three chapters in their place. And while the attendants sang the
hymn to Gregory, Gregory rose until he heard the three alien chapters ;
and sat again, until [he heard] the true [chapters]. He rose again, and
said to them, ' Confess what you have done.' They confessed ; and he
said to them, 'Then sing the hymn in the manner in which its author
composed it.' And they sang it ; and afterwards he praised the praises.
But he said, ' God is mentioned in it less than he ought to have been
mentioned.' "
In O'Donnell's Life, u.s. : " The messengers . . . boldly struck out
three chapters from its contents, and substituted as many, which they
themselves had concocted ; intending by this to make trial whether
Gregory, the fame of whose sanctity had at that time arisen, would
distinguish the substituted verses from the rest, or whether he would
commend both with equal praise. But . . . the great bishop rose to his
feet and so continued standing reverently, until he came to the apocryphal
verses ; when these began to be read, he immediately sat down ; and after
they were concluded, he rose again, and received the rest standing. . . ."
^ The alleged criticism would seem to have been directed not against
the hymn, but against its title ; Todd, ii, 205, and L.H., i, 66: — "This is
the title, De Unitate et Trinitate trium Personarum " — a title applicable
only to the first chapter.
The hymn /n te, Christe, is in Todd, ii, 256-257 ; L.H., i, 84-85. The
preface is in L.H., i, 84 (less completely in Todd and in Stokes's Goidelica,
103) : — "/« te, Christe. Columcille composed this hymn. He composed
it in rhythm, sixteen syllables to each line. But some say that Columcille
was not the author at all, except from Christus Redempfor" [i.e., the second
half] "and Christus Crucem. And therefore many repeat that part [only].
The place [of composition was] lona ; the time, [that] of Aed, Ainmire's
son ; the cause, that he had praised the Trinity so little in the Alius ; and
that Gregory had reproved Columcille for it."
2 I.e., in the Alius Prosiior. This hymn is edited by Bernard and
Atkinson, L.H., i, 66-81. Chapters ABCDEFGHIKLMNYZ are taken
from the Trinity College MS., chapters OPQRSTUX are supplied from
the Franciscan MS. The Lebar Brecc implies that there were 23 chapters
(facsimile, ii, 237 b; L.H., i, 65): "The number of the chapters in this
hymn is the number of the letters of the alphabet. . . . That the Romans
have 23 letters is caused by the ten senses of man, the ten commandments
of the law, and the Trinity."
^ Foiha in chaipiilse : evidently referring to the ^rj/ chapter.
HYMNS OF COLUMBA 101
rhythm ; and there are two types of [rhythm], correct and
ordinary.! The correct [type is that] in which the feet are
equally timed, equally divided, with equivalence in arsis and
thesis, so that in resolving them the latter would fit into the
former's place.^ But the ordinary [type occurs] where there is
correspondence of syllables and of quarter-lines and of half-
lines : and that is what we have here.^ [There are] six lines
in every chapter, and sixteen syllables in every line ; excepting
the first chapter, which has seven lines, because it contains the
praise of God. . . .*
Many manifestations of grace attend [the singing of] this
hymn : angels are present so long as it is being sung ; no
demon shall learn the road of him that sings it daily, and
enemies shall not make him blush upon a day in which he
sings it, and there shall be no quarrel in the house where it is
frequently sung. It protects against every kind of death except
death on a pillow^ ; and there shall not be hunger or nakedness
in the place where it is often sung. And there are many other
[manifestations of grace].^
' artificialis et vulgaris.
2 I.e., the caesura is in the middle of the line, both halves contain the
same number effect, and all the feet are alike.
^ This seems to mean that the line is divided by three caesurae (or by
four accents ?) into four parts of the same number of syllables. In this
hymn there is usually a caesura in the middle of the line. The lines
contain sixteen syllables, without elision, composed without regard to the
position of stressed syllables in the usual pronunciation of Latin. The
metre is one adapted for singing.
* Directions for singing the hymn follow. With these and the passage
above cf. the Lebar Brecc, u.s.
' I.e., death from natural causes. Morte absque pretiosa in L.B., which
continues : — " And he [that sings it often] shall not be in hell after the day
of judgement, even if he have done many things that are wrong ; and he
shall have great riches, and length of life." Cf. the remainder in L.B.
Cf. the legend quoted by Todd through O'Curry from the Liber Flavus
Fergusorum, in the Book of Hymns, ii, 249-251.
" The preface to the hymn Noli, pater, also in the Liber Hymnorum,
i, 87 (Todd, ii, 262 ; Stokes's Goidelica, 103-104,) has to do with the
foundation of Derry; '■'■Noli, pater. Columcille composed this hymn, in
the same measure as the In te, Chrisie. The place [of composition] was
the door of the hermitage of Daire-Calgaig [Londonderry] ; the time, [that]
of Aed, Ainmire's son. The cause [was this] ; Columcille came once to a
conference with the king, to Derry ; and the king granted him the place,
102 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
with its appurtenances [conairliud]. Then Columcille refused the place,
because Mobi had forbidden him to receive [property in] the world, until
he should hear of his death.
" Thereupon Columcille came to the door of the town ; and three of
Mobi's people met him there, with the girdle of Mobi. And they said :
' Mobi is dead.'" After a quotation from a poem, ascribed to Columba, on
Mobi's Girdle, the preface proceeds: "Columcille went back to the king,
and he said to the king: 'The offering that thou gavest to me recently,
\imbiiaruc\Ji^ give me it now.' ' It shall be given,' said the king.
" Now the place was burnt up, with everything that it contained.
'That is useless' \espach\ said the king, 'for if it had not been burnt
there would not have been lack \tachd\ there of mantle or food for ever.'
' But there shall not be [lack] there henceforward,' said [Columcille] ;
'whoever dwells there, there shall not be a night of fasting.'
" Now the fire was so great that it threatened to burn the whole
oakwood" [or, "all Derry"?], "and it was to save it on that occasion that
this hymn was made.
" Or he had the day of judgement under his consideration ; or the fire
of [St] John's Eve.
"And it has been sung [in protection] against every fire and every
thunder[-storm] from that time forward. And whoever sings it at bed-
time and on rising, it protects him against the fire of lightning ; and it
protects the nine of his household whom he wishes [it to protect]."
A somewhat similar account occurs in the Irish Life ; Stokes, Three
Homilies, 106-108 ; Lismore Lives, 26-27.
Derry was founded in 546 (see above) ; Aed, Ainmire's son, reigned
592-598 (A.U.).
The hymn Noli, Pater, is in Liber Hymnorum, i, 88 ; in Todd's Book
of Hymns, ii, 262-263 ; and in Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga, 476.
For the death of Mobi, see A.U., i. 48-50, s.a. 544 = 545.
For a story of Columba's relations (after his banishment) with Diarmait,
see the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 82-83. FoJ" Columba and Aidan, see
Yellow Book of Lecan, 164, a. For Columba's miraculous visit to Rome,
assisting Maedoc to fight with demons in the air for Brandub's soul, see
Colgan, Trias Thaumaturga, 439.
PART IV
Death of Columba
597
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. i6o,
s.a. [592] '=596?
The repose of Columcille [occurred] on the Sunday night
of Pentecost, the fifth ^ before the Ides of June, in the thirty-
fifth year of his pilgrimage, and the seventy-seventh of his life.
1 F.n. 3. (It happens that 3 was the true f.n. of 597.)
2 I.e. between 6 p.m. of 8th June and 6 a.m. of 9th June.
Adamnan clearly states that Columba died after midnight, i.e. on
Sunday morning, of the 9th June, therefore in 597. MacCarthy (A.U., iv,
p. Ixxviii) understands Tigernach to mean that Columba died on Saturday
evening, of the gth of June, and therefore in 596, in which year the Roman
Pentecost was the loth of June. But if this had been the true date, the
9th of June after sunset would certainly have been reckoned as June loth.
See Adamnan's narrative, below, If Columba had died on Roman
Pentecost, Adamnan would surely have mentioned it.
The word "Pentecost" may have been added in agreement with the
statement that is made in A.I., and in the Irish Life, that Columba
arrived in Scotland on the day before Pentecost. Adamnan's account
suggests that Columba expected to die on the anniversary of his arrival
in Britain. It maybe that T. or whoever added the word "Pentecost"
believed that Columba died on gth June 596, and had found that the loth
was Whitsunday.
According to MacCarthy's tables (N and O, in A.U., vol. iv) Irish
Pentecost would have fallen on the 26th May in 597, the 3rd June in 596.
The office for Columba is entered under June 9th in the Breviary of
Aberdeen, i, 3, 102-104.
Columba's death and Baithine's death are noted in the Martyrology of
Gorman, p. 112, under June gth. So also in the Brussels Martyrology of
Tallaght, Kelly, p. xxvi ; and in the Calendar in the Karlsruhe Bede
(Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus, ii, 283).
Cf. Oengus, under June gth (1905 ed., I3g ; tr. Stokes): — "May they
convoy us to the eternal Kingdom, wherein is ever a lucid light, Baethine
high, angelical, Colomb Cille the lustrous ! " (The last word, caindleck,
may have reference to the miraculous lights spoken of by Adamnan.)
Adamnan too (II, 45) says that Columba's day was Baithine's day also.
103
104 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Cf. the Chronological tract in the Lebar Brecc, above, p. 26. ^
Gilla-Coemain, chronological verses, in Stokes's Tripartite Life, ii, 536 :
"... the battle of Cuil-Conaire ; in that year, verses tell, [was] the death
of Diarmait, Cerball's son. Thirty years [and] three years (it is just to
proceed from that) to the death of Fedlimid's son [Columba] in lona, and
to Gregory's decease." The battle of Cuil-Conaire is placed in 549 = 550
by A.U. ; in A.I., under O'Conor's year 543 = 548. Diarmait lived several
years longer. Gregory died in 604. Gilla-Coemain (u.s., 536-538) reckons
41 years from Columba's death to the battle of Moira ; see below, year 639.
A.B., 5 (O'Conor's year 568), place Columba's death 5 years before
Gregory's, in 604.
The Martyrology of Donegal, 152, puts Columba's death in 599.
Columba's death is placed by T. 3 years, by C.S. 4 years, by A.U. 4 or
10 years, after the eclipse of 592 ; by A.I. 3 years, by A.U. 3 or 9 years,
after the eclipse of 594.
A.C. notes his death s.a. [595] ; in the same year as the death of
"king Dunaut" (the son of Pappo, son of Ceneu, son of Coil Hen).
Y Cymmrodor, ix, 156, 174.
Version G of the Chronicles of the Picts (P. & S., 286) places Columba's
death in 592, in the time of Brude Maelchon's son (erroneously). Fordun
(111, 31) places it in 600.
Marianus Scottus, M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 546, in an insertion s.a.
620=598 (and the i6th of Mauricius) : " Columbanus died."
Columba's death is entered under 596 by Herimannus Augiensis,
M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 90 (in the same year he records the mission of
Augustine ; and says that "a comet and many signs appeared in the sky" :
cf. Paulus Diaconus, IV, 10 ; M.G.H., Scriptores Rerum Langobardicarum,
ii, 120) ; and by Bernoldus, M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 414. It is placed under
597 by Alberic ; ibid., xxiii, 694 ; and under 598 by Sigebert, ibid., vi, 320.
Sigebert misrepresents Bede's words with characteristic inaccuracy, and
says that Columba " with rustic simplicity neither learned nor taught that
Easter should be celebrated on Sunday."
Columba's birth is placed upon December 7th (see year 521), and he is
stated to have come to Scotland in his 42nd year. If we denote the
number of his birth-year by n, he came to Scotland between the year n + 41,
December, and the year «-t-42, December; and his death, in the begin-
ning of the 35th year of his pilgrimage, must have been between n + y^,
December, and n + yy, December. And since his death took place upon
the 9th of June, it must have been either in June, n+y6 (in agreement
with A.U., which say that he died in his 76th year), or in June, n + yy
(in agreement with T., C.S., and A.B., where they say that he died in his
77th year). Allowing for the tendency to round up the ages of saints, we
are led rather to accept A.U.'s year of his age : so that if he died in
597 we should place his birth in 521 and his arrival in Scotland in 563.
Adamnan says that Columba passed 34 years in lona, and died at the
end of his 34th year in Britain : that is to say, Adamnan places Columba's
arrival in 563 and his death in 597. Bede places Columba's arrival
definitely in 565, and his death about 597.
YEARS OF COLUMBA'S MISSION 105
" Columba was three years without light in his dark church ;
he went to the angels out of his bondage after seven and
seventy years." ^
For the so-called Rule of Columcille, see Zeitschr. f. celt. PhiloL, iii, 28-
30 (ed. K. Meyer, from Rawlinson B 512) ; Acts of Archb. Cotton, 108-112
(Ir. Archaeol. Soc, 1850 ; ed. W. Reeves, from O'Clery's MS.) ; H. & S., ii,
iig-i2i; and a tr. by E. O'Curry, in S.C.S., ii, 508-509. Cf Reeves,
Adamnan, 336-339. The practices of Columban monks are to be sought
rather in other Irish Rules, comparing the Rule of Columbanus. They
were derived from the monastic customs of the western church, under the
influence of southern Gaul, which was in turn influenced by the eastern
church ; and they were partly based upon pre-Benedictine writings,
notably of Cassianus. They were revived by the celide, and may be
studied in the Tallaght rules. See below, vol. ii, p. 73.
^ The whole passage appears similarly in C.S., 64, under f.n. 4 =593,
Hennessy's year 595.
The passage in inverted commas is a stanza of verse in the original.
The "dark church" {dubrecles) intended is the Dubrecles at Derry ; this
account contradicts the trustworthy account of Adamnan. This stanza is
taken from the Preface to the Amra ; in Liber Hymnorum, i, 165 : but the
reading there is " after six and seventy years," which is probably correct.
F.M. quote it from T.
Amra Coluimchille, Liber Hymnorum, i, 172: "His burial-place is
known ; his wisdom is known. (Le., the place where he is buried is
known ; namely, lona, or Down[patrick], as others say. Or, he was
known as far as Rome, and his wisdom was known.)"
Cf a verse in the Preface to the Amra, L.H., i, 165 : "With its great
number of relics, lona, of which Columba was the dear foster-son ;
[Columba] departed from it at the last, and the chapel of his old age
\a slun-nemed] is Down[patrick]." Cf Berchan, above, year 563, p. 47.
Irish Life of Columba, Stokes's Three Homilies, 124 : " His body is here
on earth, in honour and respect from God and man ; with miracles and
wonders every day. . . ." Similarly in the Book of Lismore, Stokes's
Lismore Lives, 33.
The relics of Columba were removed in 849 from lona, part to
Ireland, part to Dunkeld.
A.U., i, 74-76, s.a. 594 = 595 (with fn. and e. of 595): "The repose of
Columcille on the fifth day before the Ides of June, in the 76th year of his
age." Also i, 78, s.a. 600 = 601 (with fn. and e. of 601) : "Otherwise, in
this year [was] the repose of Columcille, on a Sunday night."
A.I., 9, under O'Conor's year 589 = 597 (2 years before 599): "The
repose of Columcille on Sunday night, the fifth before the Ides of June,
in the 35th year of his pilgrimage, aged 76 [years]." (For aetatis in
O'Conor's text, the MS. has aetate.)
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 91-92, s.a. 590: "St Columcille died on
Whitsunday eve, the 5th of the Ides of June, in the island of lona, in the
106 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
35th year of his pilgrimage in Scotland, and his banishment [s. 1.] thither ;
and in the 77th year of his age, as he was saying his prayers in the
church of that isle, with all his monks about him ; and was interred in
the place where the abbey of Down is (before the abbey was founded by
Sir John Courcy), where St Patrick and St Bridget were buried
before. . . ."
F.M., i, 214-216, s.a. 592 (and the " 25th year of Aed " Ainmire's son as
sovereign of Ireland) : " Columcille, Fedlimid's son, (the apostle of
Scotland, and head of religion in the greater part of Ireland and of
Scotland, after Patrick) died in his own church in lona in Scotland, after
[completing] the 35th year of his pilgrimage, on Sunday night, the 9th
day of June. ']^ years was his whole age, when he sent his spirit to
heaven ; as it is said in the verse : ' Columba . . . years ' [as in T.].
" Dalian Forgaill said this of the death of Columcille : ' The physician's
cure without physic'" (? les j "without an ale-bag," Atkinson), " 'removal
of marrow from marrow ' " {is dedhail smera re snmais : " like the separation
of marrow from the bone" O'Donovan), " 'a song to the harp without the
f/w'" (probably some necessary part of the harp), "'[so are] we, without
our noble organ'" (? see below). For the meaning of ce'is cf. L.H., i,
165 ; ii, 57.
Cf the Amra Coluimchille, L.H., i, 170 : — " It is a harp without a ceisj
it is a church without an abbot. (I.e., ceis was' the name of a little harp
accompanying the great harp when it was played ; or a name for a pulley
\tharraing\ over which is the cord \leiihriii\ ; or it is a name for the small
peg ; or it is a name for the bass-strings, or the heavy string, which is
better, as the poet said.)"
This is continued in the preface, ibid., i, 167: "A physician's cure
without physic, seeking marrow where none is, \is cuinchid smera cen
smuaisj " without a bone " Atkinson] so is our existence, in the absence
of our noble organ " \d'eis ar n-organ huais ; Atkinson's translation].
Cf. the Amra, ibid., i, 169 (from Atkinson's translation, ibid., ii, 62-63) :
" No (more) is our sage the profit of (our) soul, for (he hath gone) from us
to a fair land. . . . He who preserves alive has died. . . . For he hath
died to us, who was destined to secure our forgiveness. . . . For he hath
died to us, who was a messenger to our Lord. . . . For now we have no
more a sage who should avert terrors from us. . . . For we have no king,
who shall explain word-truth. For (we have) no teacher who used to
teach tribes of Toi. . . ."
Amra Coluimchille, L.H., i, 176: " It was abstemiousness" {h-anmni;
Atkinson) "of which he died. (I.e. ... he died of paucity of drink, for
he did not consume ale or food in the year of his death except on
Saturday and on Sunday)." Cf. the story of his having died of hunger
from living upon nettle-broth, in the notes upon Oengus (1880 ed., c-ci ;
1905 ed., 147). But cf. the Tallaght Discourse, 161.
Notker Balbulus, Martyrologium, June 9th; P.L. 131, iioi : "In
Scotia, the island of Hibernia, the death \depositio\ of St Columba,
surnamed among his own people Columbkilli, because he was the
COLUMBA FORESEES HIS DEATH 107
597
Adamnan, Life of Oolumba, book III, c. 23 ^
Of the passing to the Lord of our holy patron Columba.
As the end of the four years above-mentioned^ approached,
after whose completion the truthful seer long in advance
foreknew that the end of his present life would be, he went,
drawn in a cart, since he was an old man wearied with age, to
visit the brethren at work,^ on a certain day in the month of
May, as we have written in the preceding second book.* And
to those that were labouring in the western part of the island
of lona he began that day to speak thus, saying : " In the
celebration of Easter lately past, in the month of April ^ I
desired with desire to depart to Christ the Lord, even as he
would have granted to me, had I chosen. But lest the festival
of joy should have been turned for you to sorrow, I have
establisher, founder, and ruler, of many cells, that is, monasteries or
churches : with the result that the abbot of the monastery that he ruled
last, and where he rests, is contrary to ecclesiastical custom held to be
the primate of all the bishops of Ireland; and not unjustly, because
through the in-dwelling of the holy spirit this saint seems second to none,
after the apostles and the excellent Martin, in doctrine, in prophecy, and
in the performance of miracles : and in the visitation of angels." Notker
proceeds to tell stories about Columba, taking them from Adamnan
(ibid., 1101-1103).
^ Reeves's ed., 228-235, 239 ; Skene's ed., 210-214, 216, 217. Somewhat
more briefly in the Life attributed to Cummine, cc. 17-23 ; Pinkerton's
Vitae, 38-42. Cf. also the Salamanca MS. ; Smedt and De Backer's Acta,
862-865.
^ I.e. after the thirtieth anniversary of his arrival in Britain, upon
which day he had prayed that he might die ; but four years were added
to his life, in response to the prayers of the churches. Adamnan, III, 22
(Skene, 209-210) ; Cummine, XVI, Pinkerton, 37-38. Cf the Life in the
Salamanca MS., 860-862.
^ operarios fraires, the workers in the fields. In Adamnan, II, 28
(Skene, 171) : "to visit brethren who were working at wood-cutting"
{opus materiale exercebant ; see above, p. 27) " in the little western plain
of the island of lona." Cf also the agricultural workers mentioned by
Adamnan in Clonmacnoise : Vita Columbae, I, 3 ; Reeves, 24, and note.
* Adamnan, 11, 28. See below, in note.
^ According to MacCarthy's tables (N and O, A.U., iv) the Celtic Easter
was 7th April in 597, a week before Roman Easter. In 596 also it was in
April, on the 15th.
108 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
preferred to postpone a little longer ^ the day of my departure
from the world."
Hearing him speak these sad words his friends the monks
became very sorrowful ; and he began to cheer them in so far
as he could by consolatory words. After concluding, while he
was sitting in his waggon he turned his face to the east, and
blessed the island with those that dwelt in it ; and from that
day, as has been written in the book mentioned above, even to
the present time the venom of three-forked tongues of snakes
has been powerless to hurt either men or cattle.^ After
pronouncing this benediction the saint drove back to his
monastery.^
Then after a few days, while the celebration of mass was
held upon the Lord's day, according to custom, he raised his
eyes, and the venerable man's face appeared to be suffused
with a glowing flush ; because, as it is written, the countenance
glows when the heart is glad.* For he alone in that hour saw
an angel of the Lord flying above, within the walls of the
chapel ; and because the dear and pleasant sight of holy angels
causes joy and exultation in the hearts of the elect, this was
the cause of that sudden gladness caused to the holy man.
And when those that were present there inquired concerning
the cause of his inspired gladness, the saint, looking upwards,
' In the Irish Life in Lebar Brecc, Stokes's Three Homilies, 120:
" But I did not wish you to have sorrow or grief after your labour ;
therefore I have remained with you, to comfort you, from Easter to
Pentecost." Similarly in the Book of Lismore ; Stokes, Lismore
Lives, 32.
2 Adamnan, II, 28 (Skene, 171): "... He raised both his holy
hands and blessed the whole of this our island, saying : ' From this
moment of this hour the poison of all kinds of snakes shall be in no way
able to hurt either men or cattle in the lands of this island, so long as the
inhabitants dwelling in it keep Christ's commands.'"
Cummine's Life, u.s. "... and from that day no serpent has harmed
[there] man or beast."
In the Irish Life, Stokes's Three Homilies, 120: "Thereupon he
turned his face to the west [siar], and blessed the ... of the island, with
its inhabitants. And he banished from it toads and snakes." Cf the
Book of Lismore ; Stokes, Lismore Lives, 32.
Cf the Life in the Salamanca MS., Smedt and De Backer's Acta, 862.
^ da redes in the Irish Life.
■■ Cf. Proverbs, XV, 13.
COLUMBA BLESSES lONA 109
gave them this reply : " Wonderful and incomparable is the
cunning of angelic nature; for behold, an angel of the Lord,
sent to seek again some deposit ^ dear to God, looking down
upon us from within the church and blessing us, has returned
again through the roof of the church, leaving no trace of such
exit."
Thus [spoke] the saint. But none of the by-standers could
understand the nature of the deposit that the angel was sent
to seek. But our holy patron called his own soul, entrusted to
him by God, a holy deposit. And it passed to the Lord on
the next Lord's night, as shall be related below, after an
interval of six successive days.
At the end of the same week, therefore, that is on the
Saturday,^ the venerable man himself and his faithful attendant
Diarmait went to bless the nearest barn. And after entering
it and blessing it and two separated heaps of corn in it, the
saint pronounced these words with his rendering of thanks,
saying, " I much congratulate my friends the monks, that this
year, even if I must depart anywhere from you, you will have
a sufficient year's supply." ^
Hearing these words, Diarmait his attendant began to be
sorrowful, and spoke thus : — " Thou saddenest us very often,
father, this year, because thou remindest us frequently of thy
departure."*
And the saint gave him this answer : " I have some little
secret speech which, if thou promise me truly to disclose it to
none before my death, I may communicate to thee somewhat
more clearly, concerning my departure." And when the
1 See 2 Timothy, I, 12 ; and cf. Bernard's Vita Malachiae, s.f.
2 Literally " on the day of the Sabbath."
^ The blessing of the barn is not in Cummine.
* Within the same year, the priest St Columbanus had left lona, and
Columba had foretold that they should not meet again. , This was apparently
Colman Mocu-Sailni, Beogna's son. Both in his voyage from Ireland, and
on his return, he was helped by Columba in weather (Adamnan, I, 5 ; II, 15).
He is identified with the Colmanele to whom some Scottish churches were
dedicated (Colman Elo, of Land-Elo, in Meath (Lynally, King's co.) ; born
October 3rd; died in his 56th year (T. ; C.S., Hennessey's year 611);
t6ii (A.U.), September 26th; see 1905 Oengus, 136, 196, 212, 214, 220).
Mocholmoc of Lismore (Colman Maccu-Beognai, t January 22nd ; 1905
Oengus, 37, 50, 409) was presumably his relative.
no EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
attendant bending his knees had concluded such a promise as
the saint wished, the venerable man proceeded to speak : " In
holy books, this day is called Sabbath, which means rest : and
truly this day is Sabbath to me, because it is my last day of
this present laborious life, and I hold Sabbath in it after my
painful labours ; and in the middle of this following venerated
night of the Lord I shall, in the language of the Scriptures, go
the way of the fathers. For already my Lord Jesus Christ
deigns to invite me ; and at his invitation, in the middle of
this night, I say, I shall pass to him. For so it has been
revealed to me by the Lord himself."
Hearing these sad words, his attendant began to weep
bitterly. And the saint endeavoured as best he could to
console him.^
After this the saint left the barn ; and returning toward
the monastery he sat down mid-way, in a place where after-
wards a cross, fixed into a mill-stone and still standing, is seen
at the side of the road. And while the saint rested there,
sitting for a little while, wearied with age, as I have said above,
behold a white horse met him, the obedient drudge that had
been accustomed to carry the milk-vessels between the byre
and the monastery^; and coming to the saint, strange to say
placed its head in his bosom (being inspired as I believe by
' The Life attributed to Cummine, XIX, in Pinkerton's Vitae, 39-40 :
" He reveals to Diarmait the day of his death.
" In the end of the same week, that is, on Saturday, the holy man
called his servant Diarmait secretly, and thus addressed him : ' In holy
books this day is called the Sabbath, which means rest. And for me this
day is Sabbath indeed, because it is the last day of my life ; and in it
I keep Sabbath, after my painful labours ; and in this Lord's night
following I shall go the way of the fathers. For already Christ invites
me : and so it has been revealed to me by him.'
"The attendant was grieved by this ; but the father consoled him."
The Irish Life reads (Stokes, Three Homilies, 122): "And not long
afterwards came the close of the Sabbath and the beginning of the
Sunday. . . . After that, he went to bless the barn. And he said to his
servant, Diarmait, that he should depart to heaven in the night of
Sunday." Similarly in the Book of Lismore ; Stokes, Lismore Lives, 32.
2 Adamnan's anecdote (II, 16; Skene, 162-163) of the expulsion of
a demon from a milk-pail, implies that the milk was carried by human
hands, and that monastic milk-cans were signed with the cross as part of
the process of cleaning them. Cf. the Life in the Salamanca MS., Smedt
and De Backer's Acta, 848-849.
COLUMBA'S HORSE Ul
God, by whose will every animal is [made] wise with such
perception of things as the Creator himself has decreed^) ; and
knowing that its master was soon to depart from it, and that it
should see him no more, began to lament, and like a human
being to pour tears copiously into the saint's lap, and to foam
much and weep. And seeing this the attendant began to drive
away the tearful mourner; but the saint forbade him, saying,
" Permit this our lover to pour the torrents of its bitterest grief
into my bosom. See thou, man as thou art, and with a rational
soul, thou couldst know nothing of my death except what I
myself have recently disclosed to thee; but to this brute and
irrational beast the Creator has clearly revealed, in whatever
way he wished, that its master is about to depart from it."^
And so speaking he blessed his servant the horse, as it
turned sadly from him.
And he departed thence and climbed a little hill above the
monastery. He stood for a little while upon its summit, and
standing raised both palms, and blessed his monastery, saying :
" Upon this place, small and mean though it be, not only kings
of the Scots with their peoples, but even rulers over strange and
barbarous nations, with the peoples subject to them, will bestow
great and especial honour ; especial reverence will be bestowed
also by the saints even of other churches." ^
After these words he descended from the little hill and
returned to the monastery, and sat in his hut* writing a
' Cui (read quia f) omne animal rerum sapit sensu quo jusserit ipse
creator.
2 Cf. the Irish Life, Stokes's Three Homihes, 122 ; Lismore Lives, 32.
The incident of the weeping horse is not in Cummine.
The discovery of a horse's sepulchre in lona, near to the traditional
site of Columba's cell, was announced by Miss N. F. Layard in a letter
published in the Scotsman of 30th July, 1906 (cf ibid., August ist and 7th).
Miss Layard has now withdrawn her suggestion that these remains might
have been of Columba's horse ; since examination has proved that they are
a deer's {Scotsman, 5th April 1920).
2 This stands thus in Cummine, XIX ; Pinkerton, Vitae, 40 : " So then
the holy man of God went out and climbed the hill above the monastery,
and stood for a little while upon its summit ; and raising his hands he
blessed his monastery ; and, concerning present and future [times], he
prophesied many things, which the result afterwards justified."
* in tugurio (in Cummine, in cella). Elsewhere Adamnan uses the
diminutive tuguriolum {tegoriolum in MS. A), as in III, 22 (Skene, 209):
112 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
psalter; and reaching the verse of the thirty-third psalm
where is written " They that seek the Lord shall not lack any
good thing," he said : " Here at the end of the page I must
cease ; let Baithine write what follows."
The last verse that he had written well befitted the holy
predecessor, who will never lack eternal good things ; and the
following verse aptly fitted the father his successor, the teacher
of spiritual sons : " Come, sons, hear me, I shall teach you the
fear of the Lord." For, as his predecessor had commanded, he
succeeded him not only in teaching but in writing also.^
" His hut, . . . which was built in a more elevated place." The tuguriolum
was a place for writing and reading (see Adamnan, I, 25 ; I, 35 ; II, 16 ;
III, 15). Columba's sleeping-place is called hospitiolum and hospitium
below (cf. also III, 2). The tuguriolum was erected upon a planked floor
{in tuguriolo tabulis sujfulto, I, 25 : "in his cell that was raised on
a platform" Fowler).
That some of the huts forming the monastery were built of basket-work
is shown by Adamnan, II, 3 ; above, p. 65. The library was probably
more solidly built, to keep out rain and rats.
When Columba, surrounded by miraculous light, was inside a church,
{domus) in Hinba, the light escaped " by chinks of the doors and by the
key-holes" (III, 18; cf. Ill, 19, and III, 2i) {per rimulas valvarum et
claviuni foramina; but clavorum in the text of Cummine). Windows are
not mentioned. The custom was to read the gospels outside the church,
and afterwards to enter the church to celebrate mass (III, 17). The
oldest surviving ("bee-hive") Irish churches have one narrow window, in
the eastern end ; but the light inside them would usually have been faint.
' Columba had appointed his pupil Baithine, then prior of Mag-Luinge
in Tiree, as his successor in the abbacy of lona. Adamnan, I, 2.
This episode stands thus in the Life attributed to Cummine, XX ;
Pinkerton's Vitae, p. 40 :
" The hour of death approaching, he niakes division of a psalm.
" After this he came down from the hill, and, returning to the monastery,
sat in his cell, writing a psalter. At last he came to that verse of the
thirty-third psalm, where it is written : ' But they that seek the Lord shall
not lack any good thing ' ; and he said : ' Here I think I must stop ; what
follows Baithine must write.' Indeed the last verse that he had written
befitted the saint well ; for in truth eternal good things will never be
lacking to him. And the following verse no less aptly suited his successor,
the true father of spiritual sons : ' Come, sons, hear me, I shall teach you the
fear of the Lord.' For, as his predecessor commanded, [Baithine] succeeded
him not only in writing, but also in the labour of ruling the monastery."
Cf. also the Life in the Salamanca MS., Smedt and De Backer, 853-
854 (" on the day before he passed from the habitation of this world").
COLUMBA APPOINTS HIS SUCCESSOR 113
After finishing the writing of this verse above-mentioned at
the end of the page, the saint entered the church for evening
mass of the Lord's night; which presently concluded he
returned to his little dwelling,^ and rested over-night in his
bed, where in place of bedding he had a bare rock, and for
pillow a stone which also to-day stands as some kind of
monument beside his grave.^ Thus resting there he gave his
last commands to the brethren, his attendant alone for audience,
saying, " I commit these last words to you, my children, that
between you you have mutual and not pretended charity, with
peace ; and if you observe this, after the example of the holy
fathers, God, the gladdener of the good, will aid you, and I,
dwelling with him, will intercede for you ; and not only will
the necessaries of this life be sufficiently provided by him, but
also the prizes of eternal good things will be assigned, prepared
for those that uphold what is divine."
Thus far have been brought the last words, related briefly,
of the venerable father, as of one passing over from this weary
pilgrimage to the heavenly country.^
After this, his happy last hour gradually approaching, the
saint was silent.
Thereafter when the bell that struck at midnight resounded,*
John's Gospel in the Book of Durrow may have been an autograph of
Columba, but was more likely a copy of his autograph (cf. Fowler's
Adamnan, i66).
At the end (originally) of the Book of Durrow was written the following
(Reeves, Adamnan, 243, note) : " I beseech thy blessedness, holy priest
Patrick, that whoever holds in his hand this little book may remember me,
Columba, the writer, who have written for myself" (^m{\himet) "this gospel
in the space of twelve days." " Below which " says Reeves, " in a more
angular, but not later, hand, follows, Ora pro me frater mi Doviinus tecum
sit." That is "Pray for me, my brother ; the Lord be with thee." These
last words seem to have been addressed to a living person, not to Patrick.
' ad hospitiolu7)i. In Cummine hospitiuin, as also in Adamnan below.
These words mean the hut in which Columba slept, distinct from the hut
in which he wrote itugicriuni).
" In the chancel of lona cathedral a stone called Columba's pillow is
still shown.
3 This sentence is not in Cummine's Life.
* "At midnight, when the bell sounded" Cummine's Life.
In the Irish Life (Stokes's Three Homilies, 124) : " When the bell for
nocturns had been struck on the night of Pentecost Sunday." Similarly
in the Book of Lismore ; Stokes's Lismore Lives, 33.
11
114 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
he rose quickly and went to the church, and running faster
than the rest he entered alone, and, kneeling in prayer before
the altar, lay back. Diarmait the attendant, following more
slowly, at the same moment saw from afar the whole church
within filled for the saint with angelic light ; but as he
approached the door, the same light very quickly vanished:
but a few others also of the brethren, also at a distance, had
seen it.^ So Diarmait entered the church, and cried in a
tearful voice, " Where art thou, father ? " And feeling in the
darkness, because the lanterns of the brethren had not yet been
brought, he found the saint lying on his back before the altar ;
and he raised him a little, and sitting beside him placed the
holy head in his lap. And meanwhile the company of monks
running up with lights saw their father dying, and began to
lament.^
And, as we have learned from some who were present
there,^ before his soul departed the saint opened his eyes,
and looked about to either side with a countenance of wonder-
ful joy and gladness, for he saw the holy angels coming to him,
Then Diarmait raised [Columba's] holy right hand to bless
the saintly man's choir of monks ; and the venerable father
himself also, so far as he could, moved his hand at the same
time, so that he appeared to bless the brethren even by the
movement of his hand, since in the departure of his soul he
could not do it in speech. And after the holy benediction
thus signified he presently breathed out his spirit.
And after he had left the tabernacle of the body, his face
remained so glowing, and marvellously made joyous by the
vision of angels, that it appeared not as of one dead, but as of
one asleep and living.
Meanwhile the whole church resounded with sad lamenta-
tions. . . .*
1 " But first it had been seen by several of the brethren " Cummine's
Life.
2 "The rest of the brethren arrived, and seeing that their father was
dying they grieved exceedingly for the death of him whom in life they had
loved" Cummine's Life.
3 These words imply that Adamnan's source of information was speech,
not writing. The passage stands more briefly in the Life attributed to
Cummine ; and these words are absent there.
* Lugaid Tailchan's son in Cloni-finchoil in Ireland had a vision of
DEATH AND BURIAL OF COLUMBA 115
Meanwhile after the departure of the holy soul, when
morning hymns had been concluded ^ the sacred body was
carried back with tuneful psalmody of the brethren from the
church to the dwelling ^ whence he had come a little while
before, alive ; and reverent obsequies were properly conducted
with honour for three days and as man}^ nights. When this
period was over, passed in savoury praises of God, the
venerable body of the holy and blessed patron was wrapped
in clean linen cloths and placed in the coffin ^ prepared, and
buried with due reverence, to rise again in bright and eternal
glory. . . .*
angels coming to Zona for Columba's soul. He told it to Fergna ( Virgnous) :
" In the same days Fergna rowed over from Ireland [^Scotia], and passing
the remaining days of his life in the island of Hinba he very often related
to the monks of St Columba this vision of angels, as it has been described
above ; and he had undoubtedly learned it from the mouth of the holy
old man to whom it had been revealed. And after many years passed
irreproachably in subjection among the brethren, this Fergna completed
other twelve years in the place of the anchorites in Muirbulcmar, leading
the life of an anchorite, as a victorious soldier of Christ.
"We have not only found this aforesaid vision inscribed in writing, but
have heard it told without any hesitation by some experienced elders, to
whom Fergna himself had related it."
Ernene Mocufirroide (buried at Druimm-tomme, i.e. Drumhome, in
Donegal) in the valley of the Finn in Donegal, and other fishers, saw a
fiery column in the east at the time of Columba's death ; Adamnan in his
youth heard it from Ernene himself when he was very old.
These visions are not in Cummine's Life.
Amra Coluimchille, L.H., i, 171 : — "His death [was] good; . . . God's
angels [were present] when he ascended. (I.e., the angels of God of
heaven met him when he ascended.)"
The Irish Life makes Diarmait live for seven years after Columba's
death; Stokes, Three Homilies, ii8: "A violent disease attacked his
attendant, named Diarmait ; and he died. And [Columba] prayed for him,
and he awoke out of death. And not this only, but [Columba] asked seven
years' life for him after himself." To the same effect in the Book of
Lismore ; Stokes, Lismore Lives, 31. See Adamnan, II, 30.
Diarmait was doubtless the authority for the tales of Columba in
connection with which his name is mentioned.
^ I.e. after the midnight service for which the monks had assembled.
^ kospiiium.
^ ratabiista.
^ During the three days of Columba's obsequies, in accordance with
his prophecy storm raged and kept all visitors from lona (so also in
Cummine, XXIV, p. 42).
116 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Adamnan, Life of Oolumlba, book III, c. 23 ^
After the reading of these three books, let each studious
reader observe of what and how great merit was the holy,
venerable prelate, oft-times above-mentioned, in what and
how great honour he was esteemed by God, what and how
great visitations were vouchsafed to him of angels and
lights ; how great gift of prophecy he had, what power of
transcendent miracles; how greatly and how frequently the
glory of divine light gleamed round him while he still
dwelt in mortal ilesh : and even after the departure of his
most gentle soul from the tabernacle of the body, this
same heavenly brightness ceases not unto this day, nor the
visitation of holy angels, to frequent the place where his
holy bones remain, as is held to be proved, being shown to
certain chosen persons.
And upon the same man of blessed memory this great
favour also has been conferred by God, that his name
has been worthy not only to be proclaimed with renown
through our whole Ireland,^ and Britain, the greatest of
the whole circle of all the islands, although he dwelt in
this small and outermost isle of the Britannic ocean, but
even to reach as far as triangular Spain and to Gaul, and
to Italy, beyond the Pennine Alps ; also to the city of
Rome itself, which is the head of all cities. Among the
other ^ gifts of God's granting, such and so great honour of
renown is known to have been bestowed upon the saint by
God, who loves those that love him, and glorifying more
and more those that with savoury praises magnify him
exalts them to unbounded honours : and He is blessed
through the ages. Amen.
I beseech all those that may v/ish to copy these books, nay
rather I conjure them through Christ, the judge of the ages,
after carefully copying them to compare them with the
exemplar from which they have written, and to correct them
1 Reeves's edition, 241-242; Skene's, 217-218. Cf. the first sentence
of Cummine's chapter XXV, in Pinkerton, Vitae, 43.
2 Scotiani.
^ In text ceterae J read cetera, as in MS. B.
SANCTITY AND FAME OF COLUMBA 117
with all heed, and also to append this conjuration in this
place.^
^ Here the scribe of MS. A adds ; — "Whoever reads these books of
the virtues of St Columba, let him pray to the Lord for me, Dorbene, that
after death I may possess eternal life." (Cf. facsimile in Fowler's edition,
p. i66). This Dorbene is supposed to have been the abbot of that name,
who died in 713 (see that year, below). MS. A may have been in Dorbene's
own writing, and copied directly from Adamnan's. Cf W. M. Lindsay,
Early Irish Minuscule Script, 2-3 (Oxford, 1910).
PART V
Zenith and Decline of Dalriata
?S97
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. i6o,
s.a. [592] = S96?i
The death of Eogan, Gabran's son."
?ca. 598
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvh', p. 160,
s.a. [594]'= 598?
The slaughter of the sons of Aidan, namely Bran and
Domangart and Eochaid Find and Arthur, in the battle of
Circhend,* in which Aidan was conquered.^
' Placed in the same year-section as the death of Columba, and immedi-
ately after the notice of that event.
^ Similarly in A..U., i, 76, s.a. 594 = 595-
See above, p. "j"], where Eogan's name is given in the diminutive
form, Eoganan.
There is uncertainty in the dates of the last decade of the 6th century,
and first decade of the 7th century. With exception of A. I., the Irish
annals' dates fall behind at this time ; and it is possible that A.I.'s dates
are a year ahead of the year intended (as at 613). I imagine that for a
score of years T.'s and C.S.'s dates (between [588] and [608]) of Scottish
events at least are 4 years behind the year intended by their source; I
give the equations, and have with considerable hesitancy arranged events
of the next ten years under these conjectural dates ; not so much because
I think them more trustworthy ihan the dates of A.I., as in order to retain
the sequence of the events as they stand in the Irish annals.
^ F.n. 6. From the sequence of events and A.I.'s dates, this annal may
belong to 599.
■* i cath Chirchind^ although the sentence is constructed in Latin. This
battle was perhaps fought in the Mearns : the Howe of Mearns was at
one time called Mag-Circin. Cf below, year 752, and above, p. 96.
Tigernach has named here too many of Aidan's sons. But if Adamnan
and A.U. are both right, the battle must have been fought in England.
5 A.U., i, 76, s.a. 595 = 596 (with fn. and e. of 596) : "The slaughter of
the sons of Aidan, namely Bran and Domangart."
lis
BATTLE OF CIRCHEND. DEATH OF BAITHINE 119
?6oo
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. i6i ;
s.a. [596]! = 600?
The repose of Baithine, abbot of Zona, in the sixty-sixth
year of his age.^
Life of Baithine ; Smedt and De Backer's Acta Sanctorum
Hiberniae ex Codice Salmanticensi, columns 871-872
The reverend father abbot Baithine was actively instructed
from his infancy in the word of God, and in discipline, by the
most renowned abbot, Columba ; and as he grew in bodily age.
According to Adamnan (above, p. 96), Arthur and Eochaid Find had
been killed in the battle with the Miathi, before 597 ; and Domangart was
killed " in England," probably at Degsastan in 603 (below, and in English
Chroniclers, 11). Tigernach has therefore added names here incorrectly ;
and perhaps A.U. have added Domangarl's name incorrectly.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 96, s.a. 590 (after the death of Columba) :
" The battle of Kirkynn in Scotland was fought, where the sons of king
Aidan — namely Brian, Domangart, Eochaid Find, and Arthur — were
slain, and king Aidan himself overcome."
1 F.n. I.
- A.U., i, 76, s.a. 597 =598 (with f.n. and e. of 598) : "The repose of
Baithine, abbot of lona." So also in C.S., 64, s.a. [596] (f n. I ; Hennessy's
year 598).
A.I., 9, O'Conor's year 593=601 (2 years after 599): "Baithine
reposed in Christ, the years of his age being 66 " (for anno in O'Conor's
text the MS. has annis).
F.M., i; 220, s.a. 595: "St Baithine, Brendan's son, abbot of lona of
Columcille, died on the gth of June."
The Annals of Clonmacnoise, 97, s.a. 590 (a section in which several
years are run together ; it contains Columba's death) : " St Baithine
abbot of lona in the 66th year of his age died."
The Annals from L.L. (R.S. 89, ii, 516) place under one year "the
repose of Columcille and of Baithine." Baithine's day is said by Adamnan
to have been the same as Columba's (below, p. 189). Cf. Oengus, above,
p. 103, note. A.B., 5, place Baithine's death 3 years after Columba's, and
two years before Gregory's in 604. The Martyrology of Donegal, 164, says
that Baithine died 4 years after Columba, on June 9th, 600. Possibly 601
is the true year (as in A.I.).
T. places Baithine's birth in [534], with f.n. i (R.C., xvii, 135) : "Birth
of Baithine, Columcille's disciple." So also in C.S., 44, s.a. [536] (fn. 3 ;
Hennessy's year 535); and the parallel year in A.U. is 535 =536. It is
entered from T. in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 78, s.a. 536. No doubt
the birth was entered 65 years before the death of Baithine.
120 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
he practised faithfully works so much the more strenuous and
more perfect. For no one could ever catch him idle ; because
he passed the [leisure] time allowed him, in reading, or in
prayer, or in bodily labour, except that he sometimes inter-
rupted these pursuits to help the necessities of his neighbours.
When he made a journey or spoke to any one, he raised
meanwhile his hands beneath his robe, to pray to the Lord
with active mind. And thus he was so devoted to prayer that
in taking food, between raising two mouthfuls to his lips, and
so too between two sips, he repeated that verse well-known
to holy men : " [Come] O God to my aid ; hasten. Lord, to
help me." ^
And what is more difficult, at harvest-time when he was
carrying to the stack a sheaf collected in his [one] hand, he
meanwhile raised the other to the sky, and appealed to the
Thunderer ; and in his devotion did not remove the midges
that settled on his face.
He showed the same diligence also in fulfilling all the
commands of God, and in so far as the ability of human frailty
allowed he subdued his flesh, and aroused the inner man with
spiritual arms against the foe. Yet with all these merits none
was as anxious to protect earthly treasure as he to hide the
miracles that God worked through him. And thus so far as
he could he refused to divulge his miracles, for the sake of
humility, and to avoid pride.^
Life of Baithine; Smedt and De Backer's Acta Sanctorum
Hiberniae ex Codice Salmanticensi, column 878
On the third day of the week, while St Baithine was praying
to the Lord in the church beside the altar, stupor almost of
' Psalms, LXX, i (in Vulgate, LXIX, 2).
2 Cf. the testimonium Fintini^filii Lippani, to this effect: "Know that
none on this side of the Alps is found equal to him in acquaintance with
the divine scriptures, and in the greatness of his knowledge." Smedt and
De Backer, 876 ; cf. 876-877.
Ibid., 877-878: "To this must also be added the testimony of St
Columba himself concerning him. For he said that his pupil Baithine,
and John the Evangehst, Christ's pupil, were not dissimilar in purest
innocence, and in wisest simplicity, and in the discipHne of the severity of
perfect works ; that nevertheless their teachers were widely different
in their customs."
ABBOT BAITHINE. KING GARTNAIT 121
death fell upon him there. And when the brethren were
lamenting around him, Diarmait, Columba's attendant, said :
" Behold, brethren, you see that there will not be a great
interval between two festivals of our elders."
As he said this, Baithine awoke as it were out of a deep
sleep, and said : " If I have found grace in the eyes of God, and
if I have run to this day a perfect course in his sight, I trust
in him that I shall not die till the nativity of my predecessor."
And it occurred thus, after about six days.
The pang of unendurable pains did not deter him from the
work of writing and praying and teaching, until the hour in
which he slept and was added to his fathers.
This little of the life of St Baithine.^
?6oi
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 162 ;
s.a. [597] ^ = 601 ?
The death of Gartnait, king of the Picts.^
1 This Life from the Salamanca MS. is too late to have much
authority, but some incidents in it may rest upon early tradition.
The description here given of Baithine's death implies that he died on
June 9th, about six days after a Tuesday ; if this were right, June 9th
would have been about Monday ; but it was Friday in 601. It would have
been Monday in 598, which was probably the year intended by the
biographer.
2 F.n. 2. Under the same year is placed a note "the Saxons came to
the faith," which probably refers to Augustine's mission of 597. Similarly
in C.S., 66, s.a. [597] (Hennessy's 599): "The Saxons received the faith "
("the Catholic faith" in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 97, s.a. 590). Cf.
A.U., i, 76, s.a. 597 = 598 (with f.n. and e. of 598): "Augustine came to
England." But Scottish and Irish events have been entered too early
in the Irish annals, and probably 601 or 602 is the year of Gartnait's
death.
2 Annals of Clonmacnoise, 97, s.a. 590 (after the death of Columba
[t 597] and the battle of Dunbolg [598], and the kings of [ca. 600-643] ) :
" Gartnait \Garnat\, king of the Picts, died."
The Chronicles of the Picts (ABC) give Gartnait a reign of 11 years,
after the reign of Brude, Maelchon's son. See above, year 584.
Version D of the Chronicle of the Picts, in Skene's P. & S., 150, says :
"He built Abernethy." Fordun's version, IV, 12; i, 154 (not in Skene's
MSS. BE) : "He founded Abernethy." Version F (P. & S., 172) attaches
this note to Gartnait's successor, Nechtan. Version H (ibid., 201) reads :
" [Gartnait] built the church of Abernethy, 225 years and 11 months before
122 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
the church of Dunkeld was built by king Constantine, king of the Picts."
Versions ABC give a mythical account of the foundation of Abernethy, in
the reign of Nechtan Mor-brecc, Drust Gurthinmoch's predecessor. See
above, p. cxxi.
An insertion in version A of the Chronicle of the Picts (Skene's P. & S.,
6-7) describing the legendary foundation of Abernethy, says : " Thus
Nechtan the great, Erp's son, king of all the provinces of the Picts, gave
Abernethy as an offering to St Bridget, to the day of Judgement, along
with its territories, which extend from the stone in Apurfeirt as far
as the stone beside Ceirfuill, that is, Lethfoss, and thence upwards as
far as Athan." See above, p. cxxi.
The identification of Apurfeirt with the junction of the Farg and the
Earn, if correct, would require the reading Apurfeirc. Skene wished to
identify Ceirfuill with Carpow, Athan with Hatton.
The fabulous Tale of Cano, in the Yellow Book of Lecan, 128-132, says
that "there was contention for the kingdom of Scotland between Aidan,
Gabran's son, and Gartnan, son of Aed, son of Gabran ; and in the battles
and contentions between them, half the men of Scotland fell." According
to this story, Aidan killed Gartnan, in the crannog of Inis-meic-Uchen, and
would have killed Cano, Gartnan's son, but that Cano made curachs, and
escaped with his followers to Ireland. A description of their accoutrements
is given there, 128 b. (Anecdota from Irish MSS., i, 2. Cf O'Curry, Manners
and Customs, iii, 164-165.)
The Tale of Cano is interesting and old, but has no historical value.
It contains verses in which Cano is called " Cano, Gartnan's son, from
Skye" {Sci; Anecdota, i, 6 ; cf. 80, 14). The Tale implies that Cano fled
to Ireland in the reign of Aidan, and after the death of Aed Slaine
(t6o4 ; A.U.), and that he returned to Scotland in the time of Diarmait,
son of Aed Slaine (Diarmait became king of Ireland in 643, according to
A.U.). It is implied that Cano's return was not long after Aidan's death.
It would seem, from the Tale, that Cano's father was the Gartnait, king cf
the Picts, who died (ca. 601) in Aidan's reign. Nechtan, Cano's son,
appears from the annals to have died (?62i) about the same time as king
Nechtan, Verb's grandson, the successor of Gartnait.
But this king Gartnait was Domelch's son. It is possible that
Domelch was his mother's name ; and it is possible that Verb was
Nechtan's grandmother. Ferb (genitive Feirbe) was an Irish woman's-
name ; Gartnait's connection with the house of Dalriata might have been
through her, and not through his father. More probably, the pedigree in the
Tale is fabulous.
There are irreconcilable divergencies between the Tale and the Irish
annals. The annals appear to place Cano's escape, with his brothers, from
Skye, in 668 ; and his death in 687, his daughter's in 689, and his son's in
705. These dates, along with the capture of Cano's son in 673, would
suggest that Cano's father was king Gartnait, Donald's son (t 663). But the
annals imply rather that Cano's father was Accidan's son (see year ca. 649).
Even if the annalists had entered these events about 43 years too late (see
BATTLE OF DEGSASTAN 123
603
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 163,
s.a. [599] ' = 603?
A battle with the Saxons [was fought] by Aidan ; and there
Eanfrith, ^thelfrith's brother, fell, [slain] by Maelumai, Baetan's
son ; and there [Aidan] was conquered.^
603
Chronicle of Holyrood, p. 9
In the year 603, Aidan, king of the Scots who dwelt
in Britain, came against .(Ethelfrith,^ the king of the
Northumbrians, with an immense and powerful army; but,
beaten, he fled away with few. For in a very renowned place
called Dexastan, that is to say Dexa stone,'' almost all his army
was slain. And ^thelfrith accomplished this battle in the
eleventh )-ear of his kingdom, and in the first year^ of Phocas,
who then occupied the summit of the Roman realm. And the
aforesaid king ^thelfrith reigned for twenty-four years."
year 643, note), they would not agree with the statement that Cano fled
from king Aidan.
There were at least two Canos ; but the Tale appears to have placed
the later one more than 60 years too early, in order to make him a
contemporary of king Aidan, who was a prominent figure in Irish tales.
In any case the Tale does not affect the authority of the annals.
See years ca. 574, ?62i, 668, notes.
' F.n. 5. Other events placed by Tigernach in this year-section .Tppear
in C.S., 66, s.a. [598], Hennessy's year 600.
^ A.U., i, 78, s.a. 599 = 600 (with f.n. and e. of 600): "The Saxons'
battle, in which Aidan was conquered."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 97, s.a. 603 : " The battle between king
Aidan and the Saxons was fought, where Aidan had the victory, and
Eanfrith \CanfritJi\, brother of king yEthelfrith, was slain by the hands of
Maelumai, Baetan's son " {Moyleawa mcBoylan\.
The death of Maelumai Baetan's son is placed by T. (u.s., 169) s.a.
[609] (for f.n. 6 read 3 : [609] and [608] are transposed). Cf. A.U., i, 86,
s.a. 609 = 610. It is placed by C.S., 72, s.a. [608] (f.n. 5, read 2 ; Hennessy's
year 610).
3 "Alfred" in MS.
* Degsastan may have been at the head of Liddesdale, near Dawston
Burn, within the Catrail ; not far within the present boundary of Scotland.
5 I.e., 603 A.D.
^ This passage is derived from Bede's H.E., I, 34 (E.C., 11-12).
Chronicle of the Picts, version I, in Skene's P. & S., 286: "Aidan,
124 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
?6o4
Tigernaoh, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 164;
s.a. [600] 1 = 604 ?
The battle of Cuil-coel, in which Fiachna Baetan's son was
the conqueror. Fiachna Deman's son fled.^
Gabran's son — 513 [years] from the Incarnation, when Aidan and ALthel-
frith [Cad/red] fought a battle in the place that is called Dexastan." For
dxiii read dciii.
Herimannus Augiensis, Chronicon ; M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 91, s.a. 604,
says that " In Britain, ^Ethelfrith, king of the English, conquered Aidan,
king of the Scots, invading the island" {insulam petentemj Hermann
regards the Scots as living outside of Britain), " [Aidan's] strong army
being destroyed in battle."
Fordun, III, 30 (i, 116) : "And at another time the army of king Aidan
was conquered while he was present ; namely in the 33rd year of his
reign. In the nth year after he had conquered Ceawlin, king of the
Saxons [West Saxons MSS. BCEF], it was at last agreed between [Aidan]
and the Britons that they should meet at a place fixed upon with faithful
promises, to attack in both quarters — he on the north, they at the same
time on the south — the Northumbrian peoples, who were ruled at that
time by yEthelfrith, a king strong in forces and discreet, who annoyed the
Britons and the Scots with constant injuries. So the king [Aidan],
although very old in years, invaded the districts of Northumbria when the
time appointed came, hoping that [the Britons] on their part would do
what they had undertaken in the agreement ; and while from day to day
his army employed its leisure in burning and spoiling, on one of the days
[of waiting] king jEthelfrith with a massed army came upon the Scots, who
were scattered in this manner for robbery through the villages and the
fields ; and conquered them, not without great slaughter of his men. . . ."
Here follow quotations from Bede.
For the alleged defeat of Ceawlin by Aidan, see above, p. 97. Fordun
appears to draw upon his imagination in his account of these affairs.
1 F.n. 6.
^ Similarly in C.S., 66, s.a. [600] (Hennessy's year 602).
A.I., 10, O'Conor's year 597 = 605 (6 years after 599): "The battle of
Cuil-coel." 605 may be the true date.
A.U., i, 78, s.a. 601=602 (with f.n. and e. of 602): "The battle of
Cuil-coel, in which Fiachna Deman's son fled. Fiachna Baetan's son was
the conqueror." Also under the previous year : " Thus I have found in
Cuanu's Book : that . . . the battle of Cuil-coel . . . took place in this
year."
DEATH OF KING AIDAN 125
?6o7
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 167,
s.a. [603] ^ = 607?
The death of Laisreri, abbot of lona.^
?6o8
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 167 ;
s.a. [604] 8 = 608?
The death of Aidan, Gabran's son, in the thirty-seventh*
year of his reign, and the seventy-fourth of his age.^
' F.n. 3. Perhaps the true year is 608 (as in A. I.).
At the beginning of the same year-section is noted (ibid., 166) : " Phocas
reigned for eight years." This is taken through Bede (M.G.H., Auctores,
xiii, 309, with date 4565) from Isidore (ibid., xi, 478). In Tigernach's
previous year-section (R.C. xvii, 165, with f.n. 5, for which read 2, i.e. [602]),
with marginal date 4566 : " Mauricius died." Mauricius was emperor
from 582 to 602, Phocas from 602 to 610.
- Similarly in C.S., 70, s.a. [603] (Hennessy's year 605) ; and in A.U.,
i, 82, s.a. 604 = 605. A. I., 10, under O'Conor's year 600 = 608 (g years after
599): "Repose of Laisren." F.M., i, 228, s.a. 601 : "St Laisren, abbot of
lona of Columcille, died on the i6th of September."
Oengus places his death on September i6th : "In lona, Laisren the
happy" (with the note "Laisren, abbot of lona of Columcille" in Lebar
Brecc, 1880 Oengus p. cxlvi ; in other versions, 1905 Oengus, 208). Laisren
is commemorated under September i6th in the Martyrology of Gorman
(178), and the Martyrology of Donegal (248). The latter says : "He was
of the kindred of Conall Gulban, Niall's son."
' With f.n. 4. Under the same year Tigernach reads : " In the 2nd
year of Phocas, pope Gregory departed to the Lord " ; A.U. add, " accord-
ing to Bede." This is derived from Bede's Chronicle (M.G.H., Auctores,
xiii, 309) ; Bede uses the Liber Pontificalis (M.G.H., Gesta Pontificum,
i, 164). Events of various years are entered by Tigernach in the next
year-section, from Bede (u.s., 310), who takes them from the Liber Ponti-
ficalis and Isidore. Gregory I died A.D. 604.
* For "37th" in T. and C.S. we should probably read "34111," {xxxiiii
for xxxuii) as in the Annals of Clonmacnoise. The Chronicles of Dalriata
give Aidan a reign of 34 years. If he reigned 33x34 years after 574, he
would have died 607 x 608.
^ C.S., 71, s.a. [604] (f.n. 4 ; Hennessy's year 606) : " The death of Aidan,
Gabran's son, in the 37th year of his reign, and the 88th, or 86th, of his age."
A.U., i, 84, s.a. 605=606 : "The death of Aidan, son of Gabran, (son
of Domangart, king of Scotland)." The words mic DoniMigairt righ Alban
are placed within brackets by Hennessy ; presumably he means that they
are a later addition to the MS. A.U. call Aidan's son, Eochaid Buide,
" king of the Picts " at the time of his death ; see year ? 630.
126 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 6ii
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 169, s.a. [608] ^
Neman, abbot of Lismore, rested.^
ca. 612
Annales Cambriae, in Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 156;
s.a. [612/613]^
The death of Conthigirnus.*
A. I., 10, O'Conor's year 601 =6og (10 years after 599): "The death of
Aidan, Gabran's son."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 98, s.a. 604 : " King Aidan of Scotland died in
the 34th year of his reign, and in the 78th year of his age. . . .
" The end of the Chronicles of Eusebius" (i.e., of Isidore ; 615).
The Annals of Boyle, 5, (O'Conor's year 580) place Aidan's death 7
years after Gregory's, which they date A.M. 58o5 = A.D. 604; borrowing
events but not the date from Bede.
Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, ix, 156, s.a. [607] (3 years after the
" i6oth year" after 444) : "Aidan, Gabran's son, died." (The word "Aidan"
is not in MS. C ; ed Ab Ithel, 6).
Sigebert of Gemblours (M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 322, s.a. 615) confuses
Aidan's death with the battle of Degsastan [603] and the battle of
Chester [613].
Fland (above, p. cxliv.) seems to place Aidan's death in 606.
The Duan Albanach, P. & S., 60, says: "Twenty-four years yonder"
(i.e., in Argyle) " Aidan, of many eulogies, was king " (ntz n-iol-rann, literally
"of the many verses"; or perhaps, as Skene translates it, "of many
divisions." Yor ficheat " twenty-" read trichat " thirty- " ?).
Fordun (III, 31) says that Aidan died in the second year after the
battle of Degsastan, and was buried at Kilkerran.
A late account appears in the Life of Berach, of Aidan's being con-
sulted as arbitrator in an Irish difference ; Plummer, Vitae Sanctorum
Hiberniae, i, 80-81.
The "History of Aidan, Gabran's son" was the subject of an Irish
literary composition ; L.L., 189 c. Cf. Zeitschrift fiir celtische Philologie,
ii, 134-135. He is a figure in Welsh literature also. Cf. the Gododin of
Aneurin, LXI (ed. Stephens, 284). A fabulous Welsh pedigree is given
in Skene's F.A.B.W., ii, 454. Cf. the Welsh Triads, in M.A., 397, 401 ;
F.A.B.W., ii, 460 ; Loth's Mabinogion, ii, triads 48, 113.
The name of "Aidan, Garban's son" is entered under April 17th in
the Martyrology of Tallaght (L.L., 359 a).
' F-n- 2. - Cf. below, year 637.
^ Placed 2 years before the " 170th year" after 444 ; but 9 years after
the " 1 60th year."
* This appears to have been Kentigern, the patron saint of Glasgow.
His festival is January 13th.
ST THANEA AND ST SERF 127
According to the Anonymous Life of Kentigern (I) : "King Leudonus,
a man semi-pagan, from whom the province that he ruled, Lothian, in
northern Britain, got its name, had a daughter ruled by a step-mother
\_novercaiani\ ; and her name was Thaney." She is called Thenew in the
Aberdeen Breviary, Taneu in Joceline.
Leudonus appears to be the same person as Geoffrey of Monmouth's
Lot; Historia Regum Britanniae, IX, 9 (Giles, 165-166): "There were
there [i.e. at York] three brothers born of royal stock ; Lot, and Urianus,
and also Auguselus. These had held the principate of those regions,
before the Saxons had prevailed [over them]. So wishing to present these
like the rest with their paternal rights, [Arthur] restored to Auguselus the
royal authority over the Scots ; and he honoured [Auguselus'] brother
Urianus with the sceptre of the Moravians ; and he restored to the con-
sulate of Lothian and its sister provinces \Londonesiae ceteraruviqtte coin-
provinciarujii], which pertained to him, Lot, who had married [Arthur's]
sister in the time of Aurelius Ambrosias, and had had by her Walgannus
and Modredius. Finally after restoring the state of the whole country to
its former dignity, he married a wife, Guanhumara. . . ." See Fordun,
Chronica, III, 24, 25. Notwithstanding the difference in names, the
anonymous Life has been influenced here by Geoffrey's History.
The anonymous Life says that this Thanea was a Christian, and wished
and prayed that she might emulate the virginity and motherhood of Mary.
She rejected a suitor whom her father favoured : " For her suitor was a
certain most elegant youth, Ewen, the son of Erwegende, sprung from the
most noble blood of the Britons. . . . Ewen is called the son of king
Ulien in the Gesta Historiarum." (He is called "Ewen Eufurenn, king of
Cumbria," in the Aberdeen Breviary, i, 3, 28.) Rather than marry, she
chose to be the slave of a swineherd, who "gave all the honour he could to
the girl, because he was chaste, and secretly a Christian ; and indeed, in
the fields and house he taught her with diligence daily in the things that
he had learned from his Christian teachers. He had received teaching in
the Christian law in Scotland, from St Serf, a sacred teacher of the faith.
" This Serf [Servanus] had been a disciple of the venerable Palladius,
the first bishop of the Scots, in the original church of the Scots. [Palladius]
was sent by pope Celestine to the Scots who believed, as their first bishop,
in the year of the Lord's Incarnation 430. He found the blessed Serf in
Scotland [A/danid] before him, a Christian man: and afterwards he
initiated him sufficiently in church doctrine, and made him his suffragan,
to teach those whom he could not." (This paragraph is quoted by
Fordun, III, 9 (i, 94), in nearly the same words.) The Life falsely imagines
that the Scotia to which Palladius was sent was Scotland, instead of
Ireland.
Cf the Book of Lecan, fo. 43 bb : "And [Serf] is the ancient elder that
possesses [as patron] Culross in Strathearn in the Comgellaig, between
the Ochil Hills and the Firth of Forth " (acus ise sin in sruiih senoir congeb
Cuilendros hi sraith Hirend hi Comgellgaib itir sliab n-Ochel acus muir
n-Giudan; Reeves, Culdees, 124, note). Cf B.B., 214. These MSS. say
128 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
that Serf was the son of Proc, king of Canand (Canandan, in B.B.) of Egypt ;
and Alma (Alma, in B.B.), daughter of a king of the Cruithni. A fabulous
Life of the saint says that he was a son of Obeth, son of Elind, king in
Canaan ; and of Alpia, daughter of a king of Arabia (Reeves, u.s.). The
Comgellaig [hostage-lands?] of Strathearn are apparently the district in
which Culross stands, now an isolated part of Perthshire.
Reeves compares the Latin Life of Serf (ibid.) : " Thy followers shall
inhabit the land of Fife, and from the mountains of the Britons to the
mountains that are called Ochil" {Habitent terrain Fif, et a monte Britann-
orum ad monieni qui dicitur Okhelj P. & S., 416). The "mountain of the
Britons" may have meant Dumbarton.
For St Serf, cf. the Breviary of Aberdeen, ii, 3, 15. See the pleasant
description of St Serf and his tame robin, in Joceline's Life of Kentigern,
V ; Historians of Scotland, v, 170, 42.
The anonymous Life goes on to say (II) that Ewen persevered in his
attentions. He dressed himself as a woman, and ravished the girl.
(III) "When the king her father learned that she was pregnant
and that she invoked the name of Christ, he ordered her to be crushed
with stones \lapidibus obrui\ according to the law of his country, as
a daughter who had acted wantonly and had transgressed her father's
law. For a decree of their law at that time commanded that every
woman born of noble parents, if she were caught in fornication, should
be crushed with blows of stones ; while a serving-maid was to be branded
in the face with a mark of wickedness, and held in scorn by all."
(IV) But because each of her executioners was unwilling to be the first
to be guilty of shedding royal blood, " she was taken to the brow of
a mountain which is called Kepduf, so that she might be placed in
a chariot and, hurled down from the summit of [the mountain], might be
consigned to a dreadful death, while so the executioners \exactores\ seemed
innocent of her end." She commended herself to St Mary's protection,
and was unhurt ; the wooden chariot-wheels made ruts in the hard stone.
(VI) But her escape was attributed to magic art ; " and the king, not to
appear to place affection for his daughter before the justice of his realm,
said : ' [To find] if she be worthy of life, let her be given up to Neptune ;
and let her God deliver her from the danger of death, since he will.'
" So she was taken to the firth that is about three miles distant from
the mountain of Kepduf, to the mouth of a river which is called Aberlessic
— that is, the 'river-mouth of stench,' because there abounded at that time
so great plenty and quantity of netted fish that it was too much trouble to
the inhabitants to carry away the multitude of fish cast out of the boats
upon the shore ; and so much decomposition set in among the fish left
behind upon the shore of the river's mouth that the sand was cemented
with the putrescent fluid, and the stench of violent rottenness used to send
away very quickly many who came there."
The girl was accompanied by many sympathizing men and women to
this place. She called to God for judgement upon her persecutors.
(VII) While the swineherd was being pursued, he threw a thonged javelin
BIRTH OF KENTIGERN 129
and killed the king. "And the king's friends set up a great stone in the
place where he fell, as a mark of his royal rank ; and they placed above it
a smaller stone, [fitted] by mason's craft {arte cavatorid\ ; it still stands
there, about one mile distant from the mountain of Dumpelder, on the
southern side." (I.e., Dunpender or Traprain.)
"... Meanwhile the mother of a blessed child (who, though still
unborn, was divinely directing his mother) was put into a coracle \in laubo\
that is, a boat made of hides, and towed out into the deep sea beyond the
island of May.
" But when the pregnant girl left the estuary of the aforesaid shore, all
the fish of that margin of the sea accompanied her in procession, as their
mistress. And after the day of her departure, the take of fish there
ceased. And the estuary of the described fecundity remains sterile to
this day, because it received the child unjustly condemned. And the fish
that followed the woman remain where she was cast adrift. Indeed from
that time to this day there abounds there so great plenty of fish that from
every sea-coast very many fishermen, English and Scottish, and also from
the shores of Belgium and France, come there to fish " {sic lege) ; "and all
these the island of May receives fitly in its harbours.
"The mother of the blessed child was left alone in the middle of the
sea. To God, who made heaven and earth, the sea, and all that is in
them ; who guards the truth, and does justice to those that suffer
injustice, she most devoutly committed her purity of conscience. And
when morning broke, she came to land safely in Scotland" (i.e. north of
Forth) " upon the sand of the sea near Culross \Collenross\ which is
thirty miles distant, according to sailors' reckoning, from the island of
May. She was suffering greatly from the pangs of child-birth, and
torturing pain."
(VIII) Commending herself to God, she found and rekindled a half-
extinguished fire ; and her child was born. Herdsmen found her, and
told it to St Serf, who remarked: '■'■A dia, cur fir sin!" ("O God, may
it be true " ; the only Gaelic speech quoted in this Life.) "... And he
said, ' Thanks be to God ; for he shall be my [dear] son.' Because at the
time of the boy's birth, [St Serf] had been in his oratory, praying alone,
after matin lauds ; and he had heard in the sky Gloria z« excelsis solemnly
sung. He remembered therefore the joy of the angels and the visit of the
shepherds at Bethlehem, in the case of the boy Christ and his mother
Mary ; and he saw that in some sort the birth of the servant was like to the
Nativity of the Lord ; in the angelic celebration, in the visit of herds, in
the solitude of the place. Triumphantly with his clerks he raised his
voice and sang those hymns of praise, Te deum laicdamus, and Gloria in
excelsis?' The Life ends with a dissertation upon the real chastity of
Kentigern's birth, which had been the answer to his mother's prayers.
Joceline's account omits mention of the rape ; he suggests that an
anaesthetic might have been used. (163 : " It is well known to us that
many, after taking a draught of oblivion, which the physicians call
Letargion, have fallen asleep ; and have had incision made in their limbs,
130 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
and sometimes cauterization, and abrasion in their vitals, without feeling
anything ; after arousal from sleep they have been ignorant of what had
been done to them.") He does not name Kentigern's father, but admits
the virtual fulfilment of Thanea's prayers for a maiden conception. He
omits also her father's death in answer to her prayer. There is no doubt
that the anonymous Life follows the older version of the legend, which
Joceline wished to improve.
For the remainder of Kentigern's life we have only Joceline's authority.
According to him, (IV) St Serf b.aptized both mother' and child, "calling
the mother Taneu and the boy Kyentyern, which is interpreted Chief
Lord." Kentigern grew up to be so gifted in intelligence and disposition
that Serf "called him also customarily in his native tongue Mungku,
which is in Latin Karissimus Amicus''^ (" dearest friend"). "The common
people have been accustomed to call him by this name very frequently,
down to the present day, and to invoke him [by it] in their difficulties."
(This identifies Kentigern with Mungo, patron saint of Glasgow. Perhaps,
however, Mungo was his original name ; Kentigern, his later name.)
(V) Kentigern's miracles began with the restoration to life of Serf's
tame robin. This was followed by many other miracles (VI, VII, VIII, IX).
(VIII) He left Serf secretly. "Setting out, he came to the Frisian
Shore ; and there the river named Mallena overflowing its bed because
the water of the sea was flowing in, removed all hope of gcing across."
The water parted to let him cross. "Then passing over a little arm of the
sea by a bridge which is called Serf's Bridge by the inhabitants, he looked
back to the shore, and saw that the waters, which had before stood up in
a heap, had advanced again and filled the bed of the Mallena ; they had
also poured over the bridge named above, and altogether refused a
passage to anyone." Thus Kentigern was parted from Serf, and they never
met again. "And the place through which St Kentigern had crossed
became thenceforth altogether impassable. For the bridge was ever
afterwards covered by the water of the sea, and gave no one any longer
the opportunity to cross it ; and the Mallena also changed the direction
of its course from its own place, and from that day till now turned back
into the bed of the river Ledo. So indeed the two rivers, which had till
then been separated, became combined and united." (The river-names
Mallena and Ledo are fanciful ; see Forbes, ibid., 328. Forbes thinks the
Forth and Teith are meant ; but probably some stream with tidal estuary
nearer to Culross is indicated.)
(IX) Kentigern came on the same day to Carnock {Kernach), and took
thence the body of an old man (Fergus, who had lived long enough to see
Kentigern and die in his presence) in a wagon drawn by "two untamed
bulls," " as far as Cathures, which is now called Glasgow " : and buried
hrni there, in "a certain cemetery formerly consecrated by St Ninian."
(X) Here Kentigern took his abode. (XI) " The king and clergy of the
Cambrian district, with the rest of the Christians— although they were
very few— ": elected him their bishop. He was consecrated (although only in
the twenty-fifth year of his age ; XII) by one bishop, "after the custom of
LIFE OF KENTIGERN 131
the Britons and the Scots of that time." This bishop was brought from
Ireland. "[Kentigern] appointed his cathedral see in the village named
Glesgu, which is interpreted the ' Dear Family ' ; it is now called Glasgow
[Glasgu\. There too he united to God a very numerous" (reading
plurimain) "family dear and renowned, of men serving God in continence,
and living after the manner of the original church under the apostles
without property, in holy discipline and godly obedience.
" And the diocese of his episcopate extended to the boundaries of the
Cambrian kingdom. This kingdom [extended], as did formerly the
rampart [built] by the emperor Severus, from sea to sea ; afterwards, by
aid and counsel of the Roman legion — to check invasion by the Picts —
there was built in the same place a wall, eight feet in breadth, twelve feet
in height. It reaches to the river Forth [flumen Fordense], and as a
boundary-line divides Scotland from England." Joceline calls the kingdom
" the district of Cambria" (but Cambrma in the Dublin MS.).
Joceline next describes (cf. also XXVI I) the mythical conversion of
Britain in the time of pope Eleutherius (who was pope for 15 years from
176, according to Prosper; M.G.H., Auctores, ix, 431). This story passed
from the Liber Pontificalis (M.G.H., G.P.R., i, 17) to Bede and Nennius
(M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 288, 164). See Haddan and Stubbs, Councils,
i, 25-26 ; Forbes, Historians of Scotland, v, 342.
(XII) Kentigern lived with great austerity, eating only bread with
milk, cheese, or butter, and pottage [pulme7itun{\ ; and only on one day
in three or in four. When he relaxed his abstinence upon a journey or
dining with the king, he made up for it afterwards. (XIII) "He was clad
in rough horse-hair next his skin, then in a tunic [ifielote] made of goats'
skins, then in a cowl drawn like a fisherman's ; above this he wore a white
alb, and always carried a stole, placed upon his head. And [he had]
a pastoral staff not rounded and covered with gold and jewels as one sees
now-a-days, but of plain wood, bent only. He had in his hand his
manual-book, ever ready to perform his office, when necessity or cause
required. And so in the whiteness of his apparel he expressed the purity of
his inner mind, and avoided vain-glory."
(XIV) He slept in a stone, hollowed like a sarcophagus. Rising before
day he prayed and sang " until the second cock-crowing." Then he stood
naked in a river, while he repeated the whole of the psalter ; and after this
"he sat, drying his limbs, upon a stone on the brow of a mountain called
Gulath, beside the river and near his hut." (This place Skene would
identify with the Penryn WIeth of Taliessin ; F.A.B.W., i. 276, ii, 404.)
Kentigern did this in all weathers. Thus he overcame bodily lusts.
(XV) He weighed his words, but gave all his substance to the poor.
(XVI) Marvels appeared in his celebration of mass. (XVII) He withdrew
to desert places during Lent in rigorous fasts, returning before the Lord's
Supper, afterwards on the Saturday before Palm-Sunday. He celebrated
these occasions with great zeal, washing the feet of poor men and lepers,
and fasting from Thursday till after mass on Easter Sunday.
(XVIII) " St Kentigern is said to have been, in bodily form, of medium
132 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
stature, but rather approaching to tallness. He is stated to have been
physically strong, and almost indefatigable in enduring every kind of
labour, whether in body or in spirit. For he was beautiful in face, and fair
in form. He had a countenance full of grace and reverence, and with his
dove-like eyes and turtle-dove cheeks drew the hearts of all beholders to
affection for him." His cheerfulness was the mark of gentleness and
spiritual joy. He detested hypocrisy.
(XIX) He set himself to the work of the bishopric. "The renowned
warrior began to make war upon the shrines of demons, to throw down
images, to build churches, to dedicate those he had built ; to mark out
parishes with fixed boundaries in the cord of distribution ; to ordain
clergy ; to dissolve incestuous and unlawful marriages ; to change
concubinage into legitimate wedlock," and to estabhsh ecclesiastical
usages. He did all this, travelling about on foot.
(XX) He trained his disciples to the principles of the primitive church ;
"... possessing nothing of their own, . . . they lived in separate huts, as
soon as they had grown to age and wisdom, just as St Kentigern dwelt
himself. And so the separate clergy \singulares clerict\ were called by the
people Celi-de {Callideiy Cf. Reeves, Culdees, 27.
He worked at agriculture. Having no oxen, he once employed wild
stags. One was killed by a wolf; the wolf was yoked with the other to
the plough. Having no seed, he sowed sea-sand and reaped good wheat.
(XXI) "A considerable period of time having passed, a tyrant called
Morgan \_Morken\ had ascended the throne of the Cambrian kingdom."
This worldly man opposed Kentigern, and refused him the necessary alms ;
saying that his poverty proved his teaching to be false, and taunting him
that his God could not transfer the corn from the barns of the king to those
of the bishop. But the Clyde rose and did transfer the corn. Kentigern
remonstrated with the king, who accused him of sorcery and kicked him.
The king's abettor Cadvan [Cathen) fell with his horse and broke his neck ;
Morgan himself died of gout, which became hereditary in his family. He
died in a place called Thorp-morgan {Thorp -mor ken ; unidentified).
Kentigern had a time of peace. (XXIII) But Morgan's relatives still
hated Kentigern, and conspired to kill him ; and Kentigern escaped to
bishop David in Menevia.
On his way, Kentigern visited Carlisle, and erected in the mountains
a cross, which gave its name to Cross Fell : thence he proceeded by the
shore. He gained the friendship of the people of Menevia, including their
" king Catguollaun [Cathwallaij{\, who was the ruler in that district." This
king granted him the site of a monastery at Llancarvan ; thither he went
with his disciples, leaving St David.
(XXIV) Led by a white boar to a spot beside the river Elwy {Elgu),
they began to build a monastery. The prince of the district interfered, but
was afflicted with blindness until he repented. .(XXV) Many disciples
flocked to the monastery. One of them was the boy, St Asaph, who in
early youth began to perform miracles (cf. Aberdeen Breviary, i, 3, 92).
(XXVI) Kentig-ern saw the reception of St David in Heaven. (David died
KENTIGERN, MORGAN, AND GREGORY 133
in [6oi], according to the Annales Cambriae. He was a grandson of Ceretic,
Cuneda's son. Cf. Anscombe, Archiv fur celtische Lexicographie, i, 534,
from a pedigree at the end of De Situ Brecheniauc.)
XXVII (Historians, V, 209-210) : ". . . Lastly Britain- was vanquished by
the Angles, who were still pagans, and from whom it was called Anglia ;
the natives were driven out, and [the land] made subject to idols and
idolatry. And the natives of the island fled across the sea to Lesser
Britain, or into Wales. But although fugitives from their own land, they
yet did not all wholly abandon the faith.
"And the Picts received the faith first, in great part, through St Ninian ;
afterwards through saints Kentigern and Columba. And then they fell
into apostasy, but .were again converted to the faith (as we have said
already and shall say more fully), or confirmed in the faith, through the
preaching of St Kentigern — not only the Picts, but the Scots, and innumer-
able peoples placed in various regions of Britain.
"And St Augustine, renowned for monastic habit and life; and other
religious servants of God, came to England, being sent by the blessed chief
pontiff Gregory. . . .
" Because, then, Britain had been exhausted by so many troubles, and
Christianity had been so often beclouded there, or even destroyed, different
rites had appeared in her at different times, contrary to the standard of the
holy Roman church and to the decrees of the holy fathers. In order,
therefore, to have knowledge and ability to face and to remedy all these
things, the blessed Kentigern left his monastery mentioned above, and
went to Rome seven times ; and he learned at Rome and brought back
the reforms that Britain needed. But returning home the seventh time he
fell ill of a very serious malady, and arrived there with the greatest difficulty.
" On one occasion he went to Rome while the blessed Gregory ruled
the apostolic see [590-604], a man in office, authority, doctrine, and life,
apostolic ; and the special apostle of England, because the English are
the tokens of his apostolate. . . .
" The holy pope, excelling in the spirit of counsel and discretion, and
as it were being filled with the holy Spirit, recognized in [Kentigern] a man
of God, and one full of the grace of the holy Spirit ; and he confirmed his
election and consecration, because he knew that both had come from
God ; and at [Kentigern's] request, many times repeated and with difficulty
obtained, he supplied what was lacking in his consecration, and sent him
to the work of the ministry laid upon him by the holy Spirit. After
receiving apostolic absolution and benediction, the holy bishop Kentigern
returned home, carrying with him books of canons, and as many other
books as possible of holy writings ; also privileges, and many relics of
saints ; and church decorations, and the other things that belong to the
adornment of the house of the Lord. And he gladdened his disciples with
his return, and with holy gifts and presents.
" He passed some considerable time there" (in Llancarvan) " in great
quiet, and [religious] life. And he ruled with sanctity and vigour, and with
great solicitude, both the monastery and the episcopate."
134 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
(XXVIII) He had a gift of insight that detected crime and
heresy.
(XXIX) While Kentigern remained in Wales, his enemies in Cumbria
(the Cambrina regid) perished by various deaths ; and those who had
returned to idolatry were victims of death and famine. " But when the
time arrived to have mercy upon them, when the Lord should remove from
them the rod of his indignation, and when they should turn to the Lord
and he should heal them, he raised up as king over the Cumbrian kingdom
\regnum Cambrinuin\ a man called Riderch \Rederec}i\, who had been
"baptized in the faith in the most Christian manner by the disciples of
St Patrick in Ireland ; and one that with his whole heart sought after the
Lord, and endeavoured to restore Christianity. And truly it is a manifest
indication of divine mercy when the Lord has appointed as rulers and
kings to the control of the holy church and to the principate of the land,
men who make just decrees, and who live holily : men who seek their
people's good, and who judge with justice in the land. . . ."
(XXX) Riderch, desiring to resuscitate Christianity in his kingdom,
invited Kentigern to return ; Kentigern was bidden by an angel to go
back to his church in Glasgow. (XXXI) He therefore enthroned Asaph
as his successor, and departed, by the north door of the church, taking
with him to Strathclyde 665 of his disciples. (These all rest " in the
cemetery of the church" of Glasgow ; XLV.) In memory of this occasion
the north door of that church (of Llancarvan) was opened only once each
year, on St Asaph's festival (May ist). "When king Riderch and his
people heard that Kentigern had arrived from Wales in Cumbria, from
exile into his own country ; the king with great gladness, and a very great
crowd with joy and praise, went in procession to meet him. . . ."
(XXXII) Kentigern exorcised many demons from the crowd. In Hoddam
{Holdelm) the ground where he had sat down to teach rose into a high
knoll {monticuhim aliuni).
" And after the inhabitants of Cumbria had turned to the Lord, and
been washed in the saving laver, all the elements, which appeared to have
conspired for their destruction in vengeance for the wrong they had
done to God, now put on a new face towards them, for the salvation of
both soul and body. . . ."
(XXXIII) "And so king Riderch, seeing that the hand of the Lord
was good to him, and was working with his wishes, was filled with great
joy ; and he was quick to show openly how great devotion burned within
him. He divested himself of the royal robes, and, bowing his knees and
joining his hands, with consent and counsel of his nobles offered homage
to St Kentigern, and gave up to him dominion and sovereignty over his
whole kingdom, and wished [Kentigern] to be called king, and himself
ruler of the country under him ; even as he knew the former emperor,
Constantine the Great, had done to St Silvester.
"And so the custom sprang up, [and continued] during the course of
many years, so long as the Cumbrian kingdom lasted unimpaired, that the
prince was always subject to the bishop."
KENTIGERN, RIDERCH, AND CONSTANTINE 135
Riderch said that St Serf had given Kentigern his name prophetically
(A'sw, capud I,atine ; tyern Alba7iice, dominiis Laiine, interpretatuf).
"St Kentigern, as if being made a new Melchizedech, refused not to
receive what the king so devoutly offered him, to the honour of God ;
because he foresaw that this too in the future would benefit the church of
God.
" He had also a privilege sent him by the chief pontiff, to the effect
that he was subject to no [other] bishop ; but rather was called to be, and
was, the lord pope's vicar and chaplain.
"And the king who had raised the holy bishop in glory and honour got
from the Lord glory in return for glory, and greater honours and riches."
The queen {Langaueth, Dublin MS. ; Languoreth, London MS.) after
long barrenness was blessed with a child, who was named Constantine,
after the emperor.
" [Constantine] grew in age and grace, [and became] a boy of excellent
disposition, beloved of God and men ; and after his father had yielded to
fate he succeeded him in the kingdom by hereditary right ; and he was
always subject to the bishop, as was his father. And because the Lord
was with him he reduced to his own nation, without shedding blood, all
the neighbouring barbarous races. He excelled all the kings that had
reigned before him in the kingdom of Cumbria, in riches and glory, in
dignity and (what is more noble) in sanctity. Hence he was renowned for
his merits, and used his days for good ; and merited to triumph over the
world, and so be crowned in heaven with glory and honour ; and to this
day many are accustomed to call him St Constantine. [Cf year 589, note.]
" This we have said as in anticipation, because we made mention of
Constantine's birth at the prayers of St Kentigern, and his baptism and
education by him.
"The holy bishop Kentigern built churches in Hoddam, and ordained
elders and clergy ; and he fixed his episcopal see there, for a certain reason,
for some time. Afterwards instructed by divine revelation he transferred
it, as justice required, to his city of Glasgow."
(XXXIV) Kentigern visited his diocese, cleared away remnants of
idolatry and " restored Christianity generally to a better state than it
had ever been in there before.
" Then the soldier of God, kindled with the fire of the holy Spirit — like
[fire] which burns up wood, and flame burning the hills — , after he had put
right what was nearest to him (that is, his own diocese) advanced to
things more remote, and purged from the filth of idolatry and the contagion
of heretical doctrine the country of the Picts, which is now called Galloway
[Galwiethial, and its neighbourhood. And all that he found [there] contrary
to the Christian faith and to sound doctrine he brought with shining
miracles to the rule of truth, and corrected to the best of his power.
" In all this the fervour of his devotion was not turned aside, but his
hand was still extended to works of power, and to the extension of the
glory and honour of the highest name ; his feet being shod in the prepara-
tion of the gospel of peace.
136 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
" For he went to Albany, and there with excessive and almost
unbearable labour, frequently risking his life in the barbarians' toils, yet
standing fearless in faith, the Lord helping him and giving power to the
voice of his preaching, he converted the land from the worship of idols and
the profane rites almost equivalent to idolatry, to the [true] lines of faith,
and ecclesiastical customs, and canonical decrees. For there he built many
churches, and dedicated them after they were built ; he ordained elders
and clergy, and consecrated as bishops many of his disciples. In these
parts also he founded many monasteries, and placed over them as fathers
some of the disciples whom he had instructed."
He also sent missionaries to Orkney, Norway, and Iceland.
He returned to Glasgow, and performed there as elsewhere daily
miracles of healing. (XXXV) His faith protected him and his companions
from rain, snow, or hail.
(XXXVI) Queen Langueth (she is called "the queen of Cadzow" in
the Aberdeen Breviary, i, 3, 29, where this story is quoted " from the
history of the blessed Kentigern,") had given the king's ring to a lover.
Learning this, Riderch took the ring while the man was asleep, and threw
it into the Clyde ; then he threatened to put the queen to death unless she
brought him the ring. In extremity, the queen appealed to Kentigern ; he
sent her messenger away to fish. A salmon was caught, and the ring was
found in it. Reconciled to her husband, the queen sinned no more, and
Kentigern kept the secret. (This is grafted upon Kentigern's Life from an
old heroic story ; compare the story of Fraech and Findabair's ring in the
Tdin bo Fraich. Y.B.L, 58.)
(XXXVII) To save the king's honour, Kentigern provided a dish of
mulberries demanded by a jester who had been sent by an Irish king to the
Cumbrian court for the Christmas holidays.
(XXXVIII) Kentigern lived upon milk. He sent some to a smith
whom he employed, and it was accidentally poured into the Clyde, where
it was not lost, but turned into cheese.
(XXXIX) "In the time when the blessed Kentigern, placed in the
Lord's chandelier, like a lantern glowing with celestial desires and shining
with salutary words, with exhibitions of virtues, and with miracles, shone
upon all that were in the house of God, the holy abbot Columba (whom
the Angles call Columkill), miraculous in doctrine and virtues, renowned
for predictions of the future, filled with prophetic spirit, dwelling in that
glorious monastery which he had built in the island of lona [insula Yi\
wished to exult in St Kentigern's light not for an hour, but continually.
He had heard for a long time the report of his holy renown, and desired
to come to him, to visit him, to see him, to obtain intimate friendship with
him, and to consult the sanctuary of his holy bosom concerning the things
that lay next his own heart.
"And when a fitting time arrived, the holy father Columba set out ; and
a great crowd of his disciples, and others who desired to visit and see the
face of the notable man, accompanied him. And when he had approached
the place called yiAXvaAo^ox" {MelUvdenor in Dublin MS.) "where the
MISSION OF KENTIGERN 137
saint abode at that time, he divided all his followers into three companies,
and sent a messenger before him to announce to the holy bishop the
arrival of himself and his followers."
Kentigern advanced with three companies to meet Columba ; both
sides sang psalms ; the saints met and embraced. Columba distinguished
Kentigern from the rest by seeing him " clothed with light, as with a
garment, and with a golden crown placed upon his head."
(XL) Two of Columba's followers, being naturally thieves, stole the fattest
wether from one of Kentigern's flocks. The shepherd bade them ask for it ;
but one of the thieves insulted him while the other cut off the ram's head.
But the decapitated ram ran away and fell beside his flock, while his head
turned to stone and refused to leave the robbers' hands. They were
compelled to implore Kentigern's forgiveness. They received it, and also
the ram's carcase; "but the head, turned to stone, remains there to the
present day in witness of the sign ; and mutely preaches the merit of
St Kentigern."
" In the place where this miracle was performed by St Kentigern, and
made apparent in the sight of Columba and many others, each took the
other's staff, as a pledge and witness of their mutual love in Christ. The
staff that St Columba gave to the holy bishop Kentigern was kept for
a long time in the church of St Wilfrith, bishop and confessor, at Ripon ;
and it was held in great veneration because of the sanctity both of the
giver and of the receiver.
" So these saints stayed there together for several days, and mutually
conferred upon the things which are God's, and which belong to the saving
of souls ; afterwards they bade each other farewell, never to meet again ;
and giving each other benediction in love, they departed homeward."
(XLI) Kentigern erected many crosses throughout the country.
" Among many crosses which the man of the Lord erected in many places
he put up two that to the present day work miracles." One was of such
size that men with machinery failed (on Saturday) to set it up ; but an
angel raised it " in the following night, which was regarded as Sunday
[night]." " When the people came to the church in the early morning
and perceived what had been done, they were amazed, and glorified God in
his saint : for [the cross] was very large. And from that time it never
lacked great virtue : for many men delirious \arrepticii\ and tormented by
unclean spirits are customarily bound to that cross on Sunday night ; and
on the following day they are found in their right minds, delivered and
cleansed, or else frequently dead, or about to die by a rapid death.
" He constructed another cross — unbelievably, if it could not have been
examined by sight and touch — of sea-sand alone, while he meditated
righteously and rehgiously upon the resurrection, in Borthwick \Lothe-
ververd\ And he dwelt in this place for the space of eight years. Who
indeed should doubt that the Lord will restore our mortal bodies, although
resolved into dust, since he has promised this with his blessed mouth ;
when in his name this saint, of like sufferings to us, through prayer to
the Lord has set up a cross of the sand of the sea .''...
138 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
'■ To this cross also are bound in the evening many that are afflicted by
various diseases ; but especially maniacs, and those that are tormented by
a demon : and frequently in the morning they are found well and unhurt,
and they return home in freedom.
" There are also many other places vi'here he used to dwell ; and places
unknown to us, which (especially in Lent) the saint sanctified with his
presence and holy habitation." (He used to live, in Lent, in caves : XVII.)
But many places retain his influence, in curing the sick and in other signs.
(XLII) Kentigern's body began to show signs of approaching dissolu-
tion : he was extremely old. Cf. chapter XII : "To depict his whole life
briefly, he broke his fast only after three days or frequently four days of
fasting, from the time of his ordination, which befel him in the twenty-fifth
year of his age, until the very end of his life, which lasted for a space of a
hundred and sixty years. . . ." (The two numbers — 25 and 160 — are not
here to be added together. But in chapter XLIV Joceline says : "And so
the blessed Kentigern passed to the Father in such manner from this
world, full of days, since he was a hundred and eighty-five years old ; ripe
in merits, renowned for signs and prodigies and prophecies. . . ." The
number 185 is accepted as Joceline's meaning by Skene and Forbes ;
Historians, v, 369-370. But Joceline gives in reality two conflicting
accounts, in the later of which the number may have arisen from the
addition of a pa.rt to the whole of the earlier number — such an error as has
occurred e.g. in the traditions of Patrick's age, and of Harold Fairhair's
reign. In such cases the lesser number is the earlier ; in this case it too
may have been increased by similar means. The Life of Kentigern is not
of such authority as to justify any argument of the possibility of so long a
life.) Kentigern was so decrepit that he had to support his chin with a
linen bandage ; but he was still able to speak : and he instructed his
disciples to practise the Christian virtues ; and more especially to adhere
to the laws and customs of the church, and to have no dealings with
heretics. Then he kissed and blessed them, and laid himself down " in his
noble stone couch." (XLII I) His disciples, seeing him about to depart,
begged that they might accompany him. An angel announced that this
prayer should be granted : (XLIV) "And when the octave of the Lord's
appearance dawned" (i.e. the 13th January) — "the day on which in every
year the gentle bishop had been accustomed to wash a multitude of the
people with holy baptism," Kentigern entered a warm bath, in which, as
if falling asleep, he died. Then (following the angel's instruction) his
disciples entered the bath, one after another, struggling for precedence ;
and so long as the water remained warm, all who entered it died. " But
after the water had cooled, there was cessation not only of the obtaining of
death, but also of every smallest spark of discomfort." The remaining
disciples preserved some of Kentigern's garments as relics. Kentigern's
body was buried under a stone to the right of the altar ; his disciples'
bodies were placed "in the cemetery, in the order in which they had
passed from this world, after the holy bishop." (This story might possibly
rest upon some basis of a real epidemic.)
DEATHS OF KENTIGERN AND KING RIDERCH 139
Miracles wene still performed at his tomb. " From the day of his burial
to the present time, his sacred bones are known to blossom in their place
with very frequent miracles. ... At his tomb sight is restored to the
blind, hearing to the deaf, walking to the lame, speech to the dumb, clean
skin to the leprous, control of limbs to the paralytic, senses to the maniacal.
The impious, the sacrilegious, the treacherous, and violators of the peace
of his church, and defilers of the holy place, are punished with deserved
penalty." The theft of a cow was punished with death. " Many also who
have ventured [to violate] with any servile work the day of his festival,
when a crowd is accustomed to gather from different quarters to the church
in Glasgow where his most holy body rests, to beg his intercessions and to
see the miracles that commonly take place there, have very often suffered
the vengeance upon themselves of their crime."
(XLV) " In the same year in which St Kentigern was removed from
earthly things and departed to the skies, the often mentioned king Riderch
stayed longer than usual in the royal village which is called Partick "
{Perlncch, Dublin MS. ; Pertinet, London MS.). " In his court lived a
weak-witted man, named Laloecen," {Laloicen in London MS.) "who
received the necessaries of food and clothing from the king's munificence.
(For the nobles of the land, the sons of the kingdom, being addicted to
vanity, are accustomed to keep men of this kind about them ; so that they
may move their lord and his household to jests and loud laughter by foolish
words and acts.) After the death of St Kentigern, this man took to the
most grievous lamentations, and he would receive no consolation from
anyone.
" When he was asked why he mourned so inconsolably, he replied that
his lord king Riderch \Rederech\ and one of the nobles of the land, called
Morthec, could not delay very long in this life after the death of the holy
bishop, but would yield to fate in the same year.
" Since this saying of the fool had been spoken not foolishly but rather
prophetically, it was clearly confirmed by the deaths of the men named,
within the same year." (See above, year 573.) "... In the same year,
therefore, in which the holy bishop Kentigern had died, the aforesaid king
and prince departed ; and they were buried in Glasgow." Joceline con-
cludes with a peroration upon the merits of Glasgow church and its patron
saint.
In the office for Baldred, the Aberdeen Breviary (i, 3, 63) says that
Kentigern died on 13th January, 503, "at the city of Glasgow, which he
ruled, in the 183rd year of his age" : and that Baldred was his pupil and
suffragan. (For Baldred's death, see year 756.)
For the Aberdeen Breviary's 13th January, 503, Skene reads Sunday,
13th January, 603 (F.A.B.W., i, 176, note). Even with this correction the
authority of the Breviary cannot stand against that of the Annales Cambriae,
if there St Kentigern is meant.
The Breviary of Aberdeen mentions a disciple of St Kentigern,
Conuallus (ii, 3, 112), under September 28th.
Fordun, Chronica Gentis Scotorum, 111,29 ('> nS): "Contemporarily
140 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 613
Annales Oambriae, Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 156, s.a. [613] ^
The battle of Chester ^ ; and there fell Selim, Cinan's son.
And the repose of Jacob, Beli's son.^
with St Columba flourished the most blessed Kentigern, bishop of Glasgow,
a man of marvellous sanctity, and a worker of many miracles. His
venerable bones rest there entombed, made famous by many miracles to
God's praise. His bishopric's furthest boundary towards the south was at
that time, as it ought now to be, the royal cross below Stanemor.
" One of his principal disciples was St Convallus, famous for miracles
and virtues, whose bones therefore rest buried at Inchinnan, near
Glasgow."
The southern boundary was the " Rerecross on Stanemoor" H. & S.,
ii, I [ ; i.e., Rere Cross on Stanemore, in Westmoreland, near the border of
that county and of Skipton Parish in the North Riding of Yorkshire.
' 10 years after the " i5oth," i year before the " 170th year" after 444.
2 Gueith cair legion. This is the battle described by Bede, Historia
Ecclesiastica, II, 2 (i, 83-84) : "To these [bishops of the Britons] the man
of the Lord, Augustine, is said to have foretold threateningly, that if they
refused to accept peace with brethren, they should have to accept war from
enemies ; and if they refused to preach the way of life to the race of the
Angles, through their hands they should suffer the vengeance of death.
And through divine judgement this was entirely accomplished as he had
foretold.
" For after this the English king of whom we have spoken, ^thelfrith,
collected a great army to the city of Chester \ad civitatem Legionujit], which
is called Legacaestir by the English race, and by the Britons is more
correctly called Carlegion, and he made the greatest slaughter of the
faithless race. And when (setting out to the battle) he saw their priests,
who had assembled to pray to God for their army during the battle, he
enquired who these were, and what they had assembled there to do. Very
many of them were from the monastery of Bangor, in which there is said
to have been so great a number of monks that after the monaster'/ had
been divided into seven parts with the rulers placed over it, none of these
parts had less than three hundred men ; and they all used to live by the
labour of their hands. Very many of these, then, had assembled to the
aforesaid action, with others, to pray, after accomplishing a three-days'
fast ; and they had a defender called Brocmail, to protect them from the
swords of the barbarians while they were employed in prayer.
" When king ^thelfrith had understood the cause of their coming, he
said : ' If then they cry to their God against us, they also indeed fight
against us, although they bear not arms, since they pursue us with adverse
prayers.' Therefore he commanded the sword to be used against them
first ; and so he destroyed also the rest of the forces of the wicked army,
BATTLE OF CHESTER 141
not without great loss to his own army. It is said that of those who had
come to pray about a thousand and two hundred men were killed in that
fight, and that only fifty men escaped. At the first arrival of the enemy,
Brocmail and his followers turned their backs, and left those whom they
ought to have protected, naked and unarmed, to the blows of the sword.
"And so the prophecy of the blessed bishop Augustine was fulfilled,
although he had been raised to the heavenly realms already a long time
ago ; so that the treacherous ones might feel, in the vengeance of temporal
death, that they had despised the counsels offered to them of perpetual
salvation."
Since Augustine had been for a long time dead, the battle must have
been fought several years after 26th May 604, when he died.
A note of this battle is entered in A.S.C. A (insertion under 607) and
E (s.a. 605). Cf. Giraldus Cambrensis, vi, 217. According to Sigebert
(M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 321), s.a. 602, Augustine's prophecy was directed
against the Scots as well as the Britons. In fact the "Britons" would at
that time have included the Britons of Strathclyde.
^thelfrith's victory over the Welsh separated North Wales from
Cumbria and Strathclyde.
^ MS. B reads (Ab Ithel, 6) : "The battle of Kairlion, in which Seysil,
Cinan's son, and Jacob, Beli's son, died, with many others." MS. C (ibid.) :
"The battle of Caer-Legion, in which Silla, Cinan's son, fell."
A.I., II, O'Conor's year 606 = 614 (15 years after 599) : " The battle of
Chester \Cath Legeoin\ in which hosts of saints fell, [was fought] in Britain
between Saxons and Britons."
Tigernach, Annals; R.C., xvii, 171, s.a. [611] (fn. 6): " The battle of
Chester [cath caire Legio7i\ where the saints were slain ; and [where]
Solon, Conan's son, king of the Britons, and king Cetula fell, ^thelfrith
was the victor ; and immediately afterwards he died." (Omitted in C.S.)
^thelfrith died in 617 (A.S.C. E).
A.U., i, 86, s.a. 612 = 613 (with fn. and e. of 613) : "The battle of
Chester \belhim Caire legiori\ in which the saints were slain, and Solon,
Conan's son, king of the Britons, fell." (This is followed by : "Heraclius
reigns for 26 years " ; derived from Bede's Chronicle, M.G.H., Auctores, xiii,
310. Heraclius reigned 610-641. Tigernach places this reign ( " 22 years " )
at the beginning of the year-section, and continues with further extracts
from Bede, ibid., 3 10-31 1. T. gives the marginal date 4592 ( = 641) ; Bede,
4591 ( = 640).)
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 99, s.a. 613: "The battle of Carleil or
Carlegion, where Folinn, Conan's son, king of the Britons, was killed by
yEthelfrith ; who having the victory died himself instantly."
In 614, the West Saxons under Cynegils and Cuichelm inflicted a
heavy defeat upon the Welsh, at Beandune (A.S.C, ABCE, s.a. 614).
Fordun, III, 33, says that Catguollaun fled to Scotland, obtained aid
there and from Ireland and Armorica, and was afterwards able to hold
his own.
142 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
616-617
Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 157,
s.aa. [616] and [617] ^
Ceretic died.
Edwin began to reign.^
?6i7
Annals of Innisfallen ; Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores, vol. ii,
part 2, p. II ; under O'Conor's year 610 = 618^
The death of Talorcan.*
?6i8
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, pp. 171-172,
s.a. [61 5] 5
The burning of Donnan of Eigg, on the fifteenth^ before
' Placed 2 and 3 years after the "170th year" after 444. (Not in
MS. C ; Ab Ithel, 6.)
^ For the death of king ^^thelfrith in 617 in the battle of the Idle, and
the escape of his children to Scotland, with their subsequent conversion to
Christianity, see Bede, H.E., II, 12, III, i ; A.S.C. E, s.a. 617 ; F.W.,
s.a. 616. (From these sources Fordun, III, 33, derives his account.) See
E.G., 12-13; and for ^bbe, step-daughter of king ^thelfrith and grand-
daughter of king .^Ue, E.G., 13, 39.
Aberdeen Breviary, ii, 3, 87-88, under August 23rd : " Ebba, a glorious
virgin, uterine sister of Oswald, king of Northumberland, was sent with
her seven brothers to exile in the land of the Scots, and, along with her
brother king Oswald and his brothers, was received and cherished with
honour by Donald Brecc, king of the Scots. And like her brothers and
many more, so she too received the faith of Christ from the Scots." She
became a nun, taking the veil from " St Finan, a Scot by race, bishop of
Lindisfarne." She died [+683] four years before St Cuthbert [1687]. Her
remains were found "by the prior and convent of the monastery of
Coldingham, by command and revelation of the same holy virgin," and
transferred to the church of St Mary of Coldingham, where the oratory was in
ruins. After a few days, Ebba appeared to a monk Henry, "and commanded
that an oratory should be built to her in that place," in the year 11 88.
^ Placed 19 years after 599.
'' In MS. Tolorggain.
'" F.n. 4. The remainder of the year-section appears thus in Tigernach
and in A.U. : "Down to this year Isidore wrote his chronicle, thus
speaking : ' From now Heraclius is in the fifth year of his empire,' that is
to say m the fifth year of the empire of Heraclius and the fourth year of
the most religious prince Sisebert. From the beginning of the world to
the present year of Heraclius, his fifth, are 5814 years." This is taken
from Isidore, Chronica Majora, 480, s.a. 5813 = 615 A.D.
" 17th April.
^THELFRITH'S SONS. ST DONNAN 143
the Kalends of May, with a hundred and fifty martyrs ; and
the devastation of Tory Island, and the burning of Connor.^
' This passage appears similarly in A.U., i, 88, s.a. 616 = 617 (with f.n.
and e. of 617). They prefix the sentence : "The burning of the martyrs
of Eigg."
C.S., 74, s.a. [615] (Hennessy's year 617), agrees with T., but does not
mention Connor. (For xii in the text read xu.)
A.I., II, O'Conor's year 611=619 (20 years after 599) : "The slaying of
Donnan of Eigg, on the fifteenth before the Kalends of May."
The Martyrology of Gorman, April 17th, p. 78 : " Great Donnan and
his monks, to our assistance, the devout ones " ; with the note : — " The
number of their congregation was 52, and the sea-pirates came to the island
where they were and killed them all. The name of that island is Ego''
Oengus, April 17th : "Donnan, of chilly Eigg, \Ega ; Eca in L.B.] with
his followers, a fair company" [dinej perhaps "garrison"?]. In the notes
it is suggested that Eigg was "a spring" (L.B. ; so also in L.L., 359a) ;
"a spring in the [land of the] Old-Saxons, or in Caithness" (Laud 610) ;
"a river in Scotland" (Rawlinson B 512). But the annotators also identify
the place as an island, and there is no doubt that the island of Eigg is
meant. See the notes in 1880 Oengus, Ixxi ; 1905 Oengus, 116.
Upon "followers," L.B. notes: "i.e., fifty-four"; and gives the
following account in the margin (L.B., 86 ; 1880 Oengus, Ixxiv-lxxv) :
" Donnan of Eigg, i.e. Eigg is the name of an island in Scotland, and
Donnan is in it ; or in Caithness ; and St Donnan died there with his
community, fifty-five [in number].
"This Donnan is he who went to Columcille, to take him for his
confessor. And Columcille said to him, ' I will not be a confessor,' said
he, ' to people who are to suffer violent martyrdom ; for thou shalt enter
violent martyrdom, and thy community with thee.' And that is what was
fulfilled. Donnan went after that among the Gall-gaidil, and took up his
abode in the place where the queen of the country's sheep used to be.
This was told to the queen. ' Kill them all ' said she. ' That is not devout '
said the others.
" Thereafter men go to them, to kill them. The priest was then at
mass. ' Grant us peace till the mass is ended ' said Donnan. ' We will '
said they. Thereafter they were all killed, as many as were there."
Of the above, only the sentence that says that Donnan died in Eigg is
in Latin ; the rest, in Irish, is a different account and is fabulous.
(Similarly in Rawlinson B 512 and Laud 610; 1905 Oengus, 116.) For
the Gall-Gaidil see below, year 856.
Cf L.L., 371 : "Do!inan of Eigg" (with this note between the lines by
the compiler : — " That is, a rock between Galloway and Kintyre, standing
out opposite [Galloway]"' — inacamair imniuich — surely meaning Ailsa
Craig :) " Eigg is the name of a spring in Aldasain, in Caithness in the
north of Scotland. And there Donnan with his community endured
martyrdom. It happened thus that a certain rich woman dwelt there
before Donnan, and there her sheep used to be fed. For the ill-will there-
144 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
fore which she had against them she persuaded certain robbers to slay
Donnan with his followers. But when the robbers came there, they found
them in the oratory, singing psalms ; and there they were not" (for nunc^
reading «o«) "able to kill them. But Donnan said to his disciples, 'Let
us go into the refectory, that these men may be able to kill us where we
used to live after the flesh ; because so long as we are where we have
endeavoured to please God, we cannot die. But where we have favoured
the flesh we shall pay the debt of the flesh.' And so they were killed, on
the night of Easter" (i.e., the night before Easter), "in their refectory.
And they that suffered with this Donnan were fifty-four in number." A
similar account (but omitting "in Aldasain" and "on the night of Easter")
is given by Rawlinson B 505 (1905 Oengus, 114-116). The number 54 is
also given by Laud 610, 1905 Oengus, 116.
April 17th was Irish Easter in 623 ; April i6th was Irish and Roman
Easter in 618 (MacCarthy).
The Martyrology of Donegal, April 17th, p. 104, has a more credible
account: "Donnan of Eigg, abbot. Eigg is the name of an island in
which he was after he left Ireland. And sea-robbers came one time to
the island, while he was celebrating mass ; he begged them not to kill him
till he had concluded the mass ; and they gave him this favour \cairde\.
And afterwards he was beheaded, and 52 of his monks along with him.
And all their names are in a certain old book of the books of Ireland.
A.D. 616."
A list of Donnan's fellow-sufferers is given in the Martyrology of
Tallaght (L.L., 359).
Brussels Martyrology of Tallaght, Kelly's edition, p. xxi, April 17th:
"[Festival] of Donnan of Eigg with his 52 companions, whose names we
have written in the larger book." This seems to show that the writer of
this version had written also the version fragments of which occur in the
Book of Leinster.
An alternative date is given by the Brussels Martyrology of Tallaght,
Kelly, p. xxii, April 30th : " The household of Eigg, [familia Eago] as
some say." Similarly in the Book of Leinster version, p. 359 : " The
household of Eigg, \^Egd] as others say."
Cf the Breviary of Aberdeen, i, 3, 87.
Donnan's death was the subject of an Irish literary composition
(L.L., 190).
A barrow in Eigg is said to be Donnan's tomb.
The death-years of some other saints of Eigg have not been recorded.
" Berchan of Eigg " is commemorated on April loth ; Franciscan MS.,
1905 Oengus, 114; Brussels Tallaght, xxi ; Donegal, 98 : and in Gorman,
74, "Gracious Berchan, to whom I stretch" (tr. Stokes), has the note:
"of Eigg" {Aego).
"Festival of Enan of Eigg" {Enani Eago) Brussels Tallaght, xxii,
April 29th. Enan's name stands under^ the same day in Gorman, 86, with
the note " of the island of Eigg " {insi Aego).
" Congalach, from Ard Aego " {o Ard Aego) Donegal, 344, December
BATTLE OF CEND-t)ELGtHEISf 145
?62I
Tigemach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, pp. 174-175,
s.a. [619]!
Duncan, Eoganan's son,^ and Nechtan, Cano's son,^ and
Aed, died.*
?622
Tigemach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, pp. 175-176;
s.a. [619]^
The battle of Cend-Delgthen, in which fell the two sons of
Libren, son of Illann, son of Cerball. Conall, son of Suibne,
was the conqueror, and with him Donald Brecc." . . .
22nd. This is derived from Gorman, 244, same day : " High Congalach
oi A&§" {Congalachard Aegoj tr. Stokes).
"Conan of Eigg" Donegal, 14, January 12th.
1 F.n. 2.
^ "Eogan's son," in A.U. His father may have been the Eogan or
Eoganan, Gabran's son, whose death is placed above in 597. But the last
Eogan mentioned in A.U. was the son of Eochaid Laib, and probably the
king of Dalaraide. See above, p. 49.
** This name is spelt in T., mac Canand; in A.U., mac Cattonn; in C.S.,
mac Cananainn, "the son of Cananann." See year ?6oi, note.
This Nechtan has been regarded as the same as " Nectu, grandson of
Uerd" or "Uerb," whom the Chronicle of the Picts places for twenty years
at this time on the Pictish throne ; i.e., perhaps from 601 to 621. If Verb
was his grandmother's name, his claim to the throne would have been
through his father.
Nechtan Cano's son may have been the father of Angus, who died
? 636 ; and possibly the father of Lochene, Nechtan Cendfota's son, who
was killed in the battle of Segais ; below, year ? 637, note.
The legend of St Boniface (t March i6th) in the Breviary of Aberdeen,
i, 3, 69 (P. & S., 423) says that king Nechtan received pope Boniface [IV]
and many followers at Restennet in Pictland, beyond the Scottish sea.
This Boniface is stated to have set out on a missionary enterprise,
emulating the work of his predecessor, Gregory I (pope, 590-604).
Boniface IV was pope from 607 to 614 ; if he sent a mission to Pictland,
it would have been between those years, and within the reign of Nechtan
(?6oi-?62i). But Skene erroneously places the mission a century later,
ca. 710, in the reign of Nechtan Derile's son (706-724). S.C.S., i, 277-278.
* This passage appears similarly in C.S., 76, s.a. [6i9](Hennessy's year
621) ; and in A.U., i, 92, s.a. 620 = 621 (with f.n. and e. of 621).
5 F.n. 2.
" Similarly in C.S., 76. s.a. [620] (Hennessy's year 622).
K
146 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Conaing, son of Aid an, Gabran's son, was drowned. This
is what Ninnine the poet sang :
" The great clear waves of the sea reflected the sun's rays ;
they flung themselves upon Conaing, into his frail wicker
coracle.
"The woman who threw her white hair into Conaing's
coracle, her smile has beamed to-day upon the tree of
Tortu."! . . .
The death of Colgu, son of Cellach.^
A.I., II, under O'Conor's year 615=623 (24 years after 599): "The
battle of Cend-De[l]gthen, in which fell two sons of Libren, son of lUedan,
son of Cerball. Conall, son of Suibne, son of Colman, conquered."
A.U., i, 92, s.a. 621=622 (with f.n. and e. of 622) agree with T. and
C.S., but do not mention Donald Brecc.
F.M., i, 240, s.a. 617: "The battle of Cend-Delgthen [was fought] by
Conall, Suibne's son, and by Donald Brecc ; and there were slain two sons
of Libren, son of lUann, son of Cerball."
Donald Brecc was not yet king of Dalriata ; he seems to have reigned
from 630 to 643.
Cend-Delgthen seems to have been in Meath. Conall, Suibne's son,
was the great-great-grandson of Fergus Cerrbel or Cerball, king of Ireland,
through that king's son Diarmait, who was defeated in the battle of
Cuil-Dremne (see above, year 563).
Suibne, son of Colman Mor, was killed by Aed Slaine, joint-king of
Ireland with Colman Rimid (A.U., s.a. 599 = 600). Aed Slaine was killed
by Conall, Suibne's son (A.U., 603 = 604).; Angus, Colman Mor's son,
king of the southern Ui-Neill, was killed (A.U., 620 = 631) ; and in the
next year Conall, Suibne's son, (the nephew of Angus,) won the battle of
Cend-Delgthen, aided by Donald Brecc. Two sons of Aed Slaine were
killed by Conall, Suibne's son (A.U., 633 = 634). Diarmait, son of Aed
Slaine, killed Conall, Suibne's son (A.U., 634 = 635).
After this, Donald Brecc invaded Meath and was defeated in the battle
of Moira by the king of Ireland and the sons of Aed Slaine. See below,
year 639.
' The passage in inverted commas is in verse in the original.
The whole account of Conaing's death appears similarly in C.S., 76, u.s.
A.U., U.S., say : "Conaing, Aidan's son, was drowned," and give (somewhat
differently) the first of the two quatrains translated above.
^ Similarly in C.S. and A.U., u.s. ; F.M., i, 240, s.a. 617.
Colgu, Cellach's son, is twice mentioned by Adamnan, but there is
no indication of the place of his monastery.
Adamnan, I, 35 (Skene, 135) : " Concerning Gallan. son of Fachtna, who
•was in the district of Colgu, Cellach's son.
"Again one day the saint, sitting in his little hut, said in prophecy to
CONAING. COLGU. FERGNA. MONGAN 147
ca. 623
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 176, s.a. [619]^
The death of Fergna, abbot of lona.^
ca. 625
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 178, s.a. [624] ^
Mongan, son of Fiachna Lurgan, was struck with a stone
by Arthur, Bicoir's son, a [north] Briton,* and perished.
the same Colgu, who was reading beside him : ' Now demons are dragging
to hell a grasping chief from among the governors of thy district.'
[Literally " diocese."]
" And, hearing this, Colgu wrote down on a tablet the time and hour ;
and returning to his country after some months he found, on enquiry of
the natives of that district, that Gallan, son of Fachtna, had died at the
same moment of the hour at which the blessed man [Columba] had related
to him that [Gallan] had been seized by demons."
In Adamnan, III, 15, this Colgu was one of those to whom in lona
Columba described a miracle which he perceived by second-sight at the
time it occurred, in Durrow. (Skene, 203-204.)
' F.n. 2, as above. One or two year-headings have been omitted
here in our text of Tigernach.
'•^ Fergna's death is noted to the same effect in C.S., 76, s.a. [621]
(fn. 4; Hennessy's year 623), and in A.U., i, 92, s.a. 622 = 623 (with fn.
and e. of 623).
A.I., II, ©'Conor's year 616 = 624 (24 years after 599): "The repose
of Fergna, abbot of lona."
F.M., i, 244, s.a. 622 (and "the twelfth year of Suibne" Mend as
sovereign of Ireland) : "St Fergna the Briton, abbot of lona and bishop,
died on the second day of March."
The Martyrology of Oengus places "the white festival of Fergna of
lona" on the 2nd of March, with this note in Lebar Brecc (1880 Oengus,
p. Ix) : " Fergna the Briton, abbot of lona of Columcille " ; to which note
Rawl. B 512 adds this pedigree : " Fergna son of the poet, son of Finntan,
son of -, son of Cuinnid, son of Daithem, son of Cas, son of Fraech,
son of Cumscrach" (1905 Oengus, 86).
The death of " Fergna of lona" is placed in the Martyrology of Gorman,
p. 46, under March 2nd, with the note: "a Briton, abbot of lona of
Columcille, and bishop also." He is called "abbot of lona" in the
Brussels Martyrology of Tallaght ; Kelly, p. xvii, March 2nd. Fergna's
death is placed on 2nd March, 622, in the Martyrology of Donegal (60).
He is the Uirgnous of Adamnan.
' F.n. I. The year-section begins with the note "a dark year"
(ibid., 177) ; so also in A.U. This appears as "an eclipse of the sun" in
148 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
And hence Bee Boirche ^ said : " The wind blows cold
over Islay ; there are youths approaching in Kintyre : they
will do a cruel deed thereby, they will slay Mongan, son of
Fiachna."^ . . .
A.I. The year meant must surely be 625, when a solar eclipse occurring
on June loth at 5 p.m., Paris time, according to L'Art de Verifier les
Dates, was visible all over Europe.
From here to the end of the early years indicated in Tigernach by
ferial numbers, the years intended are uncertain ; events are entered in
general from three to six years too early.
Tigernach enters in the same year-section : " The baptism of Edwin,
file's son, who was the first in the districts of the Saxons to believe."
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle places this event in 627 : Annales Cambriae,
6, under [626] ("the 182nd year").
'' ab Artuir filio bi coirpre tene in MS. (Stokes): C.S. and F.M. read
Britone for pretene. Professor K. Meyer translates pretene "a Pict" ; see
(comparing his Bran, i, 84 ; and Rhys, Y Cymmrodor, xviii, 83) his Zur
Keltischen Wortkunde, II, 39 (Sitzungsberichte d. Konigl. preuss. Akad.
d. Wiss., phil.-hist. Klasse, 12th December 1912).
' Bee Boirche, king of Ulster, died, according to A.U., i, 166, in
717 = 718.
^ The passage in inverted commas is in verse in the original.
The whole passage stands similarly in C.S., 78, s.a. [623] (f.n. 7 ;
Hennessy's year 625), and in F.M., i, 242-244, s.a. 620.
Mongan's death is noted by A.U., i, 94, s.a. 624 = 625 (with f.n. and e. of
625) ; and in A.I., II, O'Conor's year 618 = 626.
Later we find the king of Dalriata avenging the death of Mongan's
father, the king of Dalaraide ; below, year 627. Mongan early became
a hero of romance. See Nutt and Meyer's Voyage of Bran (1895), e.g. i,
137-139-
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 100, s.a. 627 : " Mongan, Fiachna's son,
a very well-spoken man, and one much given to the wooing of women, was
killed by one Bicor, a Welshman, with a stone [625].
" Cathal, Aed's son, king of Munster, died.
"Saint Maedoc \^Mayochus\ of Fearns died [t625].
" The battle of Lethet-midind [Leheid-jnynd] was fought, where Fiachna
Demman's son, called Fiachna Baetan's son, king of Dalaraide, was killed
[626], ar,d in revenge thereof those of Dalriata challenged Fiachna
Demman's son and killed him in the battle of Corrann, by the hands of
Connad Cerr {Conard KearcY [627]. (The dates in brackets are supplied
from A.U.) See below, ca. 627, note.
For Mongan, cf. the Yellow Book of Lecan, facsimile, 135-136, 192-194 ;
Lebar na hUidre, 134 ; S. H. O'Grady, Silva Gadelica (1892), i, 391-392.
The "History of Mongan son of Fiachna" is one of the historical
works enumerated in the Book of Leinster, i8qc.
BATTLE OF ARD-CORRANN 149
ca. 625
Tigernach, Annals; u.s., p. 177
. . . Colman, Comgellan's son, departed to the Lord.^
ca. 627
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 179, s.a. [625] ^
The battle of Ard-Corann, in [which the men of] Dalriata^
were the conquerors, [and] in which Fiachna, the son of Deman,
fell, [killed] by Connad Cerr, king of Dalriata.*
' Similarly in A.U., u.s. F.M., i, 242, s.a. 620 : — "Colman, Comgellan's
son, died."
Cf. above, year 575, notes.
^ F.n. 2.
' This sentence is divided here by another (noting the death of abbot
Lachtnene).
* The battle is similarly described in A.U., i, 96, s.a. 626 = 627 (with f.n.
and e. of 627) ; but they do not mention the king of Dalriata : also in C.S.,
80, s.a. [625] (f n. 2 ; Hennessy's year 627), which mentions the king but
omits his name.
F.M., i, 248, s.a. 624: "The battle of Ard-Corann [was fought] by
Connad Cerr, lord of Dalriata ; and there Fiachna, Deman's son, king of
Ulster, was killed."
Connad Cerr seems not to have become the principal king of Dalriata
until a few years after this battle : see below, year 630. He may, however,
have been king of a part of Scottish Dalriata at this time.
The battle of Ard-Corann followed " the battle of Lethet-Midenn, in
Drong ; in which Fiachna, Baetan's son, the king of Dalaraide, was slain.
Fiachna, Deman's son, was the conqueror " ; Tigernach, u.s., s.a. [624]
(f.n. i). C.S., 80, s.a. [624] (fn. i, Hennessy's year 626), calls Fiachna,
Deman's son, "the king of Dal-Fiachach." A.U. give a similar account,
i, 94-96, s.a. 625 = 626 (with f.n. and e. of 626) ; they call the place Leithet
Midind, and name the conquered king " Fiachna Lurgan." Fiachna Lurgan
was the father of Mongan, for whom see above, year 625.
Lethet-Midenn is called " the castle of Lethet " in Berchan's Prophecy,
stanza 30. (The glosses there indicating Baetan and his son Fiachna have
been transposed.) See year 581. The Prophecy implies that this place
was in the east of Ulster.
The Book of Leinster (facsimile, 41, c) says that "Fiachna, Baetan's
son, was killed in the battle of Drong." The two Fiachnas stand there
among the kings of Ulster. They were followed by Congal Caech, who fell
at Moira (see below, year 639).
Fiachna Lurgan, king of Ireland, son of Baetan, son of Cairell, is said
to have obtained authority over Scotland, in a fairy-tale of the Yellow Book
of Lecan, facsimile, 212-313. For his brother Maelumai see year 603, note.
150 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
627
Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 157, s.a. [626] ^
Edwin was baptized ; and Run, Urbgen's son, baptized him.^
627, 640
Bede, Chronica; M.G.H., Auctores, vol. xiii, p. 311.
At this time there had arisen among the [Irish] Scots the
error of the quartodecimans in the observance of Easter.
Pope Honorius ^ refuted it in a letter ; but John, who succeeded
[Honorius'] successor Severinus, while still elect to the
pontificate, wrote for their benefit concerning the same
Easter,* and of the Pelagian heresy, which was reviving among
them.^
ca. 627
Annales Cambriae ; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 157, s.a. [627]"
Belin died.
ca. 629
Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 157, s.a. [629]'
The besieging of king Catguollaun in the island of Glannauc.
1 Placed 2 years after the " i8oth year" after 444. Not in MS. C.
MS. B reads instead of the second sentence : " by PauHnus, bishop of
York"(ed. Ab Ithel, 6).
2 See above, p. 14.
3 Honorius I was pope from 625 to 638. According to A.S.C. E, this
letter was written in 627 : "And [Pope Honorius] sent the [Irish] Scots a
writing, that they should turn to the right Easter." See Bede, H.E., II, 19.
* Severinus was buried on 2nd August, [640] ; the see was vacant for
4 months, 28 days. Then John IV held it, for i year, 9 months, 18 days ;
he was buried on 12th October, [642]. This letter was therefore written in
640 after August 2nd and before December 24th, which was the day of
John's consecration.
5 This passage is quoted in Hugo's Chronicon, M.G.H., Scriptores,
viii, 324 ; the Chronicon Universale, ibid, xiii, 14 ; Gesta episcoporum
Neapolitanorum, in M.G.H., Scriptores Rerum Langobardicarum, 415.
Tigernach (R.C., xvii, s.a. [6n], fn. 6 ; in the section with the reign of
Heraclius [610-641], and the marginal date 4592 A.M. = 641 A.D.) copies
Bede, omitting " while . . . pontificate."
6 3 years after the " 180th year" after 444.
7 Placed 5 years after the " i8oth year" after 444.
EASTER CONTROVERSY. KING EOCHAID 151
?630
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. i8i, s.a. [627]^
The death of Eochaid Buide, Aidan's son.^
? 630
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 98, s.a. 628 = 629 ^
The death of Eochaid Buide, king of the Picts, the son of
Aidan. So I have found in Cuanu's Book.*
1 With f.n. 5.
^ Eochaid's death is placed in T., C.S., and A.U., 23 years after the
death of Aidan, and immediately after the battle of Fid-eoin. But Connad;
Cerr, who is said to have been killed in that battle, appears to have been
Eochaid's successor.
C.S., 82, s.a. [627] (Hennessy's year 629) : " The death of Eochaid
Buide, Aidan's son, in the 20th year of his reign."
A. I., 12, O'Conor's year 623 = 631 (32 years after 599) : "The death of
Eochaid Buide, Aidan's son." This is placed 22 years after the death of
Aidan.
A verse relating to Eochaid Buide is quoted from B.B. 289 a, and a
Dublin MS. (Trin. Col. H. 2.12.8), in Irische Texte, iii, 67 (ed. R.
Thurneysen).
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 60 ; " Seven times ten years," (for fo
seacht r&2.A aciis seacht, i.e. "seventeen years"?) "a course of renown, in
the sovereignty of Eochaid Buide."
^ With f.n. and e. for 629.
* This is the last reference to Cuanu's Book in A.U. : if it is used
afterwards, it is not named. It may have ended about this date. The first
quotation from it is at the year 467. There is no indication of the date
at which Cuanu's Book was written, except that some Irish words in the
quotations from it were not written before the 8th century ; the)' may,
however, have been translated into Irish from a Latin original by an 8th-
century (or later) compiler.
The oldest Chronicles of Dalriata give Eochaid Buide a reign of 15 or
16 years (see p. cxxx) ; the Duan, of 17 years (s.l.). He does not seem there-
fore to have reigned over Dalriata during the whole period between his
father's death and his own.
Eochaid was evidently very young at the time when Columba chose him
as Aidan's successor (above, p. 95).
According to Fordun, (i, 84, 119) the hand of Eochaid Buide (or of
Eochaid Domangart's son ; 1 697) was cut off and buried on his extreme
frontier, at Stanemore.
The words " king of the Picts," {rex Pictorum) if not a mistake for
"king of Scotland" or Dalriata, would imply that Eochaid had reduced
some part of Pictish territory to his dominion. We may compare with this
152 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 630
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, pp. 180-181,
s.a. [627] 1
The battle of F"id-eoin, in which Maelcaich, Scandal's son,
king of the [Irish] Picts, was the conqueror. [The men of]
Dalriata fell.
Connad Cerr, king of Dalriata, fell, and Dicull, Eochaid's
son, king of the kindred of the Picts,^ fell ; and Aidan's
grandsons fell, Rigullan, Conaing's son, and Failbe, Eochaid's
implication the statement of Tigernach (above, year 627) that Connad Cerr
was king of Dalriata during Eochaid Buide's life-time. (The conjecture
in S.C.S., i, 241-242, that Eochaid reigned in Galloway, Connad in Argyle,
would imply either that Aidan had ruled over Galloway, or that between
607 and 630 the Scots had encroached upon the kingdom of Bernicia ; the
former is improbable, the latter is expressly denied by Bede (E.C., 12).
It seems more likely that Connad ruled some part of Dalriata under
Eochaid. The Picts of Galloway at least were subject to Oswald (634-642)
and his successors.)
It is probable that Irish emigrants from Dalaraide had settled in
Galloway, as emigrants from Irish Dalriata had settled in Argyle. The
settlers in Galloway might have had relations with their kinsmen in Argyle.
But they can hardly have been the Picti of whom Eochaid Buide was the
king, since they (like the Picts of Dalaraide) would have been called
Cruithni, not Picti, by the Irish annalists.
Some division of Dalriatan territory had probably been made ; and a
more Pictish part was probably ruled by Eochaid Buide, while a southern
part was under Connad Cerr. It is possible, however, since Connad's
subjects were twice in conflict with the Cruithni of Dalaraide, that the
annalists thought him' the king of Irish Dalriata ; and that Eochaid's
subjects are called Picts in distinction from the Irish Dalriatans.
1 F.n. 5.
2 ri ceneoil Cruithne : i.e., a claimant of the kingdom of Dalaraide, and
possibly the son of Eochaid Buide. In that case he would have been the
brother of Failbe, and might have had some hereditary claim, perhaps
through his mother.
Fiachna, Deman's son, king of Dal-Fiatach (a section of Dalaraide),
had killed Fiachna Lurgan, Baetan's son, the king of Dalaraide, in ?626;
and had made himself king of the Cruithni of Dalaraide. Connad Cerr
had defeated and killed Fiachna Deman's son in the following year ; and
presumably had set up Dicull as king in his place. Maelcaich, Scandal's
son, then made himself king. In 645, " Locheni, the king of the Cruithni,
son of Fingin, died" ; in 646, "Scandal, son of Bee, son of Fiachra, king
of the Cruithni" was wounded; in 666, "Maelcaich, Scandal's son, king of
the Cruithni," and " Eochaid larlaithi, king of the Cruithni," died (A.U.).
Scottish Dalriata does not appear to have avenged the defeat of Fid-eoin.
BATTLE OF FID-EOIN. KING CONNAD 153
son ; and Osric, ^Ifric's son/ the crown-prince of England,
with very great slaughter of his men.^
ca, 630
Tigemach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 181, s.a. [628]^
The death of Conaing Cerr, as others say, in the first year
of his reign ; he who was conquered in the battle of Fid-eoin.*
^ In Tigernach, mac Albndt ("a scribal error for Albruic = /4Llfric"
Stokes, Transactions of the Philological Society, 1890, p. 426); in
C.S., mac Albirit.
Osric, ^Ifric's son, the apostate king of Deira, reigned 633-1634,
according to Bede, H.E., III, i. (A.S.C. E says that he became king of
Deira in 634.) His death is wrongly placed here in the Irish annals,
before the death of his predecessor Edwin. See year 633.
^ cum strage maxima suorum, perhaps " of their men."
Similarly in C.S., 80-82, s.a. [627] (Hennessy's year 629).
A.U., i, 98, s.a. 628 = 629 (with f.n. and e. of 629) : "The battle of
Fid-eoin, in which Maelcaich, Scandal's son, king of the [Irish] Picts,
was the conqueror. [The men of] Dalriata fell. Connad Cerr, king of
Dalriata, fell. . . .
" Otherwise, the battle of Fid-eoin, in which fell Rigullon and Failbe,
the grandsons of Aidan." The latter account they derive from Cuanu's
Book. Other battles are entered in the same annal.
Tigernach, placing Connad's death in the following year, from another
source, suggests that Connad survived the battle. But the variation seems
to be one of date only : an alternative source would place the battle in 631,
instead of 630.
The Annals of Clonmacnoise, loi, s.a. 627: "The battle of Fid-eoin
{ffeawynel, wherein Maelcaich, Scandal's son \_Moylekeigh mcSeannoile],
king of the Picts, was killed ; many of [the men of] Dalriata were killed,
as Connad Cerr their prince ; the nephews of Aidan were killed, Rigailan
Conaing's son and Eailbe Eochaid's son ; and Osric, ^Ifric's son \offrich
mcAlfrithe\ prince of the Saxons, with many of his nobles, were likewise
killed.
" Eochaid Buide, son of king Aidan of Scotland, in the 20th year of his
reign died (in the year of his reign 15 or i6, of Christ 621)." The last
words {an7to regni 15 vel 16, xti 621) are evidently a gloss.
^ F.n. 6 in O'Conor's edition ; Scriptores, ii, 1, 191. The year meant
here in T. and in C.S. is probably 631. Under the same year is placed
"the death of ^lle, king of England"; an event which A.S.C. dates in
588. This anachronism appears in C.S. also.
4 C.S., 82, s.a. [628] (f.n. 6; Hennessy's year 630): "The death of
Connad Cerr, as others say, in the first year of his reign, in the battle
of Fid-eoin." T. appears to have added to his alternative source the words
" he who was conquered," suggesting that Connad survived the battle ;
154 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
633
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 181 ; s.a. [629]'
The battle of Edwin, file's son, the Saxons' king, who
ruled all Britain ; and in this battle he was conquered by
C[atguoll]aun, king of the Britons, and Penda the Saxon.^
The death of Kenneth, Luchtren's son, king of the Picts.^
633
Annales Oambriae, Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 157, s.a. [630]*
Guidgar comes and does not return, on the Kalends of
January. The battle of Meicen, in which Edwin was killed,
with his two sons.^ And Catguollaun was the conqueror.*'
that suggestion does not appear in C.S., and was probably absent from
T.'s source.
The Chronicle of Dalriata calls this king " Kenneth the Left-handed,
Conall's son," and gives him a reign of three months.
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 60 : " Connad Cerr [reigned] for a
quarter, of noted fame ; and his son Ferchar had [a reign of] sixteen " (quarters
or years?). "After Ferchar — see the verses — fourteen years of Donald."
For Ferchar, see below, ?ca. 651. With Feaghaidh rainji, literally
"look upon the stanza," cf gan roimi ("without a stanza"), above,
year 574. The gender and spelling are made dependent on the rhyme.
Fordun transposes the reigns of Eochaid Buide and Connad Cerr ; and
after Eochaid places a king Ferchar, Eochaid's son, wrongly (III, 31, 34).
' With f.n. 7. Placed 17 year-sections before 651.
2 Edwin was killed on 12th October, 633 (Bede).
^ To the same effect in C.S., 82, s.a. [629] (f n. 7 ; Hennessy's year 631).
A.U., i, 98, s.a. 630 = 631 (with fn. and e. of 631) : "The battle of yElle's
son, and the death of Kenneth Lugtren's son."
A.I., 12, O'Conor's year 625 = 633 (34 years after 599): "The death of
Kenneth, king of Scotland, and of Edwin, king of England."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, loi, s.a. 630 : "^lle king of the Saxons died.
. . . The battle of Edwin, son of king ^lle who reigned king over all the
Saxons, wherein Catguollaun \Acathlon\ king of the Britons was overcome,
was fought"; and 102, s.a. 632: "Kenneth, Luchtren's son \Cenay
mcLachtren\ king of the Picts, died."
The Chronicles of the Picts give Kenneth a reign of 19 (ABC) or 24
years (DK). T., C.S., and A.U., place his death 10 years after the death
of Nechtan Cano's son, who may have been Kenneth's predecessor.
* Placed 6 years after the " i8oth year" after 444.
^ Cf. Bede's account, below.
" This is derived from the Historia Brittonum, Genealogies ; M.G.H.,
Auctores, xiii, 204: "... Yffe begot ^lle, [who begot] Edwin, [who
begot] Osfrith and Eadfrith. Edwin had two sons, and they fell along
KINGS EDWIN AND KENNETH 155
with him in the battle of Meicen ; and kingship never recurred in his line,
because not one of his race escaped from this battle, but all were slain
along- with him by the army of CatguoUaun, king of the district of
Guenedota."
Bede, H.E., II, 20: "And when Edwin had ruled most gloriously for
seventeen years over the nations both of the Angles and of the Britons —
and during six of these years, as I have said, he too had been a soldier of
Christ's kingdom — CatguoUaun, king of the Britons, rebelled against him,
with aid from Penda, that most vigorous man of the royal race of the
Mercians ; [Penda] had moreover at that time ruled the kingdom of that
nation with varying fortune for twenty-two years. And a severe battle was
fought in the plain which is called Hatfield \HaethfeltJi\, and Edwin was
killed, on the fourth day before the Ides of October, in the year of the
Lord's Incarnation 633, when [Edwin] was forty-eight years old. And his
whole army was either killed or routed.
" In this battle also one of his sons, Osfrith, a valiant youth, had fallen
before him ; the other, Eadfrith, compelled by need, made his escape to
king Penda, and was killed by him afterwards, during Oswald's reign, in
violation of his oath."
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, MS. E, s.a. 633 : " In this year king Edwin was
slain by CatguoUaun and Penda on Hethfelda, on the second day before the
Ides of October" (i.e., October 14th). "And he [had] reigned for seventeen
years. And also his son Osfrith was slain with him. And thereupon
CatguoUaun and Penda advanced, and destroyed all the land of the
Northumbrians." (MSS. ABCF have simply: "In this year king Edwin
was slain.") Edwin's death is placed in 633 also by the Annals of St
Neots ; Stevenson's Asser, 122.
Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica, III, i : (Osric, king of Deira, had been
baptized by Paulinus ; Eanfrith, king of Bernicia, had been baptized during
his exile among the "Scots or Picts" ;) "And both these kings, as soon
as they had obtained the insignia of earthly kingship, abandoned and
betrayed the heavenly kingdom's sacraments, in which they had been
initiated, and gave themselves up again to their former filth of idolatry, to
be polluted and destroyed.
"Soon CatguoUaun, the king of the Britons, slew them, with impious
hand but in just retribution ; first Osric, the following summer, while
[Osric] was besieging him rashly in a municipal town ; [CatguoUaun] sallied
suddenly forth with all his men, and taking [Osric] unprepared, destroyed
him and his army. Afterwards, when for a whole year the victor had
occupied the provinces of the Northumbrians, not as a king ; but as a
tyrant had oppressed and destroyed them, and ravaged them with tragic
slaughter, at last he doomed Eanfrith to a similar fate, when [Eanfrith]
came to him unadvisedly with twelve picked soldiers to sue for peace.
" That year remains to this day of ill renown, and abhorred by all the
good, both on account of the apostasy of the kings of the Angles, whereby
they had stripped themselves of the sacraments of the faith ; and because
of the savage tyranny of the British king. Hence it has seemed good to
156 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
634
Annales Cambriae ; V Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 157, s.a. [631]
The battle of Catscaul, in which Catguollaun fell.^
634
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book I, c. i ^
[Columba] often foretold the future rewards of very many
still living in mortal flesh : of some happy, of others sad. And
in the dreadful clashings of wars he obtained this of God by
virtue of prayers that some kings should be conquered, and
other rulers should be the conquerors. Such a privilege was
granted to him by God (who honours all saints), as to a
victorious and very powerful champion, not only while
[Columba] continued in this life, but also after his passing
from the flesh.
We shall give one example of this honour divinely conferred
by the Almighty upon the honourable man, [an example] which
was shown to Oswald, ruler of the Saxons, on the day before
he fought against Catguollaun,* the most powerful king of the
Britons. For when this king Oswald had encamped upon the
verge of battle, sleeping in his tent upon a pillow he saw in
all who reckon the times of kings to put aside the memory of the faithless
\perfidoriini\ kings, and to assign this year to the reign of the following
king, that is, of Oswald, a man beloved of God. He, after the death of his
brother Eanfrith, attacked [Catguollaun] with an army, small but strengthened
by the faith of Christ ; and the execrable leader of the Britons, with his
innumerable forces, which he used to boast that nothing could withstand,
was slain by him in the place that is called Denisesburna in the English
tongue ; that is, the stream of Denis." See also H.E., II, 2.
Fordun, III, 34, says that when ^thelfrith's sons heard of the death of
Edwin, they appealed to king Donald for leave to depart, and for aid to
recover their inheritance. The king gave them an escort, but refused
military aid against his ally Catguollaun.
^ Placed 7 years after the " i8oth year" after 444.
2 This is derived from the Historia Brittonum, c. 64, M.G.H., Auctores,
xiii, 207-208 : " [Oswald] slew Catguollaun, king of the district of North
Wales, in the battle of Catscaul, with great slaughter of his army."
(Annales Cambriae read Cantscaul). According to Fordun, III, 34 (i, 121)
the battle of Denisesburna was fought near the Roman wall " which is
called Thyrlwall."
2 Reeves's edition, 13-16; Skene's, 112-113.
* Adamnan uses the Irish form of the name. Cation,
KINGS CATGUOLLAUN AND OSWALD 157
a vision St Columba beaming in angelic form, whose great
height appeared with its head to touch the clouds. And the
blessed man revealed to the king his name, and standing in
the middle of the camp protected with his effulgent robe the
camp, excepting a small outpost ; and he bestowed these
words in confirmation — the same which the Lord spoke to
Joshua Ben Nun before the crossing of Jordan, after Moses'
death, saying : — " Have courage and act manfully ; behold I
shall be with thee," and the rest.^ And thus, saying these
things to the king in a vision, the holy Columba added : —
" Advance to battle from the camp this coming night ; for on
this occasion the Lord has granted to me that thy enemies
shall be turned to flight, and thy enemy Catguollaun shall be
given up into thy hands ; and that after the battle thou shalt
return as conqueror, and shalt reign happily." After these
words the king arose, and related this vision to his assembled
council ; and all were encouraged by it, and the whole people
promised that after returning from the battle they would believe
and receive baptism : for up to that time the whole of that
Saxon land had been overshadowed by the darkness of
heathendom and ignorance, excepting king Oswald himself,
with twelve men who had been baptized while with him in
his exile among the Scots.
In effect, the same night following (as he had been instructed
in the vision) king Oswald advanced from camp to battle,
against numerous thousands, with a considerably smaller army ;
and as had been promised him, a successful and easy victory
was granted to him by the Lord ; king Catguollaun was killed,
and [Oswald] returned with victory after the battle, and was
afterwards appointed by God emperor of all Britain.
This narration was indubitably narrated to me, Adamnan,
by my predecessor, our abbot Failbe,^ who stated that he had
heard it from the lips of king Oswald himself, when he related
this vision to abbot Segine.^
' See Joshua, I, 1-9 ; noticing the boundaries mentioned in verse 4.
^ Failbe died about 679 ; see below.
^ Segine died about 652 ; below. He was abbot of lona from about
623.
The episode is briefly narrated in the Life attributed to Cummine, XXV ;
Pinkerton's Vitae, 44.
158 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
634
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 182, s.a. [630] ^
A battle [was fought] by Catguollaun, and Eanfrith, who
was beheaded ; and in it Oswald, ^thelfrith's son, was the
conqueror, and Catguollaun, king of the Britons, fell.^ . . .
The island of Lindisfarne was founded.^
630 X 643
?ca. 635
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 205 *
A battle in Calathros,'^ and in it Donald Brecc was
conquered.^
' F.n. 2, placed 16 year-sections before 651.
2 A.U., i, 100, s.a. 631=632 (with f.n. and e. of 632) : "The battle of
Catguollaun, king of the Britons, and of Eanfrith."
A.I., 12, under O'Conor's year 626 = 634 (35 years after 599) : "The
wounding of Catguollaun."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 132, s.a. 634 : "The battle between Catguollaun
and Eanfrith was fought, who therein was beheaded ; and Oswald son of
^thelfrith had the victory."
See E.G., 13, 18.
Oswald's victory and succession are recorded, after Bede, by Sigebert
of Gemblours, M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 323, s.a. 635
Catguollaun's death ended British s'jpremacy in Northumbria.
Adamnan's narrative shows that Scottish sympathies were against the
Britons on this occasion.
3 Inis Metgoit in T. ; Inis Medgoit in C.S. The monastery of Lindis-
farne was probably founded in 635. See E.C., 13-18.
Its foundation appears similarly in C.S., s.a. [630] (for f.n. 5 read 2 ;
Hennessy's year 632), and in A.I., u.s. F.M., i, 248, s.a. 627, add: "by
bishop Aidan." See below, year, 65 \.
Aidan's mission to Lindisfarne is mentioned by Alberic of Trois
Fontaines, Chronica ; M.G.H., Scriptores, xxiii, 696, s.a. 635 : Aidan's
death, ibid., 697, s.a. 651.
■• This is placed after the events quoted from Tigernach below, year 679.
° CalitroSy in Tigernach ; Calathros, A.U. ; Calairos, Duald.
Skene understood this district to be the same as that named Calatria in
Latin ; but the identity of the two places is not established, and in fact this
passage practically disproves it, because Bede says expressly that no king
of the Scots had invaded Bernicia after the defeat of Aidan in 603.
Below (year 736) it seems that Calathros was within Dalriata ; and it
may perhaps have been the Cladrois placed by the Senchus in Islay
(above, p. clii). See year 736.
About this time (635 or 636) Donald's rival of the house of Cowal,
BATTLE OF CALATHROS. KING GARTNAIT 159
?636
Annals of Innisfallen ; Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores, vol. ii,
p. 12; O'Conor's year 628 = 636 1
The death of Angus, Nechtan's son.^
?637
The Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 102, s.a. 634 = 635 "
The death of Gartnait,* Foith's son.^
ca. 637
Tigemach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 183, s.a. [632]^
Segine, abbot of lona, founded the church of Rechru.'^
Ferchar, son of Connad Cerr, seems to have obtained a share in the
sovereignty of Dalriata. It seems possible that this division might have
resulted from a battle in Dalriata in which Donald was defeated.
Donald fought also with his neighbours. His supporters were defeated
ca. 640 in Glend-Mairison, which may have been in Pictish territory ; but
his death ca. 643 was caused by the Britons of Strathclyde.
'^ Similarly in A.U., i, 130, s.a. 677 = 678; and in D.M.F., II, p. 86,
under [678]. Cf. below, year 679, note.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 109, s.a. 674 : " The battle of Calathros was
given, where Donald Brecc was vanquished."
The only reason for dating this battle in 635 is that it is placed in
A.U. 8 years before the misplaced entry of Donald Brecc's death. See
year 643.
' Placed 37 years after 599.
^ Perhaps this was a son of the Nechtan whose death is entered above
in ?62i.
^ With f.n. and e. of 635.
* In text Gartnain.
^ In the same year-section A.U. note (doubtless from another source) :
"The battle of Segais, in which fell Lochene, son of Nechtan Cendfota ;
and Cumuscach, son of Angus ; and Gartnaith, son of Oith." This notice
of the battle of Segais appears similarly in Tigernach, s.a. [632] (as below),
and in C.S., without mention of Gartnait ; his name ought probably not to
be connected with it. Segais is stated to have been Curlieu Mountain, in
county Roscommon (editors of A.U.).
The Chronicle of the Picts, version A, says that Gartnait reigned for
4 years ; i.e., probably 633-637.
" F.n. 4. Placed 14 year-sections before 651.
' A.U., i, 100, s.a. 634 = 635 (u.s.) : "The church of Rechru was
founded."
F.M., i, 250, s.a. 630 : " Segine, abbot of lona of Columcille, founded the
160 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
A gathering of the Saxons against Oswald.^
Eochaid, the abbot of Lismore, reposed."^
ca. 639
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book III, c. 5 ^
Cummine the Fair, in the book that he wrote about the
virtues of St Columba, so said that St Columba began to
prophesy concerning Aidan and his descendants and concerning
his kingdom, saying, " Believe indubitably, O Aidan, that none
of thy enemies will be able to oppose thee until first thou work
deceit upon me and upon my successors. For this cause there-
fore do thou command thy sons that they also command their
sons and grandsons and descendants not through evil counsel
to lose their sceptre of this kingdom from their hands. For at
whatever time they shall act against me or against my relatives
who are in Ireland, the whip that I endured for thee from the
church of Rechrainn." (The name Rechru passes through the form
Rechrainn to Rathhn.)
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 132, s.a. 634: "Segine, abbot of lona,
founded the church of Rathlin. The Saxons made great assemblies
against king Oswald."
Stokes explains Rechru here as Lambay : but ecclesiastics of Rathlin
or Lambay are not spoken of by A.U. for a hundred years after this date.
The island of Rechru mentioned in Adamnan, I, 5, and {Rechrea insula)
in II, 41, was near Ireland, close to Coire-Brecain, and inhabited. This
was apparently the original Coire-Brecain from which the modern Scottish
Corrievreckan, between Jura and Scarba, got its name ; and Adamnan's
Rechru is Rathlin, formerly counted among the Hebrides.
Cf the Irish addition to the Historia Brittonum of Nennius, in Skene's
P. & S., 23 : " Now the Fir-bolg took Man, and they took moreover the
other islands Ara, and Ila, and Recca" ; i.e., Arran, Islay, and Rathlin.
' This is in Latin.
"^ A.U., i, 102, s.a. 634 = 635 : "Eochaid of Lismore died."
F.M., i, 252, s.a. 634 : " St Eochaid, abbot of Lismore, died on the 17th
of April." (17th April 634, according to the Martyrology of Donegal, 104.)
"Eochaid of Lismore" is placed in the Martyrology of Tallaght (Book
of Leinster, 359 a) under April 17th.
This was Lismore in Scotland. A.I. record the foundation of the Irish
Lismore in O'Conor's year 630 = 638, and the death of Mochuta its founder
in 631=639: A.U. place the death of Mochuta in 636 = 637 (T., R.C. xvii,
184, under fn. 7 = 634; C.S., 84, Hennessy's year 636). All four annals
place Mochuta's expulsion from Rahen in the year before his death. A.I.'s
dates are probably correct.
^ Reeves's edition, 199-201 ; Skene's, 197-198.
BATTLE OF MOlRA 161
angel ^ shall be turned to a great disgrace upon them by the
hand of God : and men's hearts shall be taken from them, and
their enemies shall greatly rejoice over them."
And this prophecy was fulfilled in our days in the battle of
Roth,2 when Donald Brecc, Aidan's grandson, without cause
wasted the province of Donald, grandson of Ainmire. And
from that day to this ' they have been held down by strangers ;
a thing that fills the heart with grief*
' See above, year 573.
^ Apparently the battle of Moira, for which see below.
^ Adamnan's death is recorded below, year 704. For the date of his
work cf. years 679, 686-688, notes.
* This passage appears thus in the Life attributed to Cummine, c. V ;
Pinkerton's Vitae Antiquae, p. 30 : " Further, among the words of the
ordination [of Aidan, Columba] prophesied the future concerning [Aidan's]
sons and grandsons and great-grandsons ; and laying his hand upon his
head, he ordained and blessed him, and spoke these words : ' Believe
indubitably, O Aidan, that none of thy enemies will be able to oppose thee,
until first thou work deceit upon me and upon my successors. Speak to
thy sons in these same words, lest they lose the kingdom. If they obey
not, the scourge that for thy sake I have endured from the angel of God
shall be turned against them.'
" And so it happened ; for they transgressed the command of the man
of God, and have lost the kingdom.'
These last words show that the Life attributed to Cummine was written
at a time when the descendants of Aidan had lost the kingdom of Dalriata :
i.e., 643 X 65 1, or after 697. Cummine might have written before 651. The
phrase quoted by Adamnan, that Aidan's descendants were "held down
by strangers," suggests rather that they reigned, but were not independent.
It might have been taken from a later recension of the Life attributed to
Cummine, made 651x669; or it might have been an adaptation of that
Life's words, to suit the conditions of Adamnan's time. At the time when
he wrote (ca. 688 x 693) Aidan's descendants may not have recovered the
sovereignty of Dalriata.
More probably the Life attributed to Cummine was not written by
Cummine, but was derived from Adamnan's Life. See above, p. 55.
In S.C.S., i, 250, 257, this passage was interpreted to mean that Argyle
was under the supremacy of Strathclyde after the battle of Strathcarron
(year 643) ; and of Northumbria, after the battle of the Winwsd (year 655).
Cf. Bede, II, 5 (E.G., 25, note). But the Scots of Dalriata had recovered
their independence of Northumbria in 685. Adamnan implies that the
oppression continued when he wrote, and that it afflicted Aidan's
descendants rather than the whole of Dalriata. Probably the hegemony
of the Dalriatan tribes had gone to another house : to the house of Cowal,
after the battle of Moira ; to Ferchar Fota of Lorn, in Adamnan's time.
Cf. year ?643, note.
L
162 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 639
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, pp. 183-184,
s.a. [634] 1
The battle of Moira [was won] by Donald, Aed's son, and
by the sons of Aed Slaine (Donald reigned in Tara at that
time) ; and in it fell Congal Caech, king of Ulster, and Faelchu,
with many nobles ; and in it fell Suibne, son of Colman Cuar.^
^ F.n. 7. Placed 12 years before 651.
2 To similar effect in C.S., 84, s.a. [634] (Hennessy's year 636) ; but
Suibne is not mentioned, and Faelchu is called " Airmedach's son, king of
Meath." A.I., 13, under O'Conor's year 631=639 (40 years after 599):
" The battle of Roth, in which Congal Caech fell."
A.U., i, 102, s.a. 636 = 637 (with f.n. and e. of 637) : "The battle of Roth
and the battle of Sailtire [Kintyre] were fought on the same day."
The Annals from the Book of Leinster, in Stokes's Tripartite Life, ii, 516
(without date) : " The battle of Moira and the battle of Sailtire were
fought in one day. One [was gained] over [the tribe of] Eogan, the other
over the Ulstermen."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 100, s.a. 627 : "The wasting and destroying
of Leinster by Donald, Aed's son [628]. Donald, Aed's son, succeeded
[628] next king of this land, and reigned 30 years ; he got two victories of
his enemies, by name the battle of Sailtire [Sat/ymt], and the battle of
Moira [Moyroth]."
F.M., i, 252-254, s.a. 634: "The battle of Moira [was gained] by
Donald, Aed's son, and by the sons of Aed Slane, over Congal Cloen,
Scandlan's son, king of Ulster, and there fell Congal, [and] Ulstermen and
foreigners along with him."
From Adamnan's account (above) it would seem that Donald Brecc,
king of Dalriata, had been invading the lands of Tara with the king of
Ulster. For Donald's part in these feuds see above, year 622.
O'Donnell's Life of Columba, in Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga, 416 b:
" St Adamnan also relates in the acts of St Columba that this prophecy
had been partly fulfilled. For when Congal Cloen, Scandlan's son, king of
Ulster, had been exiled from the country because of his unjust undertakings,
he brought in a great army from foreign nations, and among others the
sons of Eochaid Buide, the son of Aidan, mentioned above, for the
destruction of his own land ; and they fought in the battle of Moira against
Donald, Ainmire's grandson by his son Aed, and king of Ireland, and
St Columba's relative ; and Congal, and the sons of Eochaid aforesaid,
were pitiably slaughtered, and perished, with great slaughter of the
foreigners who took their part."
The Banquet of Dun na n-Ged, in O'Donovan's Battle of Moira, 34
(Yellow Book of Lecan, 321 a) : " ' I [Congal Cloen, Scandlan's son, king of
Ulster] was fostered by thee [Donald, Aed's son, king of Ireland], until
thou wast expelled by the king of Ireland, Suibne Mend, son of Fiachna,
DEFEAT OF KING DONALD BRECC 163
ca. 640
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 184, s.a. [635] ^
The battle of Glend-Mairison, in which the people^ of
Donald Brecc fled ; and the siege of Etain.'*
son of Feradach, and didst go to the king of Scotland [Eochaid Buide] ; and
I went with thee in that exile. And thou gottest great love from him, and
you made a treaty, thou and the king of Scotland, and he promised thee
that he would not come against thee so long as there was sea round
Ireland. Then thou didst go to Ireland, and I went with thee, for I was
in exile along with thee.' " (Congal Cloen or Caech killed Suibne Mend,
and Donald took the throne.)
In the late Battle of Moira, 106 (Y.B.L., 300 a) the investiture of
Donald, Aed's son, as king of Ireland took place in the beginning of the
third quarter of the day, just after the completion of the twelfth hour, in
the middle of May, on Sunday, the fifth of the moon ; i.e., after 6 p.m. of
Saturday, 14th May, 628. For his death, see year 643, note.
The Banquet of Dun na n-Ged, in O'Donovan's Battle of Moira, 44
(Y.B.L., 321b): "The old man [Cellach, son of Fiachna, Scandlan's
brother] said to [Congal Caech, son of Scandlan,] ' Go to Scotland, to thy
grandfather, Eochaid Buide, son of Aidan, son of Gabran ; he is king over
Scotland. For thy mother is his daughter, and thy grandmother, thy
mother's mother, is the daughter of the king of the Britons, Eochaid
Aingces, and the wife of the king of Scotland. Bring with thee to Ireland
the men of Scotland and of the Britons, because of this kinship, to give
battle to the king " [Donald, Aed's son]. Congal went to king Eochaid at
Dun-Monaid [? Dunadd]. Eochaid could not help him in person, because
of his treaty with Donald, but promised him the aid of his sons : Donald
Brecc, Suibne, Congal Mend, Aed Green-robed (in order of age). Donald
Brecc is spoken of as king : ibid., 56. Eochaid then sent Congal to
" Eochaid Aingcess, king of the Britons," who also gave him aid. The
battle of Moira was fought (ibid., 114) between Congal Caech and his sup-
porters, and Donald, Aed's son, king of Ireland : Congal Caech was
defeated and killed ; three of Eochaid Buide's sons were killed, and
Donald Brecc was taken captive (ibid., 246).
An earlier Battle of Moira, in the Yellow Book of Lecan, 209 b, says
more correctly : " Then Congal went straightway to the territory of
Scotland, namely to Donald, Eochaid Buide's son. . . ."
The late Battle of Moira, 1 14, dates the battle on Tuesday, the 24th of
June, the twenty-fifth day of the moon : i.e. Tuesday, 24th June, 637.
' With fn. I ; but placed 11 years before 651.
2 muindter. In C.S. familia.
^ Cath Glinne Mairison . . . et obsessio Etain. (So also C.S., but with
bellum for cath.)
C.S., 84, s.a. [635] (f n. I ; Hennessy's year 637) : " The battle of Glend-
Mairison, in which the family of Donald Brecc were put to flight ; and the
siege of Etain."
164 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
A.U., i, 102, s.a. 637 = 638 (with f.n. and e. of 638): "The battle of
Glend-Mureson, and the siege of Etin " ifiellum glinne Mureson et obsesio
Etiti).
L. C. Stern's assumption (Revue Celtique, xvi, 23) that Beatm Eadain
in Scottish =Beann Eadair (the Hill of Howth) in Irish Gaelic appears
not to be correct.
Reeves (Adamnan, 202, note) would identify Etain with Carriden, an
older town than Edinburgh. Skene held this view (F.A.B.W., i, 178 ; 1868),
but abandoned it (S.C.S., i, 249; 1886: "That Etin here is Edinburgh
need not be doubted.") Joseph Anderson wished to identify the place with
" Edin's Hall or Etin's Hold, on Cockburn Law, near Dunse, in Berwick-
shire" (Tr. S.A.S., (1871) V, 164); for which see also J. Stuart, P.S.A.S.,
viii (1868-9), 41-46 ; D. Milne Home and G. Turnbull, in Tr. Berwickshire
Naturalists' Club, (1856-62) 246-248, (1850-6) 9-20.
There is some doubt about the identification of Etain or Etin. Dun-
etain might possibly have been an Irish translation oi Eadwinesburh, which
would have been a name of very recent origin in 640. The modern Gaelic
name of Edinburgh {Duneideann, with palatal d, non-palatal n) is not
derived from Dun-eiain ; but it might have come from Dun-etin (cf the
spelling in A.U.). The Welsh Eiddyn is not the equivalent either oi Etain
or of the modern Dimeideann (cf. the Aneurin, Gododin, e.g. Skene's
F.A.B.W., i, 413, 414), but rather of Cair-Eden, or Carriden (see below,
year 962, note). Eden (with aspirated d) was not the equivalent o{ Etain.
Glenn-Mairiso7t or Glenn-Mureson has been rashly identified with the
valley of Murieston Water, which joins the Linhouse Water and with it
the Almond at Mid-Calder (12 miles from Edinburgh). But Murieston
Water is spelt Muirhouseton Water in old maps, and appears to take its
name from Muirhouse on the border of Mid and West Calder parishes ;
just as its sister-stream took its name from a place called Linhouse. (Black's
County Atlas of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1848.) The name Muirhouseton is
English and modern, and even if it had existed in the 7th century {Mor-
hus-tun) it would hardly have become Mureson in Irish. Mureson or
Mairison, and Murieston, might have been derived from Morestun; if that
were the original name, Muirhouseton would have been a form resulting
from folk-etymology.
The English chroniclers give no indication of a Dalriatan invasion of
Northumbria at this time. St Aidan was labouring to Christianize
Northumbria ; Oswald, a friend of the Scots, was king there. Donald had
had difficulties at home ; there is no reason to suppose that he would have
ventured so far from his own land to invade the most powerful kingdom in
Britain, with which his nation had peaceful intercourse. He would have
had to pass through a country that four years later was hostile to him.
Glend also is part of the place-name, since it is Irish in a Latin sentence.
There is a Glen Moriston or Morrison west of Loch Ness, about 30 miles
within Pictish territory from the shore of Loch Eil. This may have been
the place, if it is not, as it appears, of Teutonic origin.
Etain may have been within the same locality, or on the line of retreat
ETAIN AND RITHA. KING OSWALD 165
ca. 642
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 104, s.a. 640 = 641 ^
The wreck of a boat of the community of lona.
The siege of Ritha.^
642
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 185, s.a. [636]^
Oswald's battle against Penda ; and in it Oswald fell.*
of the Scots. But the identification with Edinburgh is probably to be
preferred, since the castle at Edinburgh was a place worthy of siege, and
hardly to be taken by assault.
^ With f.n. and e. for 641.
^ Obsesio Rithae. This place is unidentified ; its siege may have been
a continuation of the warfare in which Etain was besieged ; and since both
sieges are mentioned after Scottish affairs, they seem to have occurred in
Scotland. Cf. ca. 704.
^ F.n. 2. Placed 10 year-sections before 651. In the margin is the
date 4617 ; the year-section begins with the note : " Heracleonas, with his
mother Martina, reigned two years." (This ends the year-section in A.U.)
This is taken from Bede's Chronicle; M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 312, s.a.
4593. His reign lasted some seven months in 641 (Gibbon). Near the
end of the same year-section is the note: "At this time pope Theodore
flourished" (so also in C.S., 86, s.a. [636], Hennessy's year 638). This is
taken from Bede, u.s. ("in these times, that is under pope Theodore").
Theodore I was pope from 642 to 649.
* This battle is noticed by A.U., i, 104, s.a. 638 = 639 (with f.n and e. of
639). It is called the battle of Cocboy by the Historia Brittonum, below.
A.I., 13, O'Conor's year 636 = 644 (45 years after 599): "The death of
Oswald, king of the English," with the gloss Saxajt ("of the Saxons")
above, and the note : " English is interpreted Saxon."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 103, s.a. 638 : "The battle of king Oswald
against king Penda, wherein Oswald was slain."
For the battle of Maserfelth (August 5th), see Bede's H.E., III. 9 ,
A.S.C., s.a. 641 (BCEF ; 642, A). Oswald had reigned 9 years, including
the year (633-634) of Osric and Eanfrith.
Cf. Fordun, III, 36 (i, 122).
The Martyrology of Oengus places his death on August 5th : "... holy
Oswald, to whom we pray, the noble sovereign of the Saxons."
Alberic of Trois Fontaines, Chronica ; M.G.H., Scriptores, xxiii, 697,
s.a. 642 : "The passion of St Oswald, king of the Northumbrians."
166 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
642
Historia Brittonum, c. 65 ; Monumenta Germaniae Historica,
Auctores, vol. xiii, p. 208
Penda, son of Pybba, reigned for ten years.^ He first
separated the kingdom of the Mercians from the kingdom of
the Northumbrians, And he slew Anna, the king of the
East-Angles,2 and Oswald, the king of the Northumbrians,^
by treachery. [Penda] fought the battle of Cocboy,* in which
fell Eova, Pybba's son, [Penda's] brother, king of the Mercians;
and Oswald, king of the Northumbrians. And he was the
conqueror by diabolical arts. He had not been baptized, and
he never believed in God.
?642
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 185, s.a. [637]^
The death of Brude, son of [Foith].^
?643
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 186, s.a. [638]''
Afterwards^ Donald Brecc was slain in the battle of
' For his death, see year 655, below.
2 Anna, king of the East Angles, was killed in 654 (A.S.C., ABCE).
■'' See above, p. 15.
* I.e. the battle of Maserfelth (perhaps Oswestry), 5th August, 642 ;
Bade, H.E., III, 9.
The Annales Cambriae, in Y Cymmrodor, ix, 158, s.a. [644] (the "200th
year" after 444) : "The battle of Cocboy, in which fell Oswald, king of the
Northumbrians, and Eoba, king of the Mercians."
° F.n. 6 ; read 3, with O'Conor. Placed 9 year-sections before 651.
" Similarly in C.S., 86, s.a. [637] (f.n. 3 ; Hennessy's year 639), and in
A.U., i, 104, s.a. 640 = 641 (as above) : "The death of Brude, son of Foith."
A.U. place this six years after the death of Gartnait.
The Chronicle of the Picts gives Brude a reign of 5 years ; perhaps from
637 to 642.
^ F.n. 5 ; placed 8 year-sections before 651. The year-section begins
thus : " Constantinus, the son of Heraclius, [reigned] for six months."
(For rex, reading sex : A.U. also give this note, and more correctly. This
is taken from Bede's Chronicle ; M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 312, 's.a. 4594.)
" The death of Donald, son of Aed, son of Ainmire, king of Ireland, in the end
of January, in the fourteenth year of his reign, in Ard-Fothaid." In the
margin is given the date 4620, which belongs to Constantine's death. C.S.
records Donald's death similarly, but reads "in his thirteenth year." A.U. say
KINGS BRUDE AND DONALD BRECC 167
Strathcarron.i in the end of the year, in December, in the
fifteenth year of his reign, by Owen, king of the Britons.^
simply, s.a. 641=642 : "The death of Donald, Aed's son, king of Ireland,
in the end of January." They place Donald's succession in 627 or 628 =628
(with f.n. and e. of 628) ; Tigernach (for f.n. 7 read 4) and C.S. place it in
[626] (Hennessy's year 628). See above, year 639, note.
In one MS. of Paulus Diaconus, M.G.H., Scriptores Rerum Langobardi-
carum, 13, note: "Six hundred and eighteen years from the Lord's
baptism to the death of Donald, king of the [Irish] Scots."
Constantinus III was emperor for 103 days in 641 (Gibbon).
The same year-section, in T. and A.U., records a battle between Oswiu
and the Britons. This was probably the battle of the Winwaed ; see below,
year 655.
^ After the death of Donald, king of Ireland.
^ Sratha Caiiin, in T. ; Sratha Carum, C.S. ; sraith Cairtiin, A.U.
2 Similarly in C.S., 86, s.a. [638], Hennessy's year 640 (between ferial
numbers 3 and 6). A.U. give a similar account, but say : "he reigned for
fifteen years" (i, 104, s.a. 641=642, with fn. and e. of 642). These all repeat
this event at a later date ; Tigernach, u.s., 209, under the year of the battle
of Dunnichen (see year 685) : " Donald Brecc, son of Eochaid Buide, fell
[slain] by Owen, king of the Britons, in the battle of Strathcarron." To
the same effect also in C.S., 108, Hennessy's year 682. A.U., i, 136, s.a.
685 = 686 : ". . . Donald Brecc, son of Eochaid, died." D.M.F., II, 88, in
the corresponding year-section r " Donald Brecc, Eochaid Buide's son,
died."
A.I., 13, O'Conor's year 635 = 643 (44 years after 599): "The death of
Donald, Aed's son, and of Donald Brecc."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. no, s.a. 681: "Donald Brecc, son of
Eochaid Buide, was slain by Henry [Henery], king of the Britons, in the
battle of Strath-carron " {Srait Cormhaich).
The earlier date of Donald's death is given with variations by all four
Irish annals, and is more or less supported by Fland ; it must therefore be
accepted provisionally. But we cannot reject the authority of Fland, who
says that Ferchar reigned before [643], or wholly the authority of the Duan
and all the lists of kings, which say that Ferchar reigned before Donald
Brecc ; we are therefore compelled to assume that Ferchar and Donald
Brecc reigned for a time contemporaneously.
There is considerable divergence among the authorities in this period
of the history of Argyle. Chronicles of Dalriata EFK, and the Duan, say
that Donald reigned for 14 years [? 630- ? 643]; the Irish annals say for 15 or
over 14 years, although that does not agree with their implied dates of his
reign (in Tigernach and C.S., 627-638 ; A.U., 629-642, or 673-686 ; A.I.,
631-643). Fland, the Duan, and Chronicles of Dalriata EFIKN, place
Ferchar's reign before Donald's ; A.U. record Donald's death at 642 and
686, and Ferchar's at 694. Donald is there spoken of as being alive
possibly in 673, certainly in 678.
168 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 644
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 187, s.a. [639] ^
The burning of larnbodb, Gartnait's son.
Donald was killed by a king whose brother (probably) died in 694, and
whose son died in 695.
Ferchar's grandfather died ca. 575, Donald's ca. 607. It is possible
that Donald should have lived till 686, but scarcely possible that Ferchar
should have lived till 694. The Scottish events recorded in A.U. at 678,
686, 694, are almost certainly misplaced.
The misplaced entries in A.U. may give Donald a reign of 14 years
(673-686) ; and between 678 and 694 they would allow Ferchar the 16 years'
reign that he receives in the Chronicles of Dalriata and the Duan.
Perhaps A.U.'s intervals (673-678-686-694) are correct, although the dates
are not. Possibly a compiler wrongly imagined that Donald was spoken
of as king in 673, and counted the years from that date as if it had been
the first year of Donald's reign. In that case the true dates would be
approximately 630, 635, 643, 651, 673.
See years ?635, ?65i, notes.
Fordun, Chronica, III, 34 (i, 120): "When Ferchar" (the son of
Eochaid Buide ; a fictitious king, for whom see years 630, 693) "had been
buried in the island of Columba, his brother Donald Brecc received the
kingdom in the year of the Lord 632, and the twentieth year of the same
Heraclius (i.e. in 629-630) ; "and he reigned for fourteen years." Here
Fordun quotes from Adamnan, I, 10 (Reeves, 36-37 ; Skene, 121-122) a
blessing and prophecy spoken by Columba with regard to Donald, son
of Aed, son of Ainmire ; "he shall survive after all his brothers, and shall
be a very famous king ; he shall never be betrayed into the hands of his
enemies, but shall die upon his bed a placid death, in old age, and within
his own house, in the presence of a crowd of intimate friends. And all
these things were completely fulfilled with regard to him, according to the
blessed man's prophecy." But Fordun alters the passage to make it apply
to Donald Brecc, and continues as above, year 633, note.
Fordun, Chronica, III, 37 (i, 123): "Donald died after completing
fourteen years in the kingdom ; and his nephew Ferchar Fota, the son of
Ferchar" (who was, according to Fordun, the son of Eochaid Buide ; III,
34 ; but these relationships are fictitious) " was advanced to the rule of the
kingdom and crowned. He began to reign in the year of the Lord 646,
the third year of . . . Constans, who was also called Constantinus" (641-
668.) " And he held the kingdom for eighteen years, and reigned the whole
time in peace."
Donald Brecc did die in the third year of Constans II ; but his
successor appears to have been Conall Crandomna. Fordun's account is
altogether confused. He makes Maelduin (t 688) the successor of Ferchar
Fota (+ 696).
' F.n. 3 ; read 6, with O'Conor and the corresponding year-section of
C,S. Placed 7 year-sections before 651.
ACCIDAN'S GRANDSONS 169
ca. 649
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 108, s.a. 648 = 649^
War [took place] between the descendants of Aidan and
[the descendants] of Gartnait, son of Accidan.^
ca. 650
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 191, s.a. [646]^
The death of Cathasach, son of Donald Brecc*
651, August 31
Tigernach,' Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 191 ^
The repose of Aidan, bishop of the Saxons.*^
Tigernach begins the year thus : " Constantinus, son of Constantinus,
reigned for twenty-eight years." This appears also in A.U. It is derived
from Bede's Chronicle ; M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 313, s.a. 4622. Constans
II, son of Constantinus III, was emperor from 641 to 668. In Tigernach's
margin is the date 4638, 18 years later than the date of the previous
year-section (4620, Bede's 4594). These dates are derived from Bade,
erroneously.
' With f.n. and e. of 649.
^ For the sons of Gartnait see below, years 668 and 670. larnbodb
(t ca. 644) may have been a son of Gartnait, Accidan's son.
^ F.n. I ; placed one year-section before 651. The year-section begins,
in Tigernach, C.S., and A.U., with a notice of the battle of the Winwasd,
fought in 655 ; see below. In the next year-section is placed the death of
bishop Aidan, who died in 651. S.a. [644] (fn. 5) in Tigernach, and in
C.S. (Hennessy's year 644), is the note: "At this time pope Martin
flourished." This is taken from Bede's mention of "pope Martin" in his
Chronicle ; M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 313. Martin I was pope from 649
to 655.
* Similarly in C.S., 90, Hennessy's year 647 ; and in A.U., i, loS,
s.a. 649 = 650 (with f.n. and e. of 650).
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 104, s.a. 647 : "Cellach," (read "Cathasach")
"son of Donald Brecc, died. Cronan of Moville died" (t65o, August 7th).
Cathasach's death is placed after the battle of Dun-cremthainn, in T.,
C.S., and A.U. F.M., i, 262, s.a. 646, say that he was killed in that battle.
For the death of Donald Brecc's grandson Cathasach, see year 688.
^ With f.n. 6, perhaps for 650. Under the same year is entered " the
slaying of Oswine, Osric's son " ; i.e., the king of Deira, who was killed in
651. (E.C., 19, note.)
The date is fixed by Bede's authority.
" Similarly in C.S., 90, Hennessy's year 648; and in A.U., i, 108,
s.a. 650 = 651 (with f.n. and e. of 651).
170 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
? ca. 65 1
Annals of Ulster, vol. i,.p. 142, s.a. 693=694
The death of Ferchar, son of Connad Cerr.^
Bede (III, 17) is followed by Fordun (III, 37).
The Martyrology of Oeng-us places Aidan's death on the 31st of
August :—"Aidan, the bright sun of Inis-Medcoit" (Lindisfarne). There
is this note in Lebar Brecc (1880 Oengus, cxxxv) : "That is, of Inis-Cathaig ;
or Inis-Medcoit in the north-west of the [land of the] Little-Saxons, and
Aidan [lies] there : Aidan, son of Lugar, son of Ernin, son of Gael, son of
Aed, son of Artchorp, son of Niacorp." (Cf the Martyrology of Donegal,
230.) Oengus indicates the death of Aidan's uncle " Enan of Druimm
Rdthe" under August 19th (similarly in Martyrologies of Tallaght and
Donegal: "Son of Ernin" etc. in MS. Laud 610; 1905 Oengus 188), and
Enan's birth under September i8th. Tigernach, R.C., xvii, 182, s.a. [631]
(fn. 3, but 15 year-sections before 651): "Enan of Druimm-Raithe
reposed." So also in C.S., 82, s.a. [631] (fn. 3 ; Hennessy's year 633).
This note should refer to the year 636. According to L.B., Enan rests "in
the west of Meath" (1880 Oengus, cxlvi).
The death of the "blessed Aidan Scottigena" is recorded in 651,
August 31st, by Herimannus Augiensis, Chronicon ; M.G.H., Scriptores,
V, 94. Annales Breves Fuldenses, M.G.H., Scriptores, ii, 237, s.a. 651 : —
" Bishop Aidan died."
' Mors Fercair mic Conaeth cirr.
This is placed (after a siege of Dunnottar) 8 years after the death of
Donald Brecc (t ca. 643) recorded in 686 ; it appears to be one of a series
of Scottish events that are misplaced (at 678, 686, and 694) in A.U. See
year 643, note.
Chronicles of Dalriata DPTK (above, p. cxxx) call Ferchar "Eogan's
son," which is probably due to a false reading. Fland calls him " Conaing's
son," which might also mean son of Conaing, Aidan's son ; but the Duan
and Chronicle of Dalriata E support the reading of A.U. The Chronicles
of Dalriata and the Duan give Ferchar a reign of 16 years after Connad,
thus suggesting that Ferchar died 645 x 647.
Connad Cerr died ca. 630 ; his father Conall died in ?574 ; his grand-
father Comgall, in ?537. Connad's son Ferchar must have been a very
old man if he lived until 694. The period of 120 years is a most unlikely
one to have elapsed between the deaths of grandfather and grandson.
It is fairly safe to assume that this entry is misplaced. If Ferchar died ca.
651, he should have become king ca. 635 (q.v.), about the time of the battle
of Calathros.
A.U., i, 144, s.a. 694 = 695 (with fn. and e. of 695) record : "Tomnat,
Ferchar's wife, died." Perhaps this was the wife of Ferchar, Connad's son.
In that case, allowing for a 43-years' displacement, her death would have
occurred ?ca. 652.
KINGS FERCHAR AND TALORC 171
652
Tigernaoli, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 192 ^
The death of Segine, abbot of lona, the son of Fiachna.^
653
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 192 ^
The death of Fereth, son of Tothalan.*
The death of Talorc,*^ Foith's son, king of the Picts.^
' This event begins the year-section next after that containing Aidan's
death. Under the same year is the note : " Pope Vitalianus flourished
at this time." Vitalianus was pope from 657 to 672. The source drawn
from is probably Bede's Chronicle, M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 313, under the
reign of Constantinus [IV] [668-685] : Bede draws from Liber Pontificalis,
c. 78.
2 Similarly in A.U., i, no, s.a. 651=652 (with f.n. and e. of652, and the
marginal note "bissextile"). C.S., 92, Hennessy's year 649 : "The death
of Segine, abbot of lona." A.I., 14, O'Conor's year 642 = 650x653:
"The repose . . . of Segine, abbot of lona."
Martyrology of Oengus, August 12th: "The festival of renowned
Segine," with this note in L.B. :— "abbot of lona of Columcille" (1880
Oengus, cxxx ; cf 1905 ed., 184).
Under August 12th, the Martyrology of Gorman, p. 154: "Segine,
prince of the good stars" {flait\K\ na forend), "the good, great fair abbot
of lona" ; and the note : " Fachtna's son, abbot of lona of Columcille."
"Segine, abbot of lona" Brussels Martyrology of Tallaght, Kelly,
p. xxxii, August i2th : and Book of Leinster, 361 d. His death is placed
on i2th August, 651, in the Martyrology of Donegal, p. 216.
The abbot Segine, successor of Columba and of the other saints ; and
Cummine's brother, Beccan, a solitary, with his followers {sapientes),
received a letter De Controversia Paschali from Cummine Fota {Cum-
mianiis, siipplex peccator, magnis minimus); P.L. 87, 969-978.
^ Placed 2 years after 651.
* Ferich maic Toialain in Tigernach; Ferith in A.U. "Tothalan" is
the same name as "Tuathalan" below, years ca. 659, 663, 688. It appears
to be associated with Scottish events.
^ Tolairg, Tigernach and A.U.
" A.U., i, no, s.a. 652 or 653 = 653 (with fn. and e. of 653): "The
death of Fereth, Tothalan's son, and of Talorc, Foith's son, king of the
Picts." This is placed twelve years after the death of Brude.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 104, s.a. 649 : " Segine, abbot of lona,
died [652]. . . .
" Fereth, Totholan's son {JTerith mcFoholai{\, and Talorc Foith's son
\Octlarge mcFogitK], king of the Picts, died."
The Chronicle of the Picts says that king Talorc reigned for 12 years
(perhaps from 642 to 653).
172 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
6S4
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 193 ^
The battle of Srath-Ethairt [was gained] by Talorcan,-
Eanfrith's son, king of the Picts ; and there fell Duncan, son
of Conaing, and Congal, son of Ronan.^
^ Placed 3 years after 651.
^ In text, Tolartach mac Anfrait. In C.S., Tolarcan mac Ai?tfith. See
below, year 657.
^ Similarly in C.S., 94, Hennessy's year 651.
A.U., i, 112, s.a. 653 = 654 (with f.n. and €. of 654): "The battle of
Srath-Ethairt, where Duncan, Conaing's son, fell."
Duncan's father may have been Conaing', Aidan's son, who died in early
manhood in 622, but left children (see genealogy II after the Senchus ;
above, p. cliv) ; or possibly Connad Cerr, who died in ?630, and whose
son Ferchar's death is entered above, ?ca. 651. (The names Conaing and
Connad are frequently interchanged.)
PART VI
Zenith and Decline of Northumbria
655, November 15th
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 194 ^
The battle of Penda, king of the Saxons ; and he fell in it,
with thirty kings. Oswiu was the conqueror.^
1 This is placed under f.n. i, four years after 651. Tigernach ceases
here to give ferial numbers.
^ This was the battle of the Winwsed, fought on the 15th November,
655 (E.C., 24, note).
Tigernach has perhaps already noticed this battle, at the end of the
year-section for [638] (fn. S; R.C., xvii, 186): " Osvviu's battle, [fought]
between him and the Britons." (Stokes's conjecture : the text is corrupt.)
And again under [646] (fn. i; R.C., xvii, 190): "The battle of Oswiu
against Penda ; and in it Penda fell, with thirty kings." The last notice
appears similarly in C.S., 90, Hennessy's year 647. It is derived from A.S.C.
A.U. record the battle, i, 106, s.a. 641=642: "The battle of Oswiu
against the Britons" ; i, 108, s.a. 649 = 650 : "The battle of Oswiu against
Penda" ; i, H2, s.a. 655 = 656 : "The battle of Penda, king of the Saxons.
Oswiu was the conqueror." In the last place it is followed by "the battle
of Anna" : Anna, king of the East Angles, was killed by Penda, king of
the Mercians, in 654. Also i, 142, s.a. 692 = 693: "A battle against
Penda"; but in the corresponding place C.S., no, Hennessy's year 689,
reads : "A battle against Penda's son."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 104, s.a. 642: "The battle of Oswiu against
Penda, in which Penda with 20 kings were slain (in the year 625)." The
last words {anno 625) are evidently a gloss. Ibid., 105, s.a. 652: "The
battle of Penda, king of the Saxons, was fought against Oswiu, where
Penda himself, together with 30 kings, were slain, and Oswiu was victor."
These Annals seem to show that the first entry in T. and A.U. also refers to
the battle of the Winwaed, and that probably all the entries of Penda's
battle are of the same event.
No doubt the Britons were still with Penda ; otherwise he could hardly
have had on his side a large number of chiefs or kings. Even the expression
"legions trained in war," applied by Bede to Penda's forces, suggests the
idea of forces trained in the Roman tradition. But British aid was no
longer so effective as it had been under Catguollaun (see year 633).
It is improbable that Argyle should have supported a pagan king
17a
174: EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
against the Christian Oswiu, even to throw off his overlordship. Oswiu's
kingdom had received Christianity from Argyle only 20 years before, and
the success of the mission should have created good feehng between the
two countries. The suzerainty over the Scots between 655 and 685 was
probably peaceful, and was the natural result of Northumbria's overlordship
over the Picts and over Strathclyde.
A.S.C. ABC, s.a. 655: "In this year Penda perished." A.S.C. E,
s.a. 654 (the first sentence also inF): "In this year, king Oswiu slew
king Penda on Winwidfelda, and with him 30 men of royal family \xxx
cynebearnd\. And some of them were kings. One of them was ^thelhere,
brother of Anna, the king of the East Angles." This is derived from Bede.
Bede's account is as follows (H.E., III, 24): "In these times king
Oswiu, after suffering cruel and unendurable invasions of the Mercians'
often-mentioned king, who had killed [Oswiu's] brother [Oswald], at last
driven by necessity promised that he would give him innumerable royal
ornaments or gifts, and greater than can be believed, as the price of peace ;
provided that he would return home, and desist from wasting to extermina-
tion the provinces of [Oswiu's] kingdom. And when the faithless king
\rex perfidus\ altogether refused assent to [Oswiu's] prayers, having
determined to destroy and to depopulate his whole nation, both small and
great ; [Oswiu] turned to the aid of divine pity, that he might thereby
be rescued from barbarian cruelty. And he bound himself by a vow, saying,
' If a pagan cannot accept our gifts, let us offer them to the Lord our God,
who can.' So he vowed that if he were 'the victor he would offer his
daughter [St ^Ifflsed] in dedication to the Lord in sacred virginity, and
would also give twelve holdings of lands for the construction of monasteries.
And so he entered the contest with a very small army. Indeed it is said
that the pagans had an army thirty times greater ; because they had
thirty legions, trained in warfare, with very noble leaders, while king Oswiu
and his son Ealhfrith went to meet them with only a very small army, as
I have said, but with trust in Christ as their leader.
" For [Oswiu's] other son, Ecgfrith, was held as a hostage at that time
in the province of the Mercians, by queen Cynewise \Cynuise\. And king
Oswald's son, ^thelweald, who ought to have been assisting them, had
been upon the side of their opponents, as their guide when they set out to
fight against his native land and against his uncle ; although at the
moment of fighting he had withdrawn himself from the battle, and awaited
the result of the hazard in a safe place.
" So the contest began, and the pagans were routed and slain ; and
thirty royal leaders who had come to their aid were almost all of them
killed. Among these ^thelhere, the brother of king Anna of the East
Angles (and after [Anna] their king), himself the instigator of the war,
was killed, after losing his soldiers and auxiliaries. And because the battle
was fought near the river Winwssd, and the river had at that time widely
overflowed its bed, indeed all its banks, through the inundation of rains, it
happened that the water destroyed many more in their flight than the
sword had destroyed in the battle. . . ." (Oswiu fulfilled his vow.) " And
DOMINION OF KING OSWIU 175
655-658
Chronicle of Holyrood, p. 1 1
The seventh [Bretwalda] was Oswiu, [Oswald's] brother,
who controlled the kingdom for some time within almost the
same boundaries ; and for the most part subdued the nations
also of the Picts and Scots, which hold the northern territories
of Britain, and made them tributary.^
king Oswiu fought this battle in the district of Loidis, to the great benefit
of both peoples. . . ." For the continuation, see above, p. 16, note.
F.W., i, 22-23, follows Bede and A.S.C. ; but says that "the faithless
king of the Mercians, Penda, slayer of the kings of the East Angles,
Sigebeorht, Ecgric, Anna, moreover also of Edwin and Oswald, kings of
the Northumbrians, . . . rose into Bernicia, to conquer in battle their
king Oswiu. . . ."
Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, ix, 158, s.a. [656] (2 years after the
2ioth year from 444): "The slaughter of Gai plain"; and immediately
afterwards, s.a. [657], " The slaying of Penda" {Pantha occisid). Immediately
after this, s.a. [658], "Oswiu came and took plunder." Thus it is implied
that Penda survived the battle of Gai plain, and was killed in the following
year ; but this account is probably derived from the confused narrative in
the genealogies appended to the Historia Brittonum, and is not to be relied
upon. See above, pp. 15-16.
Penda was king of Mercia from 626 to 655 (A.S.C. ABC ; to 654, EF).
But the genealogical additions to Historia Brittonum, followed by A.C.,
would imply that he succeeded his brother, Eova, as king of Mercia in 642.
Penda's pedigree (eleven generations from Woden) is given in A.S.C.
BC, s.a. 626.
Penda's genealogy (nine generations from Woden) is given also in the
genealogies after the Historia Brittonum, M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 203-204.
Thence : ". . . Earner begot Pubba ; this Pubba had twelve sons, of whom
two are better known to me than the others, i.e. Penda and Eva.
" Eadlit son of Pantha, Penda son of Pubba.
" Eadlbald son of Eva, son of Penda, son of Pubba.
" Egfrid, son of Ofifa, son of Duminfert, son of Eandulf, son of Ossulf, son
of Eva, son of Pubba."
In the additions to the Historia Brittonum (above, p. 16) the passages
in which he is called Penda are placed, in wrong order, after the death of
" Pantha." Perhaps they were taken in part from an English source.
The Irish Annals' form of the name is Pante or Pantaj the form in A.C.,
Pantha {Pantha occisid). Penda is the form in A.S.C.
1 From Bede, H.E., II, 5. C.H. reads "Oswin" for "Oswiu." Oswiu
is called "king of the Scots and Picts," in B.S. in R.B.H., 385.
Sigebert of Gemblours, M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 325, s.a. 656 : "And
[Oswiu] reduced the Picts also to the kingdom of the Angles." This is
taken from Bede, but with characteristic slovenliness of rendering.
176 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Tigernacli, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, pp. 194, 195 ^
The repose of Suibne, Cuirthre's son, the abbot of
lona.^ . . .
The death of Talorcan, Eanfrith's son, the king of the Picts.^
658
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 114, s.a. 657 = 658*
The death of Guret, king of Dumbarton.
ca. 659
Tigernacli, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 195 ^
The death of Finan, Rimid's son, bishop [of Lindisfarne].
. . . And Daniel, bishop of Kingarth, [reposed]. **
Conall Crandomna died.'^
Eoganan, son of Tuathalan, died.^
' This is placed 5 years after 651.
"- Similarly in C.S., 94, Hennessy's year 653 ; in A.U., i, 114, s.a.
656 = 657 (with f.n. and e. of 657) ; and in F.M., i, 266, s.a. 654; and
the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 105, s.a. 653.
The Martyrology of Gorman (14) commemorates Suibne under January
nth, with the note, "abbot of lona of Columcille, Suibne, Cuirtri's son."
The Martyrology of Donegal (12) places his death on nth January, 656.
^ Similarly in C.S. and A.U., u.s. The Annals of Clonmacnoise, u.s. :
"Talorcan, Eanfrith's son \Tolorchati mcAnfritli\, king of the Picts, died."
The Chronicles of the Picts give Talorcan a reign of 4 years ; probably
653 to 657.
■> With f.n. and e. of 658.
* This is placed 8 years after 651.
^ Similarly in C.S., 94, Hennessy's year 656, and in A.U., i, 116,
s.a. 659 = 660 (with ferial and lunar numbers for 660, and the marginal note
"bissextile"). In F.M., i, 268-270, s.a. 659 (and "the 3rd year of Diarmait
and Blathmac," sovereigns of Ireland) : " Daniel, bishop of Kingarth, died
on the 1 8th of February. Bishop Finan, Rimid's son, died." The Martyr-
ology of Gorman (38) places " Daniel Dond-gel" (" the princely-fair" Stokes)
under February i8th, with the note : "bishop of Kingarth."
Cf the Martyrology of Donegal, 52, February i8th.
Finan's death is noted (from Bede) by the Annales Breves Fuldenses ;
M.G.H., Scriptores, ii, 237, s.a. 658. But Bede's reckoning (III, 26 ; E.C.,
32) makes Finan's bishopric last from 651 to 661.
One of the earliest bishops of Kingarth was Blaan, or Blane. An
ancient chapel "dedicated to St Blane at Kingarth in Bute" is described
by W. Galloway, in Tr. S.A.S., v, 317-333.
Martyrology of Oengus, August loth : " With a host, sound, of noble
KINGS TALORCAN, GURET, CONALL, AND DUNCAN 177
birth, well-coloured, [died] fair BWan of Kingarth." In the Franciscan
MS. is this note (1905 Oengus, 184) : "i.e., a bishop of Kingarth, and his
principal seat was Dunblane {Dtil Blaa}t\ ; and he was from Kingarth, i.e.,
in Galloway." Similarly in L.B. (1880 Oengus, cxxx). In Rawlinson B
505 (1905 Oengus, 184): "Blaan, a bishop of Kingarth in Galloway" {hi
n-GallgaidelaiU).
Martyrology of Tallaght, August loth, Book of Leinster, 361 c :
"[Festival of] Blaan, bishop of Kingarth in Galloway" {i n-gall-gaedelaib ;
in Kelly's text, p. xxxi, in Gallghaedelaibh Udiwchtan).
Cf. the Breviary of Aberdeen, ii, S, 77, August loth : " Blaanus, having
his origin from the island of Bute, through his mother, Ertha, sister of the
blessed bishop ^praesul\ Cathanus" of noble Irish descent. This Breviary
says that Blaan was taught in Ireland by bishops Congall and Kenneth
for seven years before he returned to Bute. (Cf also ibid., 173-174).
Another early bishop of Kingarth was Colum.
Martyrology of Gorman, 46, March ist: "Colum the gently-modest"
{caemfial) ; with the note " of Kingarth." So in the Brussels Martyrology
of Tallaght, Kelly, p. xvii, March ist : " [Festival] of Columba of Kingarth."
" Colum of Kingarth " in Martyrology of Donegal, 60, March ist.
For bishop lolan see year 688. Abbots of Kingarth died in 737, 776,
790 (below) ; priest Temnen in 732.
' Similarly in C.S., 96, u.s. ; A.U., U.S. ; F.M., i, 268, s.a. 658.
The Duan Albanach, in Skene's P. & S., 60: "After Donald Brecc of
the towns \T!a m-bld\, Conall [and] Dungal [reigned] for ten years." Cf year
696, note. Dungal is doubtless the same man as Fland's Duncan, Duban's
son (see p. 190).
Conall Crandomna, son of Eochaid Buide (cf. Senchus, II ; above, p.
civ), was king of Dalriata ; he was of the Cenel-Gabrain, of Knapdale.
The Duan implies that during his whole reign he shared the kingdom with
Duncan ; but its evidence is not decisive. Probably Conall's hegemony
over Argyle was disputed. (Cf year 639, note.) About 655, part at least
of Argyle became subject to Northumbria. Possibly some other part
refused to submit to Northumbria, or to|the king recognized by Northumbria ;
this might account for some of the claimants to the kingship at this time.
Duban is unknown. He may have been Duncan's foster-father. A
Duncan, son of Conaing, and perhaps first-cousin of Conall, died in 654 :
he might have shared the kingdom with Conall (ca. 651-654). Duncan, son
of the Eoganan who died in the same year as Conall, hved until 680, and
appears to have been the ancestor of claimants, from Antrim, to the throne
of Argyle : he might have reigned for a few years after Conall (possibly ca.
659-663) ; but in that case the lo-years' reign of Conall and Duncan would
have begun a few years after 65 1 (possibly in 654), if we trust the number
given by the Duan. No decision is justified by the evidence.
Conall Crandomna's sons fell in 688 and 696. Duncan's grandson fell
in 700.
* Similarly in C.S., 96, u.s. ; A.U., u.s. F.M., u.s., s.a. 658 : " Eogan,
Tuathalan's son, died."
M
178 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
66i
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 196 ^
Abbot Cummine came to Ireland.^
661
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 198 ^
The death of Gartnait, Donald's son, king of the Picts ; and
of Donald, son of Tuathal[an],* and of Tuathal, son of Morcant.^
1 Placed nine years after 65 r, but in a year-section corresponding to
A.U.'s 660 = 661. Tigernach records in the next year-section the sixth
universal council of the church at Constantinople ; i.e., the council of
680 to 681.
2 Similarly in C.S., 96, Hennessy's year 657.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 105, s.a. 657 : " Cummine [Co)?tyn'\ came to
Ireland this year."
This was Cummine the White, abbot of lona, who died in 669.
^Placed II years after 651. In the next year-section Tigernach, C.S.,
and A.U., record: "Darkness on the Kalends of May, in the ninth hour"
(2-3 p.m.). This was the eclipse of 664, May 1st, 3J p.m., Paris time
(L'Art) ; 36 minutes earlier at Armagh.
* In text, "of Tuathal."
This passage appears similarly in C.S., 96, Hennessy's year 659, but
with the reading "Donald, son of Tuathalan"; and in A.U., i, 118,
s.a. 662 = 663 (with f.n. and e. of 663), with the reading "Donald, son of
Totholan."
The Chronicle of the Picts (ABC) says that Gartnait reigned six and a
half years ; perhaps from 657 to 663. See year 672. He may possibly
have been a son of Donald Brecc (year 643), but hardly the father of Cano
(years 668, 687).
'' Similarly in A.U., u.s. ( " the death of Tuathal, son of Morgand").
In the parallel year-section [663] of D.M.F., II, 64, "Tuathal, son of
Morgann, died."
Cf. Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, ■ ix, 158-159, s.a. [665] (i year
after the "220th year" after 444) : "The first [true] Easter was celebrated
among the Saxons. A battle of Badon, a second time. Morcant died."
(Phillimore understands the battle to have been that of B{t)edan-heafod oi
the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 675.) In 665 the Roman and Celtic
Easters coincided (MacCarthy's tables) ; therefore this part of the annal
probably belongs to 664.
Misplacing Maelduin's reign, Fordun, Chronica, III, 40 (i, 125) says :
"In this year [664] St Colman returned to Scotland, and Tuda succeeded
him" (Bede III, 26). "And during the whole time of the preaching of the
Scots in Anglia steadfast peace and communion was preserved, without
discord of strife ; but when at last, multiplied principally through the
teaching of the Scots, the clergy of native Anglian race had increased, it
KING GARTNAIT. ACCIDAN'S GRANDSONS 179
664
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 11 8, s.a. 663 = 664 ^
The battle of Lutho-feirnn, in Fortriu.^
668
Tigemach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 200 ^
The voyage of bishop Colman, with relics of saints, to the
island of the white heifer [Inishboffin], in which he founded a
church.*
And the voyage of the sons of Gartnait to Ireland, with
the populace of Skye.^
began ungratefully to despise altogether its holy teachers, and to seek
many and various excuses whereby to compel them to return to Scotland,
or else to endure an intolerable burden placed upon them. And so
thenceforward, during the twenty years in which Maelduin reigned, there
was never or seldom peace between the kingdoms, but almost continually
raid succeeded raid, devastating first one side, then the other ; yet no battle
fought in these times great enough to be recorded is found in the chronicles
of either people.
" But in [Maelduin's] fifth year '' (668-669, in Fordun's reckoning) " a
very severe mortality of men oppressed all Europe with dreadful slaughter."
Here follows a quotation from Adamnan ; see below, 686, 688.
For the true period of Maelduin's reign, see year 688.
The dispute over Easter is mentioned (after Bede) by Sigebert of
Gemblours, M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 325, s.a. 664.
The Annales Breves Fuldenses (M.G.H., ii, 237, s.a. 664) erroneously
place Colman's death in 664.
1 With f.n. and e. for 664, and the note " bissextile." In the same year-
section is recorded the eclipse of 664.
^ Bellum Lutho feirnn i. i Fortrinn. Lutho looks like a genitive
formation. This place has not been identified.
^ Placed 4 years after 664.
■* Cf. D.M.F., II, 66, 70. Duald reads: "With relics of many
saints." Colman's voyage is noted by F.M., i, 278, s.a. 667. Colman's
foundation of Mayo is noted (from Bede) by Alberic of Trois Fontaines,
M.G.H., Scriptores, xxiii, 698, s.a. 664. See E.C., 35.
'" cum plebe Scith. Cf Adamnan's Scia i7tsula. The genitive is Scetk,
Sciadj dative, Scii, ? Set, in A.U.
This whole passage appears similarly in C.S., 100, Hennessy's year 664
(with two false readings : cum religui\i^s Scotorum for sanctorum, and
cumplebe Seth for Sceth) ; and in A.U., i, 120, s.a. 667 = 668 (with marginal
note "bissextile").
For the sons of Gartnait, Accidan's son, see ca. 649. One of his sons
seems to have been Cano (t 687) ; see years 673, 705. This Cano's flight
180 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
669
Tigemach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 201 ^
The death of Cummine the White, abbot of lona.^ . . .
Itharnan and Corindu died among the Picts.^
670
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 201 *
The people 5 of Gartnait came from Ireland.''
seems to have been placed in legend in the reign of Aidan : see year ?6oi,
note. Even if the voyage from Skye were one of the events that the annals
have entered about 43 years too late (see year 643, note), it would still not
have occurred within the reign of Aidan. But the date is probably
approximately correct.
^ Placed 5 years after 664.
2 Similarly in C.S., loc, Hennessy's year 665 ; and in A.U., i, 122,
s.a. 668 = 669.
D.M.F., II, 66 (Skene's P. & S., 402) : "Cummine the White, abbot of
lona, reposed." This is placed before Colman's foundation of Inishboffiii.
F.M., i, 278-280, s.a. 668 (and "the 4th year of Sechnasach," sovereign of
Ireland) : " St Cummine the White, abbot of lona of Columcille, died on the
24th of February."
The Martyrology of Oengus commemorates him under February 24th :
"An abbot of lona of splendid intellect, Cummine the White, the excellent"
{find, febdaj perhaps "aged"); with this note in Lebar Brecc (i88o
Oengus, liv) : " Cummine, the son of Dinertach : he it was that took with
him the relics of Paul and Peter, to Disert-Cummine in the precincts
[ termand] of Roscrea ; and they escaped from him to Roscrea." Similarly
in Rawlinson B 512 (1905 Oengus, 78).
Martyrology of Gorman (p. 42) commemorates Cummine under
February 24th, with the note, "abbot of lona" ; the Brussels Martyrology
of Tallaght, ed. Kelly, p. xvi, under February 24th, notes " Cummine the
White, son of Fiachna, son of Feradach ; abbot of lona." The Martyrology
of Donegal says that he died on 24th February, 668.
^ Apiid Pictores ; so also in A.U. (C.S. reads Picto7ies.) In the Irish
annals Picii and Pictores (most commonly in the genitive case, Pictoruni)
are the usual names for the Scottish Picts, Cruith7ti standing for the Irish
Picts. (E.g. in A.U. Pictos occurs at 697 = 698 and 788 = 789; Pictores
reappears at 727 = 728; Pictones, probably from a textual error, stands at
749 = 750-)
This sentence appears similarly in C.S., u.s. (with the spelling Ituntan
and Corinda or Cormdd) ; and in A.U., u.s. (with the spelling Itarnan).
This was probably not S. Ternan ; for whom see above, p. 42.
■* Placed 6 years after 664.
° Gens, Tigernach; genus, C.S. and A.U. (i.e. "descendants of
OSWIU AND DRUST, DONALD'S SON 181
670, 671
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, pp. 201, 202^
The death of Oswiu, ^Ethelfrith's son, king of the
Saxons.^ . . .
Maelrubai sailed to Britain.^
672
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 202 *
The expulsion of Drust from his kingdom.^
Gartnait"). Gartnait's sons and the plebs referred to above (year 668)
appear to be meant.
° Similarly in C.S., 102, Hennessy's year 666; and A.U., i, 124, s.a.
669 = 670.
The words "came from" or "conies from Ireland" {venif . . . de
Hibernid) suggest that tliis event was taken from a Scottish chronicle,
written probably at lona.
The Annals of Clonmacnoise, 108, s.a. 666, read erroneously: "The
race of Gartnait of Pictland returned to Ireland."
' Placed 7 years after 664.
2 Oswiu's death is dated by Bede on 15th February, 670 (cf. above,
p. 15; and E.G., 37, note). A.I., 15, place it under O'Conor's year 659
( = 667x670; misreading "Oswald" for "Oswiu"); A.C. places it s.a.
[669] (but 6 years before 674). The Annals of Clonmacnoise, 108, place ic
in 667 ( = 671). See above, p. 15.
' Both sentences appear similarly in C.S., 102, Hennessy's year 667 ;
and in A.U., i, 124, s.a. 670 = 671.
* Placed 8 years after 664.
5 Similarly in A.U., i, 126, s.a. 671=672 (with f.n. and e. of 672, and
the marginal note "bissextile").
The Chronicle of the Picts (ABC) makes Drust the successor of
Gartnait for 7 years ; perhaps from 663 to 670, when exiles returned from
Ireland. The years 670-672 may have been deducted by the chronicle from
Drust's reign ; or he may not immediately have succeeded to Gartnait.
The dates 657-664, for Gartnait ; 664-671, for Drust ; 671-692, for Brude,
would fit the reign-lengths given by the Chronicle of the Picts ; but that
chronicle cannot stand against the authority of the Irish annals at
this time.
The expulsion of Drust in 672 very likely preceded the defeat inflicted
by the Angles on the Picts, described by Eddius. After Oswiu's death,
Brude seems to have expelled Drust, the Northumbrian vassal ; and to
have invaded Bemicia. See E.G., 36-37 ; and below, year 676.
182 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 673
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 126, s.a. 672 = 673 ^
The burning of Mag-Luinge.^
The killing of Domangart, son of Donald Brecc, the king of
Dalriata.^
The capture of (?)Alpin, Corp's son, and of Conamail, Cano's
son ; and Cormac, son of Maelfothartaig, died.*
' The year-section concludes thus : " Constantinus, son of the previous
Constantinus, reigned for 17 years." Constantinus IV, the son of Constans
II, was emperor from 668 to 685 (Gibbon).
Tigernach begins the year thus : " Justinianus the younger, the son of
Constantinus, reigned 10 years " ; and gives the date 4658 in the margin.
This is derived from Bede's Chronicle ; M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 315, s.a.
4649. Justinian II was emperor 685-695 (4639-4649, according to Bede).
The next year-section in T., C.S., and A.U., records in Latin these
phenomena : " A thin and quivering cloud, like a rainbow, appeared over
a clear sky from east to west, in the fourth watch of the night, on the fifth
day of the week before Easter." [" Sixth day" A.U. Irish Easter was 26th
March in 674 (MacCarthy).] ''The moon turned to [the colour of] blood."
If the latter phenomenon is to be taken with the former, it may not have
been an eclipse ; but if an eclipse is meant, it would seem to belong to the
year 673 or 676 (L'Art).
2 This was the name of a monastery in Tiree ; see above, p. 66.
This note appears similarly in T., R.C., xvii, 202 (placed 9 years after
664), and in F.M., i, 282, s.a. 671 (and "the second year of Cendfaelad"
as sovereign of Ireland).
^ iiigulatio Doinangairt mic Domnaill Bricc regis Dal Riatai. This is
ambiguous, but probably means that Domangart was king of Dalriata.
To the same effect in T., u.s. ; and in C.S., 102, Hennessy's year 66g.
The Chronicle of Dalriata omits both Conall Crandomna and his
successor ; but the Irish annals seem to imply that Domangart was king.
His reign might have been from ca. 659 to 673.
This Domangart was the father of king Eochaid "the Crooked-nosed,"
according to the Chronicle of Dalriata.
The ambiguity in the text of A.U. seems to be responsible for a
compiler's error in misplacing events, perhaps at correct intervals from
Donald Brecc's accession, at 678, 686, and 694. See year 643, note (and
years ?635 and ?65i).
The affairs of Dalriata were very confused at this time. The rulers of
different parts claimed the kingship, and the country had accepted the
overlordship of Northumbria (655-685).
* For Conamail's death, see below, year 705 ; he may have been a minor
in 673. His father was probably the Cano who died in 687.
Alpin {Eliuin mic Cuirp) was probably not the king who reigned
726-728. If he were, he would have been a child in 673. There is, how-
ever, a suspicious resemblance between this note and that placed below
KING DOMANGART. DEFEAT OF PICTS 183
The voyage of Failbe, abbot of lona, to Ireland.^
Maelrubai founded the church of Applecross,^
Tigernaoli, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 203 ^
The death of Noah, Daniel's son.*
The death of Penda's son.^
676
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 128, s.a. 675=676"
The slaying of Maelduin, Rigullan's son/ and of Bodb, son
of Ronan, grandson of Congal.
Many Picts were drowned in Land-Abae. . . .^
Failbe returned from Ireland.^
under year 742. Possibly one or the other has been misplaced in A.U.
Stokes and O-Meiille interpret this: "Capture of Corp's son's island" or
crannog. But the context implies that Eiliidn was a man. See below,
P- 237.
' Similarly in T. and C.S., u.s. To the same effect in F. M., u.s.
The whole passage, down to this, stands thus in the Annals of
Clonmacnoise, p. 108, s.a. 669 : " Justinus the Younger reigned ten years.
" Domangart, son of Donald Brecc, king of Dalriata, was killed.
" The sailing of Failbe, abbot of lona, into Ireland.
" Mag-luinge \Moylelonge\ was burnt.
"Congal Cend-fota, king of Ulster, was killed by one Bee Boirche
IBeagbrwich^"
2 Similarly in T. and C.S.
F.M., U.S.: "Maelrubai, abbot of Bangor, went to Scotland, and
founded the church of Applecross."
Cf. years 671 and 722.
5 Placed 1 1 years after 664.
* Similarly in A.U., i, 126, s.a. 674 = 675. F.M., i, 282, s.a. 673 : " Noah,
Daniel's son, died."
The Daniel previously mentioned is the bishop of Kingarth, who died
in 660.
■^ Similarly in A.U., u.s. ; cf. the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 108, s.a. 671.
Penda's son Wulfhere, king of Mercia, died in 675 (A.S.C.).
" With f n. and e. of 676, and the marginal note " bissextile."
' For RiguUan see year 630.
* According to Skene, " Lundaff, now Kinloch, in Perthshire" (P. & S,,
471). This seems uncertain. Cf. the defeat by Beornhseth (E.C., 37).
" Similarly in T., R.C., xvii, 203, 12 years after 664. F.M., i, 284, s.a.
674 (and "the first year of Findachta Fledach," sovereign of Ireland):
" Failbe, abbot of lona, turned back again from Ireland."
184 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. Qj"]
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 204 ^
Beccan of Rum ^ reposed in the island of Britain.^
ca. Q'JJ
Annals of XJlster, vol. i, p. 128, s.a. 676 — 6^7
The slaughter of Cuanda, son of Eoganan.*
678
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, pp. 204-205 ^
A slaughter of the tribe of Loarn in Tirinn, [in a battle]
between Ferchar Fota and the Britons, who were the con-
querors.'' . . ^
The death of Drust, son of Donald.^
' Placed 13 years after 664. In all the annals this event closes the
year-section, which begins thus: "A brilliant comet star was seen in the
months of September and October."
This comet is recorded by Bede in 678, the 8th year of Ecgfrith's reign,
August to October (H.E., IV 12, V 24). But Bede says (IV 5) that
Ecgfrith succeeded on 15th February, 670; and (IV 5, V 24) that 24th
September, 673, was in Ecgfrith's 3rd year ; therefore Ecgfrith's 8th
autumn was 677, and we must correct 678 here to 677. A.S.C. places the
comet in 678 (ABCE ; 677 F). A.C. places it in [676], M'hich is the correct
year ; see Pingr^, Cometographie, i, 331-333.
^ In Tigernach, Ruimea7t; C.S., Riimindj A.U., Ruimm; F.M.,
Rtdmind.
2 Similarly in C.S., 104, Hennessy's year 673.
A.U., i, 130, s.a. 676 = 677 (with fn. and e. of 677) : "Beccan of Rum
reposed."
F.M., i, 284, s.a. 675 (and " the second year of Findachta" as sovereign
of Ireland) : "Beccan of Rum died in Britain on the 17th of March." Cf.
the Martyrology of Donegal, March 17th, p. 80.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 109, s.a. 673 : "There was a comet and a
star of great brightness, seen in the months of September and October. . . .
" Beccan of Rum [Beagan Reymynii\ died in the island of Wales."
Beccan was specially named among those to whom Cummine Fota
(t669) directed his letter on the Easter question. See above, p. 171 ;
James Ussher's Works, iv, 432.
* Cf. years 701, ca. 659.
^ Placed 14 years after 664. Under the same year in T. and A.U. is
placed the defeat of Donald Brecc at Calathros ; see year ?635.
" A.U., i, 130, s.a. 677 or 678 = 678 (with f.n. and e. of 678) : "Slaughter
of the tribe of Loarn in Tirinn."
' The sentence omitted is: " Tuaim-snama, king of Ossory, died,
DEFEAT OF LORN 185
679
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 205 ^
The repose of Failbe, abbot of lona.- . . .
The slumber of Nechtan.^
[killed] by Faelan Senchostal." A.U. (u.s.) read : " Toimsnamo, king of
Ossory, [died].
"The battle of Dun-locho, and the battle of Lia-Moe!ain, and the
subjugation of Elend" {doirad Eilind).
Skene seems to have regarded these as Scottish battles, fought by the
men of Dalriata in the attempt to throw off the yoke of Strathclyde
(S.C.S., i, 264). This is mere conjecture.
^ Similarly in C.S., 104, Hennessy's year 674 ; in A.U., u.s. ; and in
the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 109, s.a. 674.
See year 672. Drust may have been a factor in the Pictish defeat of 676.
' Placed 15 years after 664.
^ Similarly in C.S., 104, Hennessy's year 675 ; and in A.U., i, 130,
s.a. 678 = 679 (with fn. and e. of 679).
Failbe's "death" {mors) is recorded in A.I., 16, O'Conor's year 667=678
(8 years after 670).
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 109, s.a. 674 : " Failbe abbot of lona died."
Duald's Fragment II (86) places Failbe's death after, and in the same
year-section as, the battle of Calathros ; it appears therefore that the year
678 is meant.
F.M., i, 284, s.a. 677 (and "the 4th year of Findachta," sovereign of
Ireland) : " St Failbe, abbot of lona of Columcille, died on the 22nd of
March."
Failbe's successor was Adamnan (t 704).
The Martyrology of Oengus commemorates Failbe under March 22nd :
"A strong light over the rampart of the sea, Failbe, the warrior of lona" ;
with the note in Lebar Brecc (1880 Oengus, Ixiv) : "an abbot of lona of
Columba."
"Failbe . . . holy successor of Columba" is placed in the Martyrology
of Gorman under March 22nd (60).
The Brussels Martyrology of Tallaght (Kelly, xix) under March 22nd
notes, " Failbe of lona."
The Martyrology of Donegal, 84, March 22nd : " Failbe, Pipan's son,
abbot of lona, successor of Columcille, [died] A.D. 677. He was of the
kindred of Conall Guiban, Niall's son."
^ Similarly C.S., u.s.
A.U., U.S.: "The slumber of Nechtan of Ner." F.M., u.s., 284-286:
" Nechtan of Ner died."
The Martyrology of Oengus places Nechtan's death on the 8th of
January : " Nechtan of Ner, from Scotland." Stokes would read mir,
"noble Nechtan"; see 1905 Oengus, xxviii, 34. But perhaps Ner was
the place of a monastery in Ireland. Cf A.U., i, 92-94, s.a. 622 = 623:
186 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
679
Duald Mac-Firbis, Fragment II, p. 88 ^
Adamnan received the abbacy of lona.
Before 679
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book II, c. 44 ^
Of rain poured upon thirsty land, the Lord graitting it, after
some months of drought, in honour of the blessed man \^Columba\
About fourteen years ago^ in spring-time in tliese arid
lands a very great drought occurred, prolonged and hard. . . .
We therefore . . . took counsel to adopt this plan, and cause
some of our elders to go round the recently ploughed and sown
field with St Columba's white tunic, and books written by his
pen ; to raise aloft, and shake three times the same tunic, which
he had worn in the very hour of his departure from the flesh ;
and to open his books and read them on the Angels' Knoll,
where sometimes the citizens of the heavenly land were seen to
descend to confer with the blessed man.
And when all this had been carried out according to our
design, marvellous to relate the same day the sky (which had
been bare of clouds during the previous months of March and
April) was straightway with marvellous rapidity covered with
[clouds] rising from the sea, and there was great rain, falling
by day and by night ; and the land, thirsting formerly, now
satisfied, produced its shoots in season, and very joyous crops
in the same year. The commemoration therefore of the
"The repose ... of Fine \_Uinei'], abbot of Ner." Cf. the Martyrology of
Donegal, 10.
After Nechtan's death, in the same year, Tigernach enters a note of
the battle of Calathros ; A.U. enter it a year earlier. See above, ?ca. 635.
^ In the year-section parallel to A.U.'s 682 = 683.
^ Reeves's edition, 174-176; Skene's, 188-189.
2 Cf. the statement (below, year ca. 691) that Adamnan went to Ireland
" in the fourteenth year after the death of Failbe." He would naturally
have taken the Life with him, and have read it there ; if he did so, the
annalist may have taken the word " fourteenth " from this passage. Adamnan
seems to have gone to Ireland in reality in the twelfth year (the thirteenth
summer) of his abbacy.
He may have written the book partly on purpose to strengthen his
authority in Ireland, as Columba's successor.
ABBACY OF ADAMNAN 187
blessed name of one man/ a commemoration conducted with
his tunic and his books, assisted many districts and peoples at
the same time, with salutary opportuneness.^
After 679
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book II, c. 45 ^
Of contrary winds changed, by virtue of the prayers of the
venerable man, to favourable winds.
Our faith in such miracles in the past, which we did not see,
is indubitably confirmed by present-day miracles which we
have seen ourselves. For we ourselves have thrice seen
contrary winds turned to favourable ones.
The first time, when long hewn-out ships of pine and oak
were being drawn over-land, and timbers for the great
monastery* (and for ships likewise) were being conveyed, we
took counsel, and placed the holy man's vestments and books
upon the altar, with psalms and fasting, and with invocation of
^ Uniiis Hague beati commemoratio notninis viri.
^ At the end of Cummine's Life stands a brief account of this affair
(c. 26 ; Pinkerton, Vitae, 44-45). It is dated simply "after the death of the
man of God," and lacks the details 'which make Adamnan's account read
like the narrative of an eye-witness.
Below, year 686, it will be seen that Adamnan wrote after 688 ;
therefore the present episode occurred after 674, i.e. after Cummine's death.
If Cummine wrote the Life attributed to him, chapters 25-27 must have
been later additions to it, derived from Adamnan.
Reeves thought it likely that Adamnan wrote the Life between 692 and
697 (p. xlix). If this episode had occurred within the period of Adamnan's
abbacy, the time of writing must have been in or after 693. But in the
opening words of the next chapter Adamnan seems to deny having been
present on this occasion : therefore the word " we " used here must not be
taken to mean Adamnan himself, and the date of writing must have been in
or before 693.
We may therefore conclude (comparing the previous note) that the work
(written 688x693) was very probably finished in 691. This episode would
in that case fall under 677.
^ Reeves's edition, 176-182 ; Skene's, 189-190.
The date of these episodes has been taken to be the period of
Adamnan's subordinacy, while he was employed in monastic labour ; but
the narrative implies that he was abbot, and was on the first occasion in
lona, not with the ships.
* et \ciini\ inagnae navium pariter materiae eveherenttir domus. (Cf.
the order of construction of 2WzW . . . w/rz' above.)
188 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
his name, that he should obtain for us from the Lord favourable
prosperity of winds. And, God so granting it to that holy man,
it happened thus; for on the day upon which our sailors had
prepared everything, and intended to tow the logs of the
above-mentioned timber over the sea with skiffs and curachs,
the winds, on the previous days contrary, became suddenly
favourable. Thereupon the whole day, God being propitious,
prosperous breezes served them through long and devious
ways ; and with full sails, without any delay, the whole
expedition of ships reached the island of lona successfully.
The second time, when after the interval of several years
other oak timbers were being towed by us ^ from the mouth of
the river ShieP for restoration of our monastery, twelve curachs
being collected [for the purpose], on another quiet day when
the sailors were sweeping the sea with their paddles, suddenly
a wind adverse to us arose, Favonius, called also the wind
Zephyrus ^ ; and we then turned aside to the nearest island,
which is called in Scottish Airthrago, seeking in it a harbour in
which to wait. But meanwhile we grumbled at the inopportune
adversity of the wind, and began in some fashion as if to
accuse our Columba, saying, " Does it please thee, holy one,
that we are thus inconveniently delayed ? We have hitherto
hoped, by God's favour, for some consolatory assistance in our
labours from thee, esteeming that thou wert in somewhat high
honour with God."
A short space, as of a moment, after this was said, strange
to tell, behold the adverse wind Favonius ceased, and in less
time than it takes to say it, Vulturnus * blew favourably. Then
the sailors were ordered to put up yards in form of a cross, and
they raised sails to their extended oars ; and with prosperous
and gentle breezes we reached our island the same day and
landed without any exertion, with all the helpers who were
in our ships, rejoicing in the conveyance of the logs. That
grumbling accusation, mild as it was, of the holy man, helped
us in no small degree. It is clear of what and how great merit
' nobiscum. Cf. year 734, note.
2 fluminis Sale. "The river Shiel, rich in fish" ; Adamnan, II, 18 ; ed.
Skene, 164.
^ I.e. the west wind.
* The south-east wind.
FESTIVAL OF COLUMBA 189
the saint is esteemed by the Lord, since he heard him in so
swiftly turning the winds.
The third time, when in the summer season, after attending
a synod in Ireland, we were detained for some days through
contrariety of wind among the people of the tribe of Loarn, we
came to the island of Shuna ^ ; and there awaiting, the festive
night 2 and solemn day of St Columba found us much dejected,
because we wished to keep the same day joyfully in the island
of Zona. And hence as before we grumbled a second time,
saying, " Does it please thee, holy one, to pass the morrow of
thy festival^ among laymen, and not in thy church ? In the
beginning of such a day it is easy for thee to obtain from the
Lord that contrary be changed to favourable winds, and that
we celebrate the ceremony of the mass of thy nativity * in thy
church."
After that night was past we rose in the early dawn ; and
seeing that the contrary breezes had ceased, we entered our
ships and put out to sea, without a breath of wind. And
behold, immediately the due south wind, which is also called
Notus, blew behind us. Then the sailors rejoicing hoisted
their sails ; and thus our voyage on that day was so facile and
so quick, and so prosperous, God granting it to the blessed man,
that after the third hour of the day we reached the harbour of
Zona, as we had previously desired ; and afterwards, when we
had finished washing hands and feet, we entered the church
with the brethren in the sixth hour, and celebrated together
the holy ceremony of mass on the festival to which belongs
the nativity of saints Columba and Baithine ; in the dawn of
which, as has been said above, we had set out from the island
of Shuna, a great distance away.
Of the above narrative witnesses still live, not two or three,
according to the law, but a hundred and more.
' Ad Saineam insulam.
^ The "festive night" was the night preceding Columba's festival, that
is to say from 6 p.m. of 8th June to 6 a.m. of 9th June. The " solemn day "
began at 6 p.m. of the evening before.
5 Crastinavt tuce festivitatis ; from the context this must mean the day
after Columba's night, i.e. 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. of 9th June.
* Similarly Columba calls the day of Brendan of Birr's death his '■ natal
day" ; Adamnan, III, 11 (Cummine, VII ; Pinkerton's Vitae, 31).
190 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
680
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 132, s.a. 679 = 6801
The battle of the Saxons, in which ^Ifwine, Oswiu's son,
fell.2
The siege of Dun-baitte.^
Duncan, son of Eoganan, was slaughtered.*
681
Tigernacli, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 206^
The death of Conall Gael, son of Duncan, in Kintyre."
681
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 132, s.a. 680 = 681
The siege of Dunnottar. ^
^ With marginal note " bissextile."
^Similarly in T., R.C., xvii, 205 (16 years after 664); C.S., 104,
Hennessy's year 676 ; and the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 109, s.a. 675.
A.S.C. ABCE place yElfwine's death in 679.
^ According to Skene, this was a battle fought by Brude at Dunbeath in
Caithness. This is mere conjecture ; neither the place nor the besieger is
known. Cf. the Dun-mBaithe or Dunbuithe in the Tale of Cano (Anecdota
from Irish MSS., i, 13, 12) ; and Dalbeattie in Kirkcudbrightshire.
■• This may possibly have been the Duncan whom Fland calls " Duban's
son," and places after Conall Crandomna (t 659). Duncan's family appears
to have been as in the table below.
Tuathalan
1
1 1
Fereth t653 Eoganan tea.
659
1
Donald t663
1 1
Guanda 1 677 Duncan t 680
1
Congnl t 701
Conall Gael t68i Ossene
Conaing f 701
I I
? Bee t 707 Fiannamail fl. 699 f 700
'' Placed 17 years after 664.
^ Probably the son of Duncan, Eoganan's son, who was killed in 680.
The event appears similarly in C.S., 106, Hennessy's year 677, and in
A.U., i, 132, s.a. 680 = 681, in both with the reading "slaying" instead of
" death."
F.M., i, 286, s.a. 679 (and. "the 6th year of Findachta," sovereign of
Ireland) : " Conall, Duncan's son, was killed in Kintyre." So also in the
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 109, s.a. 675.
' Obsessio duin Foither.
According to Skene, Brude was the besieger.
Cf. year 694.
FOUR SIEGES. ORKNEY REDUCED BY BRUDE 191
682
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, pp. 206-207 ^
The Orkneys were destroyed by Brude."
683
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 134, s.a. 682 = 683
The siege of Dunadd, and the siege of Dundurn.^
684
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 208 *
The Saxons wasted Mag-[Breg] and very many churches
in the month of June.^
^ Placed 18 years after 664. Immediately afterwards, at the end of the
year-section, Tigernach notes the deposition of Justinian II, an event of
695. The next year begins thus: "Pope Leo reigned three years," with
the marginal date 4661. Leo II was pope from 682 to 683 ; there was no
pope from 683 to 684. This is followed by pope Sergius's discovery of a
piece of the cross ; Sergius I was pope from 687 to 701. Both these events
were taken from Bede (M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 316) ; Bede took them from
the Liber Pontificalis (M.G.H., Gesta Pontificum, i, 86).
2 Similarly in A.U., i, 132, s.a, 681=682.
For Brude see years 685 and 692.
5 Duin Aitt . . . duin Duirn. Probably the places now so named are
meant. Dunadd is to the north of the Crinan canal, near Kilmichael-
Glassary ; Dundurn is a hill at the east end of Loch Earn.
* Placed 21 years after 664. In the same year-section is noted the
reign of Tiberius, who was emperor from 698 to 705. With this is
connected the marginal date 4668 (4659 in Bede). Here also are noted
affairs of Lombardy from 701. These foreign events are derived from
Bede's Chronicle, M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 317.
^ To this effect in C.S., 106, Hennessy's year 681 ; and in A.U., i, 134
s.a. 684 = 685.
D.M.F., II, p. 88: "The Saxons devastated the plain of Brega, and very
many churches." This is placed under [685] the year after the children's
mortality of 683-684 (A.U.).
P.M., i, 288, s.a. 683 (and "the loth year of Findachta," sovereign of
Ireland) : " The wasting of Mag-Breg, both church and people, by the
Saxons, in the month of June ; and they took with them many hostages
from every place which they left, throughout Mag-Breg, along with many
other spoils ; and thereafter they went to their ships."
192 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
685
Simeon of Durham, Historia Dunelmensis Ecclesiae : Rolls
Series, no. 75, vol. i, pp. 31-32
And the aforesaid king [Ecgfrith] and Theodore gave to
[Cuthbert] the whole land in the city of York, from the wall of
the church of St Peter to the great gate on the west ; and from
the wall of that church to the wall of the city on the south.
They gave him also the village of Craike, and three miles in
circumference round about that village, that he might have
upon his way [from Lindisfarne] to York, or returning from
[York], a dwelling where he might rest. And there he
established a habitation of monks. And because that land
seemed insufficient, he received in addition Carlisle,^ which
is called Luel, and has fifteen miles in circumference. And
there also he established a congregation of nuns, and conse-
crated the queen, giving to her the garb of religion; and
appointed schools, for the advancement of the service of God.
Also other possessions of lands were granted to him. . . ?
68s
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 209^
The battle of Dunnichen took place on the twentieth day of
the month of May, on Saturday*; and there Ecgfrith, Oswiu's
' Liigubaliam.
^ To the same effect (witli no mention of queen ^tlielthrytfi, wfio
was in reality consecrated at Ely) in the Historia de Sancto Cuthberto ;
R.S. 75, i, 199.
Skene (S.C.S., i, 271) understood this grant of Carlisle to have included
ecclesiastic rule in Galloway (through Whithorn). Robertson held that
this extension of the Northumbrian dominion occurred in the reign of
Ecgfrith's successor, Ealdfrith ; but that in Ecgfrith's reign a considerable
tract of Northumbrian territory separated Cumbria and Strathclyde from
North Wales (E.K., i, 17-18).
That Carhsle pertained to Lindisfarne in 854 is stated by S.D. ;
R.S. 75, i, 53 ; ii, loi (cf 114, in 883). Carlisle lay waste from ca. 892 to
1092, when it was restored by king William II (F.W., ii, 30 ; S.D., ii, 220.
E.C., 108-109).
^ Placed 21 years after 664.
* May 20th was a Saturday in 685, which is the year given by Bede
(E.C., 42). Ecgfrith is commemorated under May 27th in the Franciscan
MS. of Oengus (1905 ed., 136).
BATTLE OP DUNNICHEN 193
son, king of the Saxons, was killed (after completing the
fifteenth year of his reign^), with a great company of his
soldiers, by Brude, son of Bile, the king of Fortriu.i
^ This passage appears similarly in A.U., i, 134-136, s.a. 685 = 686;
but instead of " by Brude . . . Fortriu " they read : " And he burned
Tula-Aman of Dunolly" {combusit tula aman duin Ollaigh). The meaning
is obscure. Hennessy translates it: "Tula-aman burned Dunollaigh."
Skene says that Brude "burnt the place called Tula Aman at the mouth
of the river Almond where it falls into the Tay " (S.C.S., i, 266) : but that
is not what the Ulster Annals say, and must be rejected.
A.I., Scriptores, ii, 2, i6, O'Conor's year 674 = 685 (15 years after 670) :
" A great battle between the Picts " [and the Angles ?].
D.M.F. II, p. 88 (in the year-section parallel to the Ulster Annals'
686 = 687 ; but Duald's next year-section is numbered A.D. 686) : " In this
year Adamnan freed the captives whom the Saxons had taken from
Ireland.
"The battle of Dunnichen, between Oswiu's son and Brude, Bile's
son, [who] was the victor."
The battle of 685 broke the English power in Scotland to the north of
the Forth, and allowed also part at least of Strathclyde to recover
independence. Bede says that the Scots of Dalriata renounced allegiance
to Northumbria (E.C., 43-44). Linlithgow and the Picts of Galloway seem
to have remained still subject to the Angles (S.C.S., i, 268, 271).
Brude is called the "son of the king of Dumbarton" in the Life of
Adamnan. Cf below, year ca. 692. His father "Bile, king of Fortriu"
was probably the " Beli, Neithon's son" of the pedigree of the kings of
Strathclyde (above, p. clviii), and the great-grandfather of the " Beli, Elfin's
son" who died in 722. Brude died in 693, only 30 years before his
grand-nephew, and 40 years before the last of his grandsons. Brude's
brother Owen was in his prime in 643 ; Owen's son died in 694. Brude
must have been old when he died.
Tigernach gives Brude the title of "king of Fortriu" (see year 693).
Brude seems therefore to have inherited Pictland south of the Tay from his
father, Pictland north of the Tay through his mother.
If the genealogies after the Historia Brittonum are right in calling
Brude Ecgfrith's fratruelis, Brude's mother's father must have been one
of the sons of jEthelfrith. But since we may assume that Brude claimed
part of the kingdom through his mother, her father must have been
a descendant of Eanfrith, who married a Pictish princess (617x633), and
whose son Talorcan held the Pictish throne from 653 to 657. The dates
seem to decide that Brude must have been Eanfrith's grandson, not
Talorcan's. Talorcan was probably not born before 617, and Brude had
a grandson who was old enough for warfare in 685.
From the verses of Riaguil (below) Skene deduced that Brude's mother
was the daughter of Talorcan, Eanfrith's son (S.C.S., i, 263). This
deduction is incorrect. What Riaguil says is that Brude was the
grandfather of Brude, Derile's son (t 706). See below.
N
194 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Talorc, [son of] Aithican, died.i _
The slaying of Rothechtach, and of Dargairt, son of
Finguine.^
685
Duald Mac-Firbis, Three Fragments of Irish Annals, II, p. no
Death of Fland Fina, Oswiu's son, king of the Saxons, the
renowned scholar,^ Adamnan's pupil; of whom Riaguil of
Bangor sang :
"To-day Brude* fights a battle for the heritage of his
grandfather*; unless it please God's son, they have perished
in it; where Oswiu's son has been killed, in battle against
green swords. Although [Ecgfrith] does penance, it is in
lona . . ."
1 This is followed in T. by a notice of Donald Brecc's death. See
above, year 643.
A.U., U.S., 136, say: "Talorc, son of Acithaen, and Donald Brecc,
Eochaid's son, died." Cf. the Gartnait, Accidan's son, mentioned above,
year 649. (Perhaps Talorc's death also should be placed in 643.)
2 Similarly in C.S., 108, Hennessy's year 682 ; and in A.U., u.s.
A.U., i, 172, s.a. 720 = 721, note: "The slaughter of Cu-dinaisc,
Rothechtach's son " ; this may have been the Rothechtach vifhose death
is entered here.
Dargairt's death appears to be repeated in A.U., i, 142, s.a. 692 = 693
(but here more probably 692 is right) : " The death of Dargairt, son of
Finguine." Cf. below, year 710.
Finguine may have been the great - great - grandson of Conall,
Comgall's son.
^ in t-egnaidh amhra. This was Ealdfrith, Oswiu's son, Ecgfrith's
successor ; under whose death in 704 this passage stands. But the poem
speaks of Ecgfrith, not of Ealdfrith.
■• In the margin : " Derile's son." He became king of the Picts eleven
years afterwards. (Marginal notes like this have equal value with the
text.)
^ ivi forba a senathar. "His grandfather's heritage" was therefore the
land of the Picts, at this time ruled by Brude, Bile's son. It follows from
this that Brude, Bile's son, was the grandfather of Brude, Derile's son. It
is implied by the plural verb ("they have perished") that both Brudes
were present in the battle.
" cia do radix aitrige \ is hi ind Hi iar nassa, rhyming with glasaj there-
fore iarnassa should be one word (" of iron shoes " ?).
There seems to be a pun here upon aithrige " repentance " (feminine)
and ath-rige "dethronement" (neuter).
NORTHUMBRIAN DOMINION CURTAILED 195
" To-day Oswiu's son has been killed, who had black
draughts.! Christ has heard our prayers, that they should
save Brude . . .".^
68s
Chroaicle of Holyrood, p. 19
In the year 685 king Ecgfrith rashly led an army to waste
the province of the Picts, although many of his friends opposed
it, and especially Cuthbert of blessed memory, who had recently
been ordained a bishop; and through the enemy's feigning
flight he was led on into the defiles of inaccessible mountains,
and annihilated, with great part of the forces he had brought
with him, in the fortieth year of his age, the fifteenth of his
kingdom, on the thirteenth day^ before the Kalends of June.
And Ecgfrith was succeeded on the throne by Ealdfrith, a
man very learned in scriptures, who was said to be [Ecgfrith's]
brother and Oswiu's * son. And he nobly restored the ruined
state of the kingdom, although within narrower bounds.^
685
Annals of the Pour Masters, vol. i, p. 290, s.a. 684''
Slaughter [fell] upon all animals in common, throughout
the world, to the end of three years, so that scarce one survived
in the thousand of every kind of beasts.
' I.e., " died of wounds " ?
2 roisaorbut Bruide bregha, rhyming with deocha. " Brude the brave "
O'Donovan. Possibly: "that [the saints of] Brega should save Brude".''
O'Donovan's translation of this poem (ibid., iii) is the basis of Skene's
(S.C.S., i, 266-267). The text also is given by Skene in P. & S., 402.
^ I.e., May 20th.
* In text " Oswin's."
° This passage is derived from Bede's H.E., IV, 26 (E.G., 42-44).
Sigebert of Gemblours, M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 327, s.a. 6S5, renders
Bede's account thus : " Ecgfrith, king of the Northumbrians, was slain
by the Picts. The Picts, Scots, and Britons, pressed the English
exceedingly ; and, recovering the liberty which they had formerly lost
through the English, they invaded great part of England. . . . Ecgfrith
was succeeded by his brother Ealdfrith, who reigned for 20 years."
Sigebert is followed by Alberic of Trois Fontaines, M.G.H., Scriptores,
xxiii, 700, s.a. 685.
^ Also "the iTth year of Findachta," sovereign of Ireland. Under this
year is noted a hard frost, for which see year 700.
PART VII
Domination of the Picts over Dalriata
686
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 210^
Adamnan led back sixty captives to Ireland.^
686
Annals of the Pour Masters, vol. i, pp. 290-292, s.a. 684
Adamnan went to England, to beg for the captives that the
North Saxons had taken with them from Mag-Breg, in the
previous year. He got their restitution from them after doing
miracles and wonders before the hosts ; and afterwards they
gave him great honour and reverence, with complete restora-
tion of everything he asked of them.^
' Placed 22 years after 664.
^ Similarly in A.U., i, 136, s.a. 686 = 687 : and (with omission of "sixty")
in C.S., 108, Hennessy's year 683. Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 1 10, s.a.
682 : "Adamnan brought 60 captives to Ireland."
•^ D.M.F. says that the concession of the captives was one of the
honom-s done to Adamnan, when he accepted Roman tonsure. Fragment
II, 112 (also in Skene's P. & S., 402): "Great booty was taken by the
Saxons from Ireland. Adamnan went to ask for [the return of] the booty."
Ibid., 114, after an incorrect account of the Easter controversy: "So
Adamnan was crown-tonsured there ; and never was greater honour shown
to man than was shown then to Adamnan. And that great booty was
given to him, and he proceeded to his own monastery at lona.
" There was great astonishment in his congregation when they saw
him with this crown-tonsure. He urged the congregation to receive the
crown-tonsure ; and he could not prevail upon them : but God permitted
the convent to sin, and to expel Adamnan. And [Adamnan] took pity
upon Ireland. Thus Bede has said. For Bede was with Adamnan as long
as [Adamnan] was in England."
If Bede is the only authority for this account, the account is worthless.
See E.C., 45-46.
Duald continues thus : " Thereupon Adamnan came to Ireland, and he
190
ADAMNAN'S JOURNEYS 197
686, 688
Adamnan, Life of Columba, book II, c. 46 ^
Of the plague.
And this also, as I think, seems not to be reckoned among
smaller miracles of virtue, with regard to the plague which
twice in our time had ravaged the greater part of the world.
For not to speak of the other wider districts of Europe (that is
of Italy and the city of Rome itself, and the cisalpine provinces
of Gaul, and also Spain, though separated by the interposition
of the Pyrenaean mountain), the islands of the ocean, that is to
say Ireland ^ and Britain, were twice entirely ravaged by dreadful
pestilence, with the exception of two peoples : the people of
the Picts and that of the Scots of Britain, between whom is the
boundary of the mountains of the Ridge of Britain.^ And
although both peoples are not without great sins, by which the
eternal judge is frequently provoked to anger ; yet he has
spared them both hitherto, bearing with them patiently. To
whom else then can this favour conferred by God be ascribed,
than to St Columba, whose monasteries, founded within the
borders of both peoples, are greatly honoured by both to the
present time ?
But this that we shall now say is not to be heard, as we
think, without lamentation : that there are many very stupid
men in both peoples who, not knowing that they have been
protected from diseases by the prayers of the saints, with
ingratitude basely abuse God's patience.
But we render to God frequent thanks that he has protected
us, at the prayers of our venerable patron on our behalf, from
the invasion of plagues, both in these our islands and in
England,* when we visited our friend king Ealdfrith; although
the pestilence had not yet ceased, but was ravaging many
flourished in Ireland" {ro iordliarcaigh sain for Eirinn; "excelled all
Erin," O'Donovan) ; "but that single control of Easter and the tonsure
were not accepted from him until this year" [704]. "And Adamnan died
in this year, in the eighty-third year of his age." Here this Fragment
ends. See year 704.
' Reeves's edition, 183-187 ; Skene's, 191.
'•^ Scotia.
3 Dorsi monies Briiannici (i.e. Druimm-nAlban).
^ Saxonia.
198 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
villages from place to place ; yet both in our first visit, after
Ecgfrith's battle, and in the second, after an interval of two
years,! while we walked in the midst of such danger of plague,
the Lord so delivered us that not even one of our companions
died, nor was any of them troubled with any disease.
687
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 210°
The killing of Cano, Gartnait's ^ son. *
688
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 138, s.a. 688 = 689
lolan, bishop of Kingarth, died.®
The death of Cathasach, grandson of Donald Brecc. . . . The
death of Feradach, son of Tuathalan. The death of Maelduin,
son of Conall Crandomna.^
' I.e., in 686 and in 688. Adamnan therefore wrote after 688. See
also year 679.
2 Placed 23 years after 664.
^ In Tigernach, Gartnain (similarly in Duald, and the Tale of Cano) ;
C.S., Car7taitj A.U., Gartnaidh.
* This sentence appears similarly in C.S., 108, Hennessy's year 684 ;
and A.U., i, 136, s.a. 687 = 688.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. no, s.a. 683: "Canon son of Gartnait
entered into religion."
D.M.F., II., 90, s.a. 686 : "Bishop Cuthbert reposed [687].
" Cano Gartnait's son died.
"The emperor Constantine [IV] died" [685].
This Cano became a figure in Irish romance, and was imagined to
have been a contemporary of king Aidan. See years ? 574, ?6oi, notes ;
and year 668.
Two years after Cano's death Tigernach, u.s., 211, C.S., no, and A.U.,
i, 140, record that " Coblaith, Cano's daughter, died." Cf. also years 673
and 705. In the same year-section are noted the writing of works by
Bede, and the reign of Justinian II [685-695] ; the reign is taken from
Bede's Chronicle (M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 315).
'' Similarly in C.S., 108, Hennessy's year 685 (with the reading Garad
for Kingarth), and in F.M., i, 294, s.a. 688.
Tigernach, R.C., xvii, 210 (24 years after 664), reads "John" for
" lolan," and mis-spells Kingarth {lohannes espoc Cind GalardtK).
" This paragraph appears similarly in C.S., u.s. ; but Tigernach, U.S.,
211, reads falsely: "The death of Cathasach, grandson of Donald
KING MAELDUIN. ARGYLE AND IRELAND 199
688
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 211 ^
Adamnan led back captives to Ireland.^
691
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 140, s.a. 690 = 691 ^
The [men of] Dalriata ravaged the [Irish] Plots and
the Ulaid.* . . .
A great gale drowned certain six men of the community
of lona on the sixteenth day ^ before the Kalends of October.
Brecc, son of Feradach, son of Tuathal, son of Maelduin, son of Conall
Crandomna."
The next sentence in T., C.S., and A.U., is: "Part of the sun was
obscured." There was an annular eclipse in 688 on July 3rd at loj a.m.
(Paris time) ; this is the only eclipse that can be intended, between 680
and 692 (L'Art).
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. no, s.a. 684 : " Cathasach, Donald Brecc's
son, died. Feradach, Tuathalan's son, died."
According to the Chronicle of Dalriata, Maelduin was king of Argyle
for 16 years.
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 61 : "Maelduin, son of Conall of
[many] plunderings, had seventeen [years] by right" on the throne of
Dalriata. Maelduin is placed after Donald Dond (t ca. 695), and before
Ferchar Fota (t ca. 696). See above, p. cxxxi.
Fordun places the reign of Maelduin (" Maldewinus, king Donald's
son ") after that which he gives to Ferchar Fota (see above, year 643, note ;
and see 664, note). According to Fordun, Maelduin reigned from 664 to
684 (III, 40, i, 125 ; whereby is to be corrected 111, 43, i, 128). Fordun's
dates of the empire are inaccurate here.
1 Placed immediately after the eclipse of 688.
^ This may be a repetition of the statement made under year 686 ; but
see Adamnan's own account, above.
^ Under the same year is entered: "Theodore, bishop of Britain,
reposed." Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, died in 690, according to
Bede's History, V, 8, and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles (ABCEF).
"• In the previous year the king of the Irish Picts had fallen ; A.U., i,
140, s.a. 689 = 690 : ". . . Ailill, son of Dungal of Eilne, son of Scandal"
was slain. (The Annals of Clonmacnoise erroneously make Eilne the
name of a man; p. no, s.a. 685.) Eilne is in the north-west of Antrim
county (O'Donovan, F.M., i, 199). C.S., 108, Hennessy's year 686 = 690:
"... Ailill, Dungal's son, king of the [Irish] Picts," was slaughtered.
Ailill stands in the list of kings of Dalaraide, in the Book of Leinster,
p. 41 e.
'' i6th September.
200 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
691 or 692
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 212 ^
In the fourteenth year after the death of Failbe of lona,
Adamnan went to Ireland."
ca. 692
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 140, s.a. 691 =692
The siege of Dun-deauae-dibsi.^
693
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 212*
Brude, Bile's son, king of Fortriu, died ; also Alpin,
Nechtan's son.^
' Placed 3 years after 688, but 37 years before 729. Under the same
year appears the following, in Tigernach, C.S., and A.U. : "The moon
turned to the colour of blood on the natal day of St. Martin." L'Art de
Verifier les Dates calculates that there was a partial limar eclipse in 691
on November nth at 6 p.m. (Paris time) ; i.e., 32 to 50 minutes earlier in
Ireland, and therefore on November nth according to the Irish reckoning.
The 14th summer after Failbe's death would have been that of 692.
The Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. no, s.a. 687 = 691, record nothing else
within the year : " The moon was of sanguine colour, the eve of the
nativity of St Martin."
- Similarly in C.S., no, Hennessy's year 688 ; and in A.U., i, 140, s.a.
691=692 (with fn. and e. of 692).
D.M.F., II, 92: "Adamnan came to Ireland in the fourteenth year
after the death of Failbe, abbot of lona" ("thirteenth" in O'Donovan's
translation).
The Annals of Boyle, 7, O'Conor's year 657, read : "Adamnan came to
Ireland, and brought the evangel with him."
It seems probable that Adamnan took with him, if he did not actually
go on purpose to take, his Life of Columba. See before 679, notes.
2 Reeves (Adamnan, 378) thought that Dundafif south of Stirling may
have been meant.
* Placed 4 years after 688, but 36 before 729. Under the same year has
been entered the restoration of Justinian II [in 705] : an event which, with
the passage following it, is taken from Bede's Chronicle (M.G.H., Auctores,
xiii, 317-318).
■'' This passage appears similarly in A.U., i, 140, s.a. 692 = 693.
The Chronicles of the Picts (ABFI) give Brude Bile's son a reign of
21 years. He seems to have reigned from 682 to 693, and may have
succeeded in 672.
D.M.F., II, p. 93; "Brude, Bile's son, king of Fortriu, died" {ri
BRUDE, BILE'S SON 201
693
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 142, s.a. 692 = 693
The slaying of Ainftech,i and of the nephews of Niall,^ and
of the sons of Boanta.^
?694
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 142, s.a. 693=694
A siege of Dunnottar.*
Foirtrean). This is placed in the year after Adamnan's voyage to
Ireland.
Chronicles of the Picts DF, in Skene's P. & S., 150, 173 : " In his time
flourished St Adamnan." Similarly in K, ibid., 201.
Extract from an Irish Life of Adamnan, Reeves's transcript, from
Brussels MS. 5101-4, in Skene's P. & S., 408-409 : — "Once the body of
Brude, Bile's son, king of the Picts, was brought to lona ; and his death
caused Adamnan grief and sorrow, and he said that Brude's body should
be taken to him into the house that night. Adamnan watched by the
body in that house till morning. In the morning of the day after, when
the body had taken to moving and opening its eyes, a certain religious
man came then to the door of the house and said : ' If Adamnan would
like to raise the dead, I say that he should not do it. It will be a disgrace
to every priest who shall come in his place, unless he [too] raise the
dead.' 'There is some justice in that' said Adamnan. 'If, then, it is
juster, let us bless this body, and the soul of Brude.' Brude sent his
spirit again to heaven, with the blessing of Adamnan and of the com-
munity of lona.
" Then Adamnan said : ' Many wonders performs the king who was
born of Mary ; . . . \betha scuab an nim muili^ [giving] death to Brude,
Bile's son. It is strange that, after he has been king of the north, a
hollow stump of withered oak [should be] about the son of the king of
Dumbarton'" \im mac rig Ala Cluaithi\
For Brude's father. Bile or Beli, see year 685, note ; for Beli's son,
Owen, see year 643. Alpin or Elfin was perhaps Neithon's son, and Beli's
brother.
' Ainftech was perhaps the father of Tarain, Brude's successor. Cf.
the Chronicle of the Picts, above, p. cxxv ; and years 697, 699.
2 Nieth-Neill.
^ Jiliorum Boendo.
* Obsesio diiin father. This may possibly be a repetition of the Obsessio
duin Foither already entered by these annals under 680 = 681.
Immediately after this is placed " the death of Ferchar, son of Connad
Cerr" ; see above, year ?65i.
202 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
694
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique. vol. xvii, p. 213 ^
Donald, Owen's son, king of Dumbarton,^ died.^
696
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 144, s.a. 695 = 696*
The slaying of Donald, son of Conall Crandomna.^'
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 215"
Tarachin was expelled from his princedom.^
Ferchar Fota died.^
Adamnan brought in a law^ in Ireland this year.
1 Placed 5 years after 688, 35 before 729.
^ Rex Alo Chluaithe; i.e., king of Strathclyde.
^ Similarly in A.U., i, 142, s.a. 693 = 694.
For Owen, see year 643. Donald appears to have been succeeded by
his nephew Bile or Bali, who died in 722.
* With the marginal note " bissextile."
^ Similarly in C.S., 112, Hennessy's year 692. Tigernach, R.C., xvii,
214, (7 years after 688, 33 before 729) omits "Donald, son of."
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 60: — "Thirteen years of Donald
Dond, after Dungal" (Fland's Duncan) "and Conall" (Conall Crandomna,
who died ca. 659. See year 660, note).
Donald Dond's reign over Argyle seems to have been from 693 to 696.
'' Placed 8 years after 688, but 32 before 729.
' Similarly in A.U., 144, s.a. 696 = 697; but they read "from his
kingdom" ; i.e., the kingdom of the Scottish Picts. This king's name is
spelt Tarain, below, year 699 ; and Taran in the Pictish Chronicle. See
also year 692. Cf Adamnan's "Tarain."
Tarain is allowed four years' reign in the Chronicle of the Picts ;
perhaps 692 to 696. His successor was Brude, Derile's son ; see below,
and year 706.
' Similarly in A.U., u.s.
The Duan Albanach, in Skene's P. & S., 61 : — "Ferchar Fota (consider
it) passed twenty-one years [in the kingdom]." Ferchar is there placed
after Maelduin (t 688) and before Eochaid (t 697).
Ferchar Fota appears to have been king of Argyle from 696 to 697.
The Chronicles of Dalriata also allow him a reign of 2 r years, which must
include his previous reign in Lorn. His pedigree is given in genealogy V
after the Senchus ; above, p. clvi.
The claims of the last kings of Dalriata will be shown in the table
on the opposite page.
^ Recht lecsa. Stokes regards recht as a gloss upon hcsa = /era, from
Latin lex.
A.U., U.S. : "Adamnan went to Ireland and gave the Law of the
KINGS OF ARGYLE
203
pq o
-fl"^
rt CO
JD N —
0)1 — I M c^
S
rt
oj
rt — :
O S-^ T3-1-°Q O-
O.
o
T)
o 1^ o A
O &M
204 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Innocents to the peoples." Similarly in C.S., 112, Hennessy's year 693.
A.I., 17, O'Conor's year 685 = 696 (26 years after 670) : "Adamnan set a
law over Ireland."
D.M.F., II, 96 (and Skene's P. & S., 402): "Adamnan came to Ireland
and indicted the Law of the Innocents to the peoples of Ireland : that boys
and women were not to be killed."
The Law was the subject of an early Middle-Irish tract, Cdin
Adamndin ; it is edited by K. Meyer in the Anecdota Oxoniensia, Medieval
and Modern Series, part 12 (Oxford, 1905).
In the list of those that were present at the council are the names : —
" Eochaid, Donald's grandson, king of . . . ," and " Brude, Derile's son,
king of Pictland" {Cruithintuathi) \ Cdin Adamnain, 20. Brude's
predecessor Tarain was deposed in 697 (above) ; and Eochaid, king of
Dalriata, died in the same year (below).
Sigebert of Gemblours, M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 328, s.a 694 : "Abbot
Adamnan . . . was famed in England."
The Martyrology of Oengus, under September 23rd (Stokes's
translation): "To Adamnan of lona, whose troop is radiant, noble Jesus
has granted the lasting liberation of the women of the Gael " ; with
Lebar Brecc's notes (1880 Oengus, cxlvi-cxlvii) : "abbot of lona of
Columcille" ; and in the lower margin (of p. 96) : "Of Adamnan of lona,
etc. On a certain day Adamnan chanced to be passing through Mag
Breg, with his mother on his back ; and they saw two battalions attacking
each other. Now Ronait, Adamnan's mother, happened to see a woman
with an iron hook in her hand dragging another woman from the opposite
side, with the hook fastened in her breast. For men and women used to
fight in battle alike at that time. Thereupon Ronait sat down, and said :
'Thou shalt not take me from this place until women are freed forever from
this condition, and from battles and campaigns.' So Adamnan promised
this thing.
"Then there happened to be a great council in Ireland, and Adamnan
went to that council with men chosen from the priests of Ireland, and he
freed women there.
" These are four laws of Ireland : Patrick's law, not to kill priests ; the
law of Dan' the nun, not to kill cattle [not to steal oxen, ibid. Ixiv] ;
Adamnan's law, not to kill women ; the law of Sunday, not to transgress
upon it." Similarly also in MS. Laud 610 (1905 Oengus, 210). The last
paragraph appears with little difference under March 17th in Lebar Brecc
(84 ; 1880 Oengus, Ixiv ; R.S. 89, ii, 504).
An addition to Colman's Hymn (by Mugroin, abbot of lona [964-980],
according to the Franciscan MS.), in Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus, ii, 306 :
"A blessing upon Columcille, with the saints of Scotland on the other
side" {Alban allaj glossed in the Dublin version /rz" inuir anair "to the
east of the sea ") ; " upon the soul of the glorious Adamnan " {Adamnan
din, the attribute being chosen for alliteration), "who laid a law upon the
tribes" [forsna danna; i.e. the tribes of the Gaels).
Note on Fiacc's Hymn, in Franciscan Liber Hymnorum, ii, 306: "The
ADAMNAN'S LAW. KING EOCHAID 205
697
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 146, s.a. 696 = 697 ^
Eochaid, Donald's grandson, was killed.^
698
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 146, s.a. 697 = 698''
The burning of Dunolly.
four chief laws of Ireland : the laws of Patrick, of Dare, of Adamnan, of
Sunday. Patrick's law [was] not to kill priests ; Dare's law [was] not to
steal cows ; Adamnan's [was] not to kill [women] ; [the law] of Sunday, not
to transgress it " (cen \a tK\ar-imthechf).
For the " Law of Sunday," cf. the Yellow Book of Lecan, facs., 215;
J. G. O'KeefFe, Anecdota from Irish MSS., iii, 21 ff. ; Eriu, i, 189-214.
The English bishop Ecgbeorht, who was at this time endeavouring to
reform the Columbite monasteries (see E.G., 50-51), was present at the
council of 697 (Gain, 16).
Another person present was bishop Cuiritan or Guretan (Gain, 12, 16).
This may have been the Curitanus who is commemorated under March i6th
(the day of Boniface of Rosemarkie), in Gorman, 56, with the note :
"bishop, and abbot of Ross-meinn " ; and in Tallaght, ed. Kelly, p. xviii.: —
"Guritanus, bishop, and abbot of Ros-mic-Bairend" (identified with Rose-
markie, by Reeves and Hogan ; but this seems doubtful). See Reeves,
Guldees, 44-46. Late writers identify Guritanus with Boniface, Gf. below,
year 706.
' This notice is placed immediately after the promulgation of Adamnan's
law.
^ Echu, nepos Domnaill. This seems to have been the same person as
the " Eochaid Grookednosed, son of Domangart, son of Donald Brecc,"
to whom three years' reign is given by the Ghronicle of Dalriata (above,
p. cxxxii).
For his successor see year 69S. His son (probably) reigned 726-733.
The Duan Albanach, in Skene's P. & S., 61 (after Ferchar Fota, and
before Ainfcellach) : '■ Two years of Eochaid of the horses ; the king of
palaces was brave." See above, p. cxxxi. Eochaid seems to have been king
of Knapdale.
Fordun (III, 43) inserts, after the reign of " Eugenius," Donald's grand-
son, the reign of another Eugenius, who is probably fictitious. This seems
to be a duplication of the Ewen, variously called by the Ghronicles of
Dalriata Ferchar Fota's son (E) and Findan's son (DFIK). These two
seem to have been the same man, about whose parentage the chroniclers
are in conflict ; but Fordun makes Ferchar Fota's son reign before, and
Findan's son reign after, Ainfcellach. See year 736.
^ These events are entered after the battle of 698.
206 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
The expulsion of Ainfcellach, Ferchar's son, from the
kingship ; and he was taken, bound, to Ireland.^
698
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 216^
A battle [was fought] between the Saxons and the Picts ;
and there fell Beornhseth's son, who was called Beorhtred.^
ca. 699
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 146, s.a. 698 = 699
The battle of Fiannamail, Ossene's son.*
Tarain went to Ireland.^
' Ainfcellach, son of Ferchar Fota, has one year's reign allowed him by
the Chronicle of Dalriata, apparently 697-698. See also year 719.
The Duan Albanach, in Skene's P. & S., 61 (after Eochaid's reign) :
" After that the good Ainfcellach, Ferchar's son, was king for one year."
The next king named there is Dungal (below, p. 235).
The words of A.U. imply that Ainfcellach's conqueror was Irish. The
deposition of Ainfcellach is synchronous with the appearance of Fiannamail
as king of Dalriata (see year 700).
Fordun (Chronica, III, 44, i, 129) records Ainfcellach's reign thus:
" Eugenius, yielding up the kingdom," (see year 696, note) " left it to his
successor Ainfcellach" {Amrikelleth, etc.), "son of Findan, son of Eugenius
IV, after having established peace with the Picts and the Angles. When
he had been crowned, in the same year of the Lord 697, he inadvisedly
prepared war against the Picts, breaking off the state of peace. And the
same year was not yet quite complete when upon his first expedition, made
secretly by traversing dense woods, in the land of [the Picts], many of his
followers were shot with arrows ; and the king himself was wounded by
being hit with an arrow, and suddenly turned back. And on the tenth day
after receiving this wound he died, and left the throne of the kingdom to
his brother Eugenius [VI]."
^ Placed 9 years after 688, but 31 years before 729. In the next year-
section has been entered the reign of Philippicus [emperor from 711 to 713].
(So in C.S., 112, Hennessy's year 695.) This is derived from Bede's
Chronicle (M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 318).
The year of the battle is given as 698 by Bede (E.C., 47).
^ films Bernith, qui dicebaticr Brechtraigh. {Brectrid in A.U. ; Berctred
in Bede.)
A.U., i, 146, s.a. 697 = 698, read : "A battle between the Saxons and the
Picts ; and there fell [the son of] Beornhasth, who was called Beorhtred."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. in, s.a. 693 = 698: "The battle between
the Saxons and Picts, where the son of Beornhaeth, who was called Beorhtred
\Bregghtra\ was slain."
•• Similarly in D.M.F., II, 98. See year 700.
'" See year 697.
KINGS AINFCELLACH AND FIANNAMAIL 207
700
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 148, s.a. 699 = 700^
Fiannamail, Duncan's grandson, king of Dalriata, . . . was
slaughtered/^
ca. 700
Chronicon Scotorum, p. 112, Hennessy's year 696
[There was] great frost in this year, so that the lakes and
rivers of Ireland froze; and the sea froze between Ireland and
Scotland, so that there was communication between them on
sheet ice.*
701
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp, 148-150, s.a. 700 = 701
. . . Congal, Eoganan's son, died.
A conflict [occurred] in Skye, and there fell Conaing,
Duncan's son, and the son of Cuanda.*
The destruction of Dunolly by Selbach.®
Slaughter of the tribe of Cathba.'^
' With the marginal note " bissextile."
- Cf. Tigernach, R.C., xvii, 216 (29 years before 729): " Fian[n]amail,
Duncan's great-grandson, king of Dalaraide, . . . was slain." (The foreign
events in this year-section of Tigernach are derived from Bede's Chronicle ;
JM.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 318-319.)
F.M., i, 300, s.a. 698 : " Fian[n]amail, Duncan's grandson, lord yoisec/i]
of Dalriata, . . . was killed."
D.M.F., II, 100 (in the first part of the year-section corresponding with
the Ulster Annals' 699 = 700 and 700 = 701) "Fiannamail, Duncan's grand-
son, king of Dalriata, died."
For Duncan see above, year 680. Cf. years 701, 707.
Hennessy understood that Fiannamail was king of Irish, not Scottish,
Dalriata ; if so, he is the first king of Irish Dalriata named in the annals.
After 639, the kings of Argyle had perhaps lost Irish Dalriata. It lay within
the kingdom of Ulster {Ulaid) ; for whose kings v. L.L., 41 ; B.B., 51-52,
276 ; A.U., iv, 427. Fiannamail is not named in the Book of Leinster's
list of kings of Dalaraide. Whether he belonged to Irish or Scottish
Dalriata, he probably claimed the title to both. See year 741.
' This is a late entry in the year-section corresponding to the Ulster
Annals' 699 = 700. It is placed by F.IVI. (i, 290) under year 684 (for 685).
* See above, year 677. For Duncan, see year 680.
■' Dunolly was the principal stronghold of the tribe of Loarn. It
seems to have been occupied in 698 by the supporters of an Irish chieftain,
208 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 704
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 152, s.a. 702 = 703 ^
Ailen-Daingen was built.^ . . .
Fergussan, Maelcon's son, died.
The siege of Ritha.^
ca. 704
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 219''
A slaughter of the [men of] Dalriata, in the valley of the
Leven.^
Adamnan, abbot of lona, reposed, in the seventy-seventh
year of his age, on the ninth day before the Kalends of October.''
perhaps the Fiannamail who died in 700 ; and by taking it (cf. year 714)
Selbach probably made good his claim not only to the chieftainship of the
tribe of Loarn (cf. year 719) but also to the kingship of Argyle (cf. year 723).
Selbach's son Dungal seems to have had his seat at Dunadd (year 736).
'' generis CaihbotJi. CathbaAvas grandson of Loarn Mor, the son of Ere and
brother of Fergus (see year ca. 501). The tribe of Cathba was, according
to Skene, "a rival branch of the tribe of Loarn" (S.C.S., i, 272). See the
Senchus, above, pp. clii-cliii.
1 Previously in the same year-section, and in the parallel section of
Tigernach and of the Annals of Clonmacnoise (699 = 704), it is stated that
the battle of Corann was fought on 12th July, a Saturday : 12th July was
Saturday in 704. (C.S. reads the 15th July, incorrectly.)
^ Le., "strong island"; presumably an island fortress, or a crannog.
See year 714, and cf year 725.
2 Obsessio Riihe. The editors of A.U. conjecture that Rithe was a
place in Scotland. Cf ca. 642.
^ Placed 25 years before 729. The year-section begins with the note :
"Theodosius reigned one year" [716-717], with the marginal date 4600.
Next year-section begins "Leo reigned nine years" [717-741], with the
marginal date 4688. These and the other foreign events on pp. 218, 219,
are derived from Bede's Chronicle (M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 319-321), which
concludes in Leo's 9th year (A.D. 725-726). Tigernach's notice s.a. [712]:
" In this year Bede made a great book, i.e. Berba Beid," [? = verba Bedae']
must therefore refer to Bede's Chronica Majora, finished in 725 or 726.
5 Similarly in A.U., i, 152, s.a. 703 = 704. But C.S., 114, Hennessy's year
700 = 704, reads: "Slaughter of the [men of| Dalriata at Loch Lomond"
(or Leven, ic li?in linnnae). If this is not a corrupt reading, it would show
that the valley of the Dumbartonshire Leven is meant in the other
Irish Annals.
" I.e., on the 23rd September.
Similarly in C.S., u.s., but with the reading: "in the seventy-eio^hth
year of his age."
DEATH OF ADAMiSTAN 209
A.U., U.S. : "Adamnan, abbot of lona, rested in the seventy-seventh
year of his age."
A. I., 17, O'Conor's year 693 = 704 (34 years after 670): "Adamnan,
abbot of lona and wise man, reposed in Christ."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 111-112, s.a. 700 = 705: "Adamnan, abbot of
lona, in the 78th year of his age died ; of whom Syonan in Kinelea
[^Kinleagh'] is named (in Irish Sidhi Adamhndn^ which is as much in
Enghsh as the seat of Adamnan, but no church land as I take it). Ealdfrith,
son of Oswiu, the prudent king of the Saxons, died." The part in brackets
is a gloss by the translator. Murphy says of the place mentioned that it is
" a townland in the barony of Moycashel, co. West Meath."
Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, ix, 160, s.a. [704] (the "260th year"
after 444) : " Ealdfrith \Alch-frit\ king of the Saxons, died. The slumber
of Adamnan."
C.S., 78, places "the birth of Adamnan, abbot of lona," in [622]
(Hennessy's year 624). Tigernach erroneously reads: "The death of
Adamnan, abbot of lona" ; R.C., xvii, 177, s.a. [622], f.n. 6. 628 is the next
year after 622 whose f.n. is 6 ; and 628 is probably the year intended,
because Adamnan's 77th year would then be 704 to 705.
A.I., 10, under O'Conors year 617 = 625 (26 years after 599), also note :
"The birth of Adamnan." So also A.U., i, 94, s.a. 623 = 624 (with f.n. and e.
of 624).
Martyrology of Gorman (182, September 23rd) : "Adamnan, high abbot
of Zona, what form of religion did he not cherish, in Scotland, in Ireland?"
Adamnan is commemorated at 23rd September in the calendars : e.g.
"Adamnan, abbot of lona" in the Martyrology of Tallaght, in Book of
Leinster, 363, and in the Brussels version, ed. Kelly, p. xxxiv ; " Adamnan
the wise" (in the second hand) in the Karlsruhe Bede ; Thesaurus
Palaeohibernicus, ii, 283. Cf the Martyrologies of Oengus, above, year 697,
note ; and of Tallaght, ed. Kelly, xli-xlii (Todd's Hymns, i, 69-70), where,
in a list of Irish saints paralleled (as unius maris et vitae) with saints of the
Roman church, Patrick is ranked with Peter, Bridget with Mary, Columba
with the apostle Andrew, and Adamnan with pope Silvester. See the
Martyrology of Donegal, 254-256. Cf. also the Breviary of Aberdeen, ii,
3, cxiv-cxv.
P.M., i, 304-306, s.a. 703, and "The 2nd year of Congal" of Kinnaweer,
sovereign of Ireland: "Adamnan, Ronan's son, the abbot of lona of
Columcille, died on the 23rd of September, after being twenty-six years
in the abbacy, and after seventy-seven years of life. Adamnan was a good
holy man, according to the testimony of the holy Bede, for he was tearful,
repentant, prayerful, devoted, fasting, temperate ; inasmuch as he never
ate but on Sundays and Thursdays only. He made himself a slave to these
virtues. And moreover he was wise and learned in the exposition of the
divine holy scriptures."
A note in Lebar Brecc (1880 Oengus, cxiii) says that Adamnan
appointed the 15 th July as festival of the twelve apostles, among the
[Irish] Scots.
O
210 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Ealdfrith, Oswiu's son, [called] Fland Fina by the Gaels,
a wise man, king of the Saxons, died.^
There is a metrical pedigree of Adamnan in the top margin of p. 369 of
the Book of Leinster : "Adamnan was nourished in lona ; the son of clear
Ronan, the son of Tinne, the son of Aed, the son of Lugaid, the son of
Setna, the son of Fergus (i.e., of the kindred of Lugaid).
" His mother (if it be a fault in the body) [was] Ronnat, daughter of
Segine. Segine, of briUiant rank, [was] the good son of Duach, the son of
Barr-finnan (i.e., of the kindred of Enda)."
Note on Fiacc's Hymn in Franciscan Liber Hymnorum, L.H., ii, 306:
"Adamnan, son of Ronan, son of [T]inne. His mother's name was Ronat."
See years 692, 696, above. According to Reeves (Adamnan, 378-379),
Adamnan was succeeded by Conamail, who died in 710.
Book of Leinster, facsimile, 370 e : "Adamnan was an admirable man ;
gi'eat was his love for his God and for his neighbour. By him the great
relics of saints were collected into one shrine ; and this is the shrine that
Cilline Droich[tech], son of Dichloch, gave to Ireland in order to m.ake
peace ; and it belongs to the tribe of Conall and the tribe of Eogan. Here
follows the enumeration of the relics (i.e. in the shrine), as Adamnan sang :
"A maccucain isruith
In tiag nodgaibi fortmuin . . ." etc.
Cf year 726, note. There is an Irish Life of Adamnan (see above, p. Ixxiii).
An anecdote of him is told in the Tallaght Discourse, 162.
' Fuit, with the gloss do M (" was ").
Ealdfrith died in 705 ; Bede, V, 18. A. I., 17, O'Conor's year 694 = 705
(35 years after 670) : " Fland Fina, Oswiu's son, king of the Saxons,
reposed." A.U., i, 152, s.a. 703 = 704 (with marginal note, "bissextile"):
" Ealdfrith, Oswiu's son, a wise man, the king of the Saxons, died."
Ealdfrith has been confused with Ecgfrith by D.M.F. ; see above, year
685. The name Fland Fina is a descriptive one, meaning "wine-red." In
the notes upon the Martyrology of Oengus at Oswald's death on August 5th,
the Franciscan MS. and the Lebar Brecc confuse Oswald with Ealdfrith
(1905 Oengus, 182 ; 1880 ed., cxxix): "that is, Fland Fina, Oswiu's son."
D.M.F., II, no (and P. & S., 402) : — " The death of Fland Fina,
Oswiu's son, king of the Saxons, the renowned scholar [egnatd/i] and pupil
of Adamnan." Here follow the verses quoted at year 685.
Verses written in Irish have been attributed to Ealdfrith. Cf the text
edited by K. Meyer ; Anecdota from Irish MSS., iii, 10 ff
D.M.F., II, 1 10 : " In this year [704] the men of Ireland consented to
receive single authority and a single rule from Adamnan, regarding the
celebration of Easter. . . ." There follows an erroneous account of the
Easter and tonsure controversy (iio-i 14). For its conclusion, see year
586, note.
The Metrical Dindsenchas (from the Book of Leinster), Gwynn, Todd
Lecture Series, viii, 20: "Afterwards the synod of Adamnan [was
assembled] to excommunicate Irgalach," in Raith-Senaid, north of Tara.
EALDFRITH. BRUDE DERILE'S SON 211
ca. 705
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 154, s.a. 704 = 705
The slaying of Conamail, Cano's son.^
ca. 706
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 220 "
Brude, [son of] Derile, died.-*
ca. 707
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 220 ''
Duncan held the principate of lona.^
707
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 154, s.a. 706 = 707
Bee, Duncan's grandson, was slaughtered.**
^ See above, year 673.
" Placed 23 years before 729.
3 A.U., i, 154, s.a. 705 (glossed "or 7o6") = 7o6: "Brude, Derile's son,
died."
The Chronicle of the Picts (ABC) gives Brude 11 years' reign; he
appears from the annals to have reigned from 697 to 706. He was
succeeded by his brother Nechtan.
According to A.S., March, ii, 444-445, the Life of Kiritinus in the
Codex Ultrajectinus says that "Nectavius, the king of the Picts, . . was
baptized [.'. 706x710?]; and gave the place of his baptism, with its whole
parish, to St Kiritinus, for the service of Christ's pilgrim servants, without
any subjection, in eternity. . . . And St Kiritinus took with him many
relics of saints, and founded a church at the mouth of the river Gobriat in
Pictland, and consecrated it. He preached the gospel to Picts and Scots
for 60 years, and built a notable temple at Rosemarkie. . . . Kiritinus
performed apostolic miracles. . . . He built 150 temples; he converted
36,000 persons to the faith of Christ. At last, after completing 80 years
of his age, 3 months, and 17 days," he died on i6th March ; "and was
buried in the same city, in the church of St Peter, before the altar. . . ."
Cf. Breviary of Aberdeen, i, 3, 69-70. See year 697, note.
* Placed 22 years before 729.
^ Similarly in A.U., i, 156, s.a. 706 = 707.
Duncan's appointment seems to have preceded the death of abbot
Conamail ; Reeves reckoned Conamail's abbacy from 704 to 710. See year
710. Duncan seems to have been appointed in connection with the Easter
dispute ; see years 716, note ; 717.
" According to S.C.S., i, 273, " he was the head of a branch of the Cinel
Gabhran, who possessed the south half of Kintyre, and were descended
212 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
709
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 156, s.a. 708 = 709
A battle [was fought] in the Orkneys, and in it fell the son
of Artablair.
710
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 221 ^
Conamail,^ Failbe's son, abbot of lona, rested.^
710
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 158, s.a. 709 = 710
A conflict [was fought] by the tribe of Comgall * ; and there
two sons of Nechtan Dargairt's ^ son were slaughtered.
Angus, Maelanfaid's son, was slaughtered in Skye.^
from Conaing-, one of the sons of Aidan, to whom it was given as his
patrimony." Skene (S.C.S., i, 285) understood Bee to have been the son of
Conall Gael (see year 681), the son of Duncan, son of Conaing (see
year 622).
For Duncan see years 680, 681, 700. He was perhaps a son of
Eoganan.
' Placed 19 years before 729. Under the same year-section Tigernach
enters a second notice of the restoration of Justinian II ; this is derived
from Bede's Chronicle (M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 317). Cf year 693.
' Conmaelvci Tigernach, Conmaolvn. C.S.
^ The text is corrected by that of C.S., 116, Hennessy's year 706 = 710.
A.U., i, 158, s.a. 709 = 710: "Conamail, Failbe's son, abbot of lona,
rested." Similarly in F.M., i, 308, s.a. 708.
Conamail's death is placed in the Martyrology of Gorman, p. 174, under
September nth. So also in Martyrology of Donegal, p. 244: "Conamail,
Failbe's son. He was of the race of CoUa Uais, sovereign of Ireland."
About this time Ceolfrith's letter was written (Bede, V, 21 ; E.C., 47-49).
Fordun inserts in his version of the Chronicle of the Picts, after the
reign of Nechtan, Derile's son (Chronica, IV, 12; i, 154): "[Nechtan],
according to Bede, received letters from England concerning the observance
of the Paschal cycle."
* linnibairecc apud genus Coinghaill {apud in sense of Irish la).
'•> Doirgarto. Cf A.U.'s genitive Dargarto above, year 685 {Dargarto in
Tigernach) ; in probabihty the same man is referred to there as here.
Cf year 712.
" inscijugulatus est. Cf the Maelanfaid at year 725.
WARS IN ORKNEY, ARGYLE, AND PICTLAND 213
710x711
Chronicle of Holyrood, p. 23.
In the year 711, the prefect Beorhtfrith fought with the
Picts.i
7"
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 222 ^
A slaughter of the Picts in the plain of Mano [was made]
by the Saxons ^ ; and there Finguine, son of Deleroith,* fell by
premature death. . . .
A conflict of the Britons with the [men of] Dalriata occurred
on Lorg-eclet, and there the Britons were conquered.^
712
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 222 •*
Coeti, bishop of lona, rested.''
712
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 160, s.a. 711 =712
The burning of Tairpert-boitter.^
Congal, Dargairt's*' son, died.
The siege of Aberte ^^ by Selbach.
' This is derived from Bede's Recapitulatio (E.C., 49. Bede reads
Berctfrid ; Bercired (see above, year 698) is probably a different name).
2 Placed 18 years before 729.
2 In text ab Saxones, for which Stokes would read, with A.U., apud
Saxones (cf year 710). Mano was probably the district called by Welsh
writers Manau; i.e., Clackmannanshire, with an extension to the south
of the Forth, as far as Slamannan.
■• Cf. year 716.
= Both these passages appear similarly in A.U., i, 158, 160, s.a. 710 = 711.
" Placed 17 years before 729.
" Similarly in A.U., i, i6q, s.a. 711 = 712 (with marginal note
"bissextile"); cf. F M., i, 310, s.a. 710. The bishop's name is spelt
Ceode by Tigernach ; Coeddi in A.U. and F.M.
See the Martyrology of Donegal, October 24th.
8 Combustio Tairpirt Boitter. Reeves would identify this with the
Tarbert north of Kintyre : Adamnan, 380.
^ Doirgarto, as at year 710, above.
'" Reeves (Adamnan, 380) would identify this with Dunaverty, in S.E.
214 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
713
Tigernacli, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 223 ^
Kenneth, son of Derile, and the son of Mathgernan, were
slaughtered.
Dorbene obtained the chair of lona ; and after five months
in the primacy he died, on Saturday, the fifth day before the
Kalends of November.^ . . .
Talorc, Drostan's son, was bound by his brother, king
Nechtan.-''
Kintyre. This identification is uncertain, but probably right. Skene
adopted it : " Dunaverty, the main stronghold of the south half of Kintyre,
the patrimony of the branch of the Cinel Gabhran of which the descendants
of Conaing, son of Aidan, were the head" (S.C.S., i, 273). See Berchan,
below, year 997.
^ Placed 16 years before 729.
2 I.e. on the 28th October, a Saturday in 713. So also in A.U. But
Tigernacli repeats Dorbene's death under [715] (R.C., xvii, 225 : 14 years
before 729) : " Dorbene, abbot of lona, [died]." Probably this Dorbene
was the copyist of the earliest existing manuscript of Adamnan's Life of
Columba ; see above, p. 117.
F.M., i, 312, s.a. 713: "St Dorbene Fota, the abbot of lona, died on
the 28th of October."
Martyrology of Gorman, p. 204, places "slender Dorbene" {Dorbene
seng) under October 28th; with the note: "abbot of lona of Columcille ;
he was of the kindred of Conall Gulban." To this the Martyrology of
Donegal (286) adds that Dorbene was " Altaine's son."
"Dorbene, abbot of lona" is named under October 27th in the
Martyrology of Tallaght, Book of Leinster, 364 ; but October 28th in the
Brussels version, ed. Kelly, xxxviii.
^ ligatur apud fratrem suum, Nechtan regem {apud in sense of Irish la).
This whole passage is in A.U., i, 162, s.a. 712 = 713.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 112, s.a. 710: "Talorc [_Folorg\ the son of
Drost, was fast bound by his own brother king Nechtan."
Nechtan, the king of the Picts at this time, was Derile's son, and
brother of the Kenneth previously mentioned. Skene would read
" Kenneth's brother " here ; but possibly " brother " may mean " cousin "
(as Irish brathir sometimes means), or else "brother-in-law" or "foster
brother" may be meant. The kings of Pictland seem to have preferred to
give Athole (the doorway of Moray) to a near relative.
Angus put Talorcan, Drostan's son, king of Athole, to death in 739, and
inay have made his own brother Talorcan the king of Athole (see year 750).
EASTER REFORM IN lONA 215
714
Tigernacli, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 224^
Dunolly was built by Selbach.^
Ailen Daingen was destroyed.^
716
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 166, s.a. 715 = 716
Gartnait, son of Deleroith, died.
716
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 217
Ecgbeorht, a holy man of the nation of the Angles, and one
that for the sake of the heavenly fatherland adorned the
priesthood with monastic life, by pious preaching brought
over many provinces of the [Irish] Scottish nation to the
canonical observance of the time of Easter, from which
observance they had too long strayed, in the year from the
Lord's Incarnation 715.*
' Placed 15 years before 729. In the same year-section in Tigernach
and A.U. is the note : " Fogartach, Cernach's grandson, was driven from
his kingdom [of Ireland], and came to Britain."
See year 716, note.
- Cf. year 701.
3 Cf. year 704.
Both events stand similarly in A.U., i, 162-164, s.a. 713 = 714.
* This passage is wrongly placed by Tigernach under [701] (28 years
before 729). It is derived from Bede's Chronicle (M.G.H., Auctores, xiii,
319; E.C., 50, note), where the date given is 716, though some MSS.
read 715 and 717. The other foreign events in the same section are
also derived from Bede (u.s., 318-319). Tigernach's year-section begins
with the note: "Anastasius reigned three years," with the marginal date
4676 ; but Bede gives the date 4670. Anastasius was emperor 713-716.
According to MacCarthy's tables (N and O in A.U., iv) Celtic Easter
was April 21st in 715, 3 weeks after Roman Easter; in 716 (the last year
of the cycle of 84 years, according to MacCarthy) it would have been April
i2th, one week before Roman Easter: because the thirteenth day after
the Paschal new moon was a Sunday— an occurrence that did not happen
again until 729, the year of Ecgbeorht's death. (See year 729, and E.C.,
51-52.)
Rival abbots seem to have been set up by the different factions before
the innovation was accepted. The change is said to have been made by
Duncan (see year 707, and note) ; but abbot Conamail (t7io) lived for 3
years after Duncan's appointment, and abbot Dorbene ruled for a short
216 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
716
Chronicle of Holyrood, p. 23
In the year 716 ... the man of the Lord, Ecgbeorht, con-
verted the monks of lona to the catholic [time] of Easter, and
to the ecclesiastical tonsure.^
716
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 225 ^
Easter was changed in the community ^ of lona.
Faelchu, Dorbene's son, received the chair of Columba in
the eighty-seventh * year of his age, on the fourth before the
Kalends of September, a Saturday.^
time (t7i3 or 715) ; and Dorbene's successor Faelchu was enthroned one
year before Duncan's death (t7i7).
Irish customs and tonsure survived in the church of Brittany, and were
abolished by Louis in 818. See B.R., vi, 513-514- Some Irish customs
survived in Scotland till the time of queen Margaret.
^ This is derived from Bede, H.E., Recapitulatio.
Herimannus Augiensis notes Ecgbeorht's reform from Bede's Chronicle;
M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 97, s.a. 716 (also the year of Theodosius' empire).
Cf. Bernoldus, Chronicon, ibid., v, 417. So also in Ekkehard, s.a. 716, or 3
Anastasius II ; ibid., vi, 26, 157 ; and in Marianus Scottus, ibid., v, 546,
s.a. 737 = 715 (also the 2nd of Anastasius), and A.D. 716. Incorrectly in
Sigebert of Gemblours, M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, 329, s.a. 708: "The Picts
and Scots received the catholic rite of the observance of Easter." Ibid.,
s.a. 716: "Ecgbeorht, coming from Ireland, was renowned for sanctity
and doctrine in England." Ibid., 330, s.a. 730 : " St Ecgbeorht, the priest
of the English, died."
Ecgbeorht's reform of the Scottish Easter is noted (from Bede) by the
Chronicon Universale, ibid., xiii, 18 ; and (from Sigebert) by Alberic of
Trois Fontaines, ibid., xxiii, 703, s.a. 716. Hugo's Chronicon (ibid., viii,
325) abstracts from Bede's Chronicle, but gives the date 717.
^ Placed 13 years before 729. In the same year-section in T., A.U.,
and the Annals of Clonmacnoise, is noted the death of Osred, king of
Northumbria ; and the restoration of Fogartach, Cernach's grandson, to
the kingdom of Ireland. (Fogartach was killed in the battle of Cend-
delgthen in 724 ; A.U., i, 174.) Osred's death is placed in 716 by Bede
and A.S.C. ; in [717] by A.C.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 112, s.a. 713: "Faelchu [Foylww] sate in
the seat of Columcille, in the 74th year of his age."
^ civitate, i.e. the monastery. Under years 717 and 718 the word used
xi, fainilia.
* " Seventy-fourth," in A U. and Annals of Clonmacnoise. Read 74th
in T. (Ixxiiii for Ixxxuii).
^ August 29th. This was a Saturday in 716.
COLUMBITES RESIST THE REFORM 217
717
Tigemach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, pp. 225, 226 ^
Duncan, Cendfaelad's son, abbot of lona, died.- . . .
Expulsion of the community of lona across the ridge of
Britain by king Nechtan.^
The whole passage is also in A.U., i, 164-166, s.a. 715 = 716 (with the
marginal note "bissextile").
F.M., i, 312, s.a. 714 and "the sixth year of Fergal" as sovereign of
Ireland : " Faelchu, son of Dorbene, was ordained in the abbacy of Zona
on the fourth before the Kalends of September, a Saturday, in the seventy-
fourth year of his hfe."
His predecessor's death is recorded in the year 717.
' Placed 12 years before 729.
2 Similarly in C.S., 118, Hennessy's year 713 = 777 ; and in A.U., i, 166,
s.a. 716 = 717.
The Martyrology of Oengus, May 25th : " Duncan of chill lona."
Notes on the Martyrology of Oengus (1905 Oengus, p. 136), in Rawlinson
B 505: "Duncan, i.e. abbot of lona of Columcille.— I.e. abbot of lona.
Under him the community of lona accepted the lawful Easter." In Laud
610 (ibid.; and Lebar Brecc, u.i.) : "Duncan, son of Cendfaelad, son of
Maelcoba, son of Aed, son of Ainmire" ; Lebar Brecc completes the pedigree
(1880 Oengus, xc): "son of Setna, son of Fergus Cend-fota, son of Conall
Gulban, son of Niall of the Nine Hostages."
Martyrology of Gorman, p. 104, May 25th: "Noble Duncan of lona
here" {Duncad lae soer sunna), with the note "abbot of lona of Columcille,
of Cenel-Conaill." Martyrology of Oengus, p. 126, May 25th : "Duncan of
cold lona." Brussels Martyrology of Tallaght, Kelly, p. xxv. May 25th :
" Duncan, abbot of lona ; the son of Cendfaelad." Cf. the Martyrology
of Donegal, p. 138, May 25th.
See above, years 707, 716 note.
Reeves in his edition of Adamnan says (p. 379) : " He was of the most
noble branch of the house of Conall Gulban, for his grandfather Maelcobha,
who died in 615, was the third of the family who were successively monarchs
of Ireland, and his grand-uncle Domhnall, who won the battle of Magh
Rath ... in 637 succeeded Maelcobha on the throne. During his
presidency there seems to have been a schism in the community, for in
713 and 716 two other members of the order were elected to the cathedra
lae or Columbae : or it may be that a different office, such as prior, or even
bishop, is denoted by the expression. ..." A rival abbot appointed to rule
during the life-time of his predecessor would have had a doubtful position,
which might have been described by saying that he had been appointed
to sit in the abbot's chair.
^ Similarly in C.S. and A.U., u.s.
This expulsion must have been the result of the Columbites' refusal
to accept some of Nechtan's reforms. See year 710, and Bede (H.E., V,
218 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
A conflict between [the people] of Dalriata and the Britons
at the stone that is called Minuirc ; and the Britons were
defeated.^
718
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 226 ^
The tonsure-crown^ was put upon the community of lona.*
719
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 227 ^
The battle of Findglend [took place] between two sons of
Ferchar Fota ; and there Ainfcellach was slaughtered on the
fifth day of the week, the Ides of September.'^
21 ; in E.C., 47-49). With the king's authority over the Scottish church
at this time compare the "servitude" from which the church was freed,
878 X 889 ; year 889, note.
' Similarly in A.U., U.S. C.S. omits "and the Britons . . . Minuirc."
Skene (S.C.S., i, 273) suggested that Minuirc was Clach na Breatan in
Glenfalloch, on the boundary between the counties of Dumbarton and
Perth. But no doubt there were many boundary marks. This should have
been on the border of Argyle.
^ Placed II years before 729. In the same year is noted the death of a
king of Northumbria, i.e., Coenred, who died in 718 (Bede, V, 22, 23 ; A.S.C.,
s.a. 716).
^ Tonsura corona. In C.S., Tonsurae corona.
* Similarly in C.S., 118, Hennessy's year 714 = 718.
"Placed 10 years before 729. In the next year is noted : "Theodosius
reigned one year" (he was emperor 716-717). So also in A. U., s.a. 719 = 720.
This is derived from Bede's Chronicle (M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 319), and has
already been entered by Tigernach under [704] (see that year, note).
" I.e., on Thursday, the 13th September ; but this was a Wednesday in
719. It was Thursday in 714 and 725. The battle is similarly entered and
dated in A.U., i, 170, s.a. 718 = 719 ; but in MS. A the date has been altered
by another hand to "the si.xth before the Ides," September 8th, which was
Thursday in 718. Perhaps the true correction would have been from
"fifth" to "fourth day of the week," i.e. Wednesday, September 13th, 719.
This is the Ainfcellach who was deposed in 697 or 698. His adversary
must have been Selbach, who reigned till 723. Another brother may have
been Ewen, for whom see year 736.
"Findglend" was understood by Skene to have been " Finglen on the
Braes of Loarn, near Lochavich" (S.C.S., i, 284). This is likely, and is
supported by tradition.
DEFEATS OF STRATHCLYDE AND LORN 219
The battle of Ardde-anesbi/ on the sea, [took place] between
Duncan Bee, with the tribe of Gabran, and Selbach with the
tribe of Loarn ; and Selbach was defeated, on the second before
the Nones of October, the seventh day of the week.'^ And
certain earls ^ fell in it.
721
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 227*
Duncan Bee, king of Kintyre, died.^
722
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 228''
Maelrubai rested in Applecross, after completing the
eightieth year of his life, three months, and nineteen days ; on
the eleventh day before the Kalends of May, the third day of
the week.^ . . .
' In A.U., Ardae nesbi.
^ I.e., on Saturday, the 6th October: but this was Friday in 719. It
was Saturday in 714 and 725.
A.U. (u.s.) note the battle similarly, but read : "on the day before the
Nones of September (or October), on the sixth day of the week" : i.e.,
Friday, September 4th or October 6th. (September 4th was Monday in 719,
Friday in 716 and 722.)
The true date seems therefore to have been Friday, 6th October, 719.
^ comites. Possibly = "mormaers"? Cf. the nobiles who fell in 736.
* Placed 8 years before 729.
^ So also in A.U., i, 170, s.a. 720 = 721.
" Placed 7 years before 729.
' April 2ist, a Tuesday in 722. Lower in the same year-section the i ith
of December is stated to be Friday ; this also was true of 722.
A.U., i, 172, s.a. 721=722: "Maelrubai [died] in Applecross, in the
eightieth year of his age."
F.M., i, 320, s.a. 721 (and "the 2nd year of Kenneth," Irgalach's son, as
sovereign of Ireland) ; " St Maelrubai, abbot of Bangor, died, after going to
Scotland, in his own church at Applecross, on the 21st of April. 80 years,
3 months, and 9 days, was the length of his life."
The Martyrology of Oengus, April 21st: "In Scotland in purity, after
forsaking every pleasure, our brother Maelrubai went from us, with his
mother." Notes in Lebar Brecc (1880 Oengus, Ixxv ; 1905 ed., 118):
" The festival of the death of Maelrubai. And he was of the Cenel-Eogain
[Tyrone], but his church is in Scotland, and this is the festival of his death.
His mother was Subthan, daughter of Comgall, or daughter of Setna ; and
his church is in Applecross" ii n-Apiir-crosen a chell).
A note upon "holy Maelrubai" in the Martyrology of Gorman, p. 80,
220 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Beli, Elfin's son, king of Dumbarton, died.^ . . .
Fedlimid held the principate of lona."
723
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 231 ^
The entrance into monastic life * of Selbach, king of Dalriata/'
April 2 1 St, calls him "abbot of Bangor ; he was of the Cenel-Eogain, and
he blessed [a church] in Applecross [Apur Crossan] in Scotland.''
He is called " Maelrubai, abbot of Bangor" in the Calendar of Tallaght,
April 2ist ; Book of Leinster, p. 359, b.
Of. Martyrology of Donegal, p. 106.
According to the Breviary of Aberdeen, ii, 3, Ixxxix-xc, August 27th,
Maelrubai was killed in Urquhart in Ross by Norwegian invaders, and
buried in Applecross.
.Genealogies of Saints, in the Book of Leinster, facsimile, 347, c :
" Maelrubae, son of Elgonach, son of Garb, son of Ferballach, son of
Cu-bairend, son of Cremthand, son of Binnech, son of Eogan, son of Niall
Nine-hostager." Similarly in L.B., 13, e-f; " Moelrubai, son of Elgonach,
son of Garb, son of Ferballach, son of Cu-boirend, son of Crimthan, son of
Eochaid Bindech, son of Eogan, son of Niall Nine-hostager."
' Bi7z mac Elphine, rex Alo Cluaithe.
This event stands also in A.U., u.s. ; and in A.C., Y Cymmrodor, ix, 160,
s.a. [722] (8 years after the "270th year" after 444: Beli filius Elfin
moritur). Cf. B.T. in M.A., 686, s.a. 720 ; B.S. in M.A., 653, s.a. 721. His
death is placed by D.M.F., I, 40, in this year [722], on December nth
or 1 2th : — " . . . The battle [of Almain] was won by Murchaid, Bran's
son [king of Leinster], and by Aed, king of South Leinster, the son of
Duncan, son of Colgu. Fergal [king of Ireland] was killed there ; Aed
Mend and Duncan, Murchaid's son, slew Fergal himself, and Bile, Buan's
son, king of Scotland; from him is named Corrbile ['Bile's nook'] in
Almain. . . ." This account of the battle is full of miraculous and
legendary stories, and is not to be relied upon for any detail.
2 Reeves, Adamnan, 382 : " Fedhlimid, who was coadjutor abbot in 722,
did not succeed to the abbacy on the death of Faelcu, in 724."
2 Placed 6 years before 729.
* Cleiricatus. {Clericaiiis, A.U. ; i cclercecht, F.M.)
'^ A.U., i, 174, s.a. 722 = 723: "Selbach's entrance into monastic life."
In F.M., i, 318, s.a. 719 : " Selbach, lord of Dalriata, entered monastic life."
Selbach appears to have relinquished the kingdom to his son Dungal.
See year 726.
See year 730 for Selbach's death. The Chronicle of Dalriata allows
him 24 years' reign ; perhaps 700-723.
KINGS BELT, SELBACH, AND NECHTAN 221
724
Tigernacli, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 231 ^
Faelchu, Dorbene's son, abbot of lona, slept. Cilline Fota
succeeded him in the principate of lona.^
The entrance into monastic life^ of Nechtan, king of the
Picts. Drust reigned afterwards.*
72s
Tigernach, Annals : Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 232 ^
Ailen of Macc-Craich was built."
Simal, son of Drust, was bound.''
ca. 725
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 176, s.a. 724 = 725^
Congal, son of Maelanfaith"; Brecc of Fortriu ; Eogan,^"
abbot of Eigg, died.
1 Placed 5 years before 729. In the same year-section the 7th of October
is stated to have been a Saturday : this was true of 724.
^ So also in A.U., i, 174, s.a. 723 = 724 (with marginal note ''bissextile").
F.M., i, 3 1 8, s.a. 720 (and "the ist year of Kenneth, son of Irgalach,
son of Conaing Cuirri, in the sovereignty over Ireland"): "St Faelchu,
Dorbe[ne]'s son, abbot of lona, . . . died,"
D.M.F., I, 52 (P. & S., 401) : "Faelchu, abbot of lona, died."
For Cilline see year 726.
^ Clericatum.
* Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 113, s.a. 722 = 724 and 725: "Nechtan,
king of the Picts, entered into religion, and Drust succeeded him in the
kingdom."
The annals support Chronicles of the Picts DFIK, which give Nechtan
iS years' reign (probably 706-724).
Nechtan may have adopted the religious life from choice ; cf. Bede's
account of his character (E.C., s.a. .'710), and his zeal in religious matters
(above, years ?7io, 717). He seems to have endeavoured in 726 to recover
civil power, but unsuccessfully. He did become king again in 728, but in
729 Angus was king. Nechtan died in 732.
^ Placed 4 years before 729.
'^ Similarly in A.U., i, 176, s.a. 724 = 725. I.e., "isle of the Rough's son"?
For a similar use of the word Ailen (perhaps meaning " island fortress "
or " crannog") cf. Ailen-daingen, under years 704, 714.
' A.U., U.S., read Simul for Simal, possibly intending: "At the same
time, the son of Drust was bound."
8 The sentence preceding the passage quoted is : " The moon [appeared]
dark and sanguine on the eighteenth day before the Kalends of January,"
222 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
726
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 232 ^
Nechtan, Derile's son, was bound by ^ king Drust.^
Cilline, abbot of lona, rested.*
Dungal was cast from his kingdom ; and Drust was cast
from the kingdom of the Picts, and Alpin^ reigned in his
stead. . . .
Eochaid, Eochaid's son, began to reign.®
726
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 176, s.a. 725 = 726
Talorcan Map-han died.''
727
Duald Mac-Pirbis, Fragment I, p. 54^
In this year Angus, king of Fortriu, gained three battles
against Drust, king of Scotland.
i.e. the 15th December. According to L'Art de Verifier les Dates there
was a total lunar eclipse on 13th December, 726. Perhaps these events are
to be assigned to the year 726.
" With this Maelanfaith cf. Maelanfaid of year 7 10.
'" Oan prmceps Ego.
' Placed 3 years before 729.
- abp; in A.U., apud.
^ This sentence appears similarly in A.U., i, 176, s.a. 725 = 726.
^ D.M.F., I, 52 (P. & S., 401) (under the year after the battle of
Cend-delgthen, fought in 724) : "Cilline Fota, abbot of lona, [died]."
F.M., i, 322, s.a. 725=731 (and "the 3rd year of Flaithbertach," son of
Loingsech, as sovereign of Ireland) : " St Cilline Fota, abbot of lona, died."
A Cillen is placed under April 19th in the Martyrology of Gorman, p. 80.
Similarly in the Martyrology of Donegal, p. 1 06.
^ Elphin, i.e. .^Ifwine. See year 728. According to S.C.S., i, 286,
Alpin was the brother of the Eochaid, Eochaid's son, who acquired
Dalriata, also in 726. The only evidence of this relationship is the fact
that Fland names "Alpin, Eochaid's son," as the king who reigned after
Dungal and before Muiredach ; but perhaps Fland's evidence is sufficient.
See above, p. cxlvii.
" See year 733.
Eochaid's predecessor was Dungal, Selbach's son, who had ruled in
Argyle apparently from 723 to 726 ; he endeavoured to recover the kingdom
afterwards (cf. years 727, 731, 733, 734, 736).
'' Perhaps for map-hoen " Owen's son."
** Also in Skene's P. & S., 401.
The previous year-section ends thus: "The beginning of the reign of
KINGS DRUST, DUNGAL, EOCHAID, AND ANGUS 223
727
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 178, s.a. 726 = 727
A battle [took place] in Rosfoichne,^ and there some men
of the two Airgialla^ fell; [it was fought] between Selbach
and the family of Eochaid, Donald's grandson.^
727
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 233*
Adamnan's relics were carried over to Ireland; and [his]
law was renewed.^
728
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 234^
The battle of Moin-craibe '' among the Picts themselves ;
Angus and Alpin were they that fought the battle. And the
Flaithbertach " [728]. The present year-section begins as above, and
continues : "The death of Murchaid, Bran's son, king of Leinster" [727].
Duald's Fragment is not very good evidence for the occurrence of these
battles, or for their date. Cf year 729.
^ Congressio Irrois Foichnae, "the encounter of Irros-Foichne"
Hennessy. Of the tvi'o editors, Hennessy inclined to think that the battle
took place in Ireland ; MacCarthy, in Scotland.
^ dendibh Airgiallaib. The Airgialla of Ireland appear to be meant
(i.e. Oriel). See above, p. clii.
^ " Eochaid, Donald's grandson," was the king vi'hose death is noticed
above under 697. The king who reigned at this time in Dalriata was
Eochaid, Eochaid's son ; and probably therefore Donald Brecc's great-
grandson.
This battle would seem to have taken place between supporters of
Eochaid, Eochaid's son, and Selbach, whose son — Dungal — Eochaid had
deposed (year 726).
* Placed 2 years before 729.
5 Similarly in A.U., i, 178, s.a. 726 = 727 (after, but in the same year
with, the battle of Rosfoichne) ; and in D.M.F., u.s., immediately after the
passage quoted above.
Among the provisions of the law was one of the payment of tax to lona
by the Irish Columbite houses : see above, year 696.
•J Placed I year before 729.
'■ M onaigh-craebi. Reeves would identify this place with Moncrieff Hill,
some 3 miles S.E. of Perth, in the barony of Dunbarney (Adamnan 383).
224 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
rout was before Angus, and the son of Alpin was slain there ;
and Angus took authority.
A pitiful battle between Picts at Caislen-Credi ^ ; and the
rout was upon the same Alpin, and his territories and his men
were all taken from him. And Nechtan, Derile's son, took the
kingship of the Ficts.^
' I.e., "fortress of Crede"? According to Reeves, u.s., this was
Moothill, now Boothill, near Scone ; and the same place as the Hill of
Credulity, in the Chronicle of the Picts (below, p. 445). Cf. S.C.S., i, 280.
This identification would involve the assumptions that credi is a genitive of
end " the credo " (or else, as Stokes suggested, that it is a by-form from the
root cred of eretid " believes "), and that eredulitas in the Chronicle of the
Picts means "faith." These assumptions are somewhat strained, and
I doubt whether the verbal resemblance justifies them. It seems more
probable that Crede was a man's name, or even a woman's name {CrSd,
gen. Crede. Cf. Cred, Guaire's daughter, in the Tale of Cano ; Anecdota
from Irish MSS., i, 6, ff. Cf D'Arbois de Jubainville, Litterature Epique
de I'Irlande, 206).
Skene deduced from the word "pitiful" that the Irish annalist's
sympathy was on Alpin's side, Alpin being of Dalriatan origin. The name
Alpin is not originally Gaelic ; it appears to be derived from Anglo-Saxon
^Ifwine, and suggests descent from Neithon and Oswiu.
^ These events stand thus in A.U., i, 180, s.a. 727 = 728 (with the
marginal note "bissextile"): "The battle of Moin-croib [A-fonid ckroibh'\
between the Picts themselves ; and there Angus was the conqueror, and
many were slain on the side of king Alpin.
"A lamentable battle was fought among the same, near the castle of
Crede \_juxta castellum Credi\ ; and there Alpin fled away."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 114, s.a. 725 = 728: "The battle of
Moin-craibe \_Moymd Krewe~\ was fought between the Picts themselves,
where Angus \_Enos\ was victor and many of Alpin's \Eljihines\ side slain.
" There was another battle between them near the castle of Crede
\Credy\, where it was a pitiful spectacle to behold king Alpin take his
flight, and the most part of his army yield themselves to the mercy of their
enemies : Eolbeck the son of Moydan and the rest of the nobles and people
of the Picts turned their backs to Alpin, and did receive Nechtan the son .
of Derile \_DeriUs\ as king into the kingdom again."
Angus held part of the country, and in the next year made himself king.
In "Jix he repelled Talorc's attempt to take the kingdom from him, and
three years later began to annex Argyle. He was in conflict with
Northumbria in 740 ; completed the annexation of Argyle in 741 ; and
fought against Strathclyde in 744.
The Chronicle of the Picts (ABC) says that Drust and Alpin reigned
together for 5 years. According to the Irish annals, Drust reigned
724-726 ; Alpin, 726-728. One or the other may have entered his third
year upon the throne.
KINGS ALPIN AND NECHTAN. ECGBEORHT 225
729
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 234
Christ's knight died on the day of Easter.^
729
Chronicle of Holyrood, p. 24
And in this year [729] the man of the Lord, Slcgbeorht,
departed to the Lord on the very day of Easter, the eighth ^
before the Kalends of May.^
729
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 180-182, s.a. 728 = 729
The battle of Monith-Carno, near lake Loogdae, [took place]
between the army* of Nechtan and the army of Angus ; and
Nechtan's tax-gatherers^ fell, namely Biceot, son of Moneit,
and his son ; Finguine, son of Drostan ; Feroth, son of
' 24th April, 729.
A.U., i, 180, s.a. 728 = 729: "Ecgbeorht, Christ's soldier, rested on
Easter day."
D.M.F., I, p. 56 : " Saint Ecgbeorht, Christ's soldier, rested in lona
of Columcille."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 114, s.a. 726 = 729: "Ecgbeorht \Egbricht\
the champion of Christ died on the feast day of Easter."
"' April 24th. This was Easter in 729. Celtic Easter was April 17th,
according to MacCarthy's tables (N and O, A.U., iv). See above, year
716, note.
^ This passage is derived from Bede's H.E., V, 22 (E.C., 51).
Ecgbeorht's death, and the appearance of a comet, are placed under
729 in A.S.C., ABCDEF ; and in the Annals of St Neots (Stevenson's
Asser, 126).
His death is noticed also by Bernoldus, Chronicon, M.G.H., Scriptores,
V, 417 (in his 90th year, 729, April 24th) ; and s.a. 727, by the Annales
Quedlinburgenses,Weissemburgenses, Lamberti, and Hersfeldenses (M.G.H.,
Scriptores, iii, 34, and v, i) ; s.a. 730, by Sigebert (ibid., vi, 330), confusedly.
See above, year 716.
Historia Brittonum, Genealogies; M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 205: "Ida
begot Eadric, who begot Ecgulf, who begot Liodguald, who begot Aetan ;
he is Eata Glinmaur ; he begot Eadbyrth, who begot Ecgbirth the bishop,
the first [bishop] of their race."
* hostem.
'" exactatores {exactores in IMS. B).
P
226 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Finguine, and many others: and the family of Angus
triumphed.^
729
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 235
A hundred and fifty Pictish ships were wrecked upon Ros-
Cuissine in the same year." . . .
The battle of Druimm-Derg-BIathuug=* [took place] between
Picts, namely Drust and Angus, the king of the Picts ; and
Drust was killed there, on the twelfth day of the month of
August.*
1 Annales Cambriae, ed. Ab Ithel, 9, s.a. [728] (4 years after the "280th
year" after 444): "The battle of mount Carno" (MS. A reads mortis
instead o^ motitis. Cf. Mons Carno, A.C., 18 ; Mons Carn, A.C., 27).
B.T. in M.A., 686, s.a. 728 : " There was the battle of Mynydd Carno,
in Gwent " ; confusing this place with the scene of later battles. This
battle is also entered in B.S. in M.A., 653, s.a. 728. B.T. in R.B.H., 258,
places it in 730.
Monith-carno is probably a genitive case of moin-Carno ; but vionith
or monid may have been a Pictish nominative. Carno is not the genitive
of cai-ji, as Reeves (Adamnan, 3S3) would imply. Skene at one time
suggested that the place might have been Cairn O' Mount, beside a pass
between the Howe of Mearns and Strathdee ; but there is no lake there,
unless the Bog of Luchray may be meant. Reeves (Adamnan, 64) would
have identified A.U.'s stagmcm loogdae with Adamnan's Loch Diae, in the
"ridge of Britain" ; above, p. 59 ; that is probably Loch Lochy. But the
identity of the two names is dovibtful. Other conjectures are in Skene's
Adamnan, 328; and S.C.S., i, 288. Phillimore says that the lake "is
apparently Loch Tay" (Y Cymmrodor, i.x, 160): this is possible, but
uncertain. The spelling is probably corrupt, and the place is unidentifiable.
No doubt the succeeding battle was fought near the same district.
The battle of Moin-Carno ended the second reign of Nechtan, Derile's
son. This reign lasted for 9 months, according to the Chronicles of the
Picts (FIK and Fordun).
- The year of Ecgbeorht's death, 729. Possibly the place is Troup Head.
^ Cath Droma Deirg Blathuug, Tigernach ; in A.U., Bellum Dromo
Dergg Blathuug.
* A.U., i, 182, s.a. 728 = 729: "The battle of Druimm-Derg-Blathuug
[was fought] in the districts of the Picts, between Angus and Drust, king
of the Picts ; and Drust fell."
Annals of Clonmacnolse, p. 114, s.a. 726 = 729 : "The battle of Druimm-
derg was fought in the kingdom of the Picts between Drust and Angus,
king of the Picts ; where Drust was slain, the 12th of the Kalends of
August.
'■^ Here end the Chronicles of Bede." (Le., Bede's H.E.)
731
CONFLICTS IN PICTLAND AND ARGYLE 227
730
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 235 1
Return of Adamnan's relics from Ireland in the month of
October.^
730
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 182, s.a. 729 = 730
. . . Selbach, Ferchar's son, died.^
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 184, s.a. 730 = 731
The burning of Tairpert-boittir by Dungal.''
731
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 235 ^
A battle [took place] between the Picts*" and Dalriata in
Muirbolg, and there the Picts were conquered. This was a
For the stone cross inscribed to Drust "son of Voret," at St Vigeans,
see Allen, Early Christian iVIonuments of Scotland (1903), iii, 235-239. Cf.
H. & S., ii, 126; Stuart, Sculptured Stones, i (1856), plate 69. This stone
may perhaps be responsible for the tradition that Drust "son of Wrad " was
killed by Kenneth Alpin's son. See above, p. cxxviii.
1 Placed I year after 729,
2 Similarly A. U., i, 182, s.a. 729 = 730; it is there stated that February
8th of this year was Wednesday, which was true of 730.
Annals of Clonmacnoise (erroneously), p. 114, s.a. 727 = 730; "The
return of the relics of Adamnan to Ireland in the month of October."
^ See year 723.
* Combustio Tairpirt boittir apud Dimghal.
This would seem to have been an act of aggression by the deposed
Dungal, Selbach's son, at Tarbert on Loch Fyne, against the king then
reigning in Kintyre. The king at this time was Eochaid, Eochaid's son.
^ Placed 2 years after 729.
Under the same year Tigernach notes : " The entrance into monastic
life \clericatus\ of Eachada, Cuthwine's son. The king of the Saxons was
bound." These events are connected, probably wrongly, in A.U., i, 184,
s.a. 730 = 731 : "The entrance into monastic life [u.s.] of Eochaid, Cuthwine's
son, the king of the Saxons ; and he was bound."
Stokes conjectured male Chuta for Tigernach's Eachada, because
Ceolwulf, Cutha's son, king of Northumbria, became a monk in 737. This
conjecture is perhaps not necessary.
*• Cruithniu ; below (in the nominative) Cruithne.
228 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
battle between the son of Angus and the son of Congus.
Brude conquered Talorc, who fled.^
ca. 732
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 236-
Temnen of [Kingarth^], a religious priest, rested.*
Nechtan, Derile's son, died.^
' In A.U., U.S. : "A battle [took place] between the son of Angus and
the son of Congus, but Brude conquered Talorc, who fled." In F.M., i,
322, s.a. 725 : "A battle [took place] between the Picts \Cruithniii\ and
Dalriata, in Muirbolg ; and there a great number of the Picts were killed."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 114, s.a. 728 = 731 : "The battle between
the Picts and Dalriata, where the Picts were overcome, was fought.
" There was a battle between the son of Angus and the son of Congus,
where Brude vanquished Talorc flying."
Hennessy thought that the Irish Picts are meant, and Irish Dalriata,
and the Irish Muirbolg. The context appears to contradict this view,
although the word used {Cruithm) usually in the Irish annals means
" Irish Picts." Perhaps there were two battles, and Tigernach by con-
flation combines them.
Talorc or Talorcan was the "son of Congus" (see below, year 734) ;
Brude, the "son of Angus" (year 736). One year later, Dungal, ruling
part of Dalriata, captured (probably) this Brude from sanctuary. Angus,
a strong ruler, retaliated vigorously, taking advantage of the disunion
of Dalriata.
Talorc's father Congus is probably he whose descent is recorded in
Genealogy IV after the Senchus (above, p. clvi).
^ Placed 3 years after 729.
^ Cille Garadh. So also in A.U. and F.M. The priest's name is spelt
Teimnen, in A.U. ; Tinmen, in F.M.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 114, s.a. 729 = 732: " Tymnen of Kilgarad,
a religious and virtuous man, died."
* Similarly in A.U., i, 186, s.a. 731 =732. In F.M., i, 322, s.a. 726 (and
"the 4th year of Flaithbertach" as sovereign of Ireland): "Temnen of
Kingarth [died]."
5 Similarly in F.M., i, 324, s.a. 726, Annals of Clonmacnoise, U.S.,
114-115.
Nechtan's reign-length is given variously as 15, 10, or 18 years, by the
Chronicles of the Picts (see p. cxxv). His reign was interrupted by the
reigns of Drust and Alpin, 724 to 728 (" 5 years," according to Chronicles
ABC). He had ceased to reign in 729.
ARGYLE IN CONFLICT WITH KING ANGUS 229
733
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. i86, s.a. 732 = 733
Dungal, Selbach's son, profaned [the sanctuary of] Tory-
Island, when he dragged Brude out of it. And on the same
occasion he invaded the island of Cuiren-rigi.^
Muiredach, Ainfcellach's son, assumed the kingship of the
tribe of Loarn.^
733
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 237, s.a. [733]
Flaithbertach led the fleet of Dalriata to Ireland, and great
slaughter was made of them in the island of Oine.^ And these
men were slain there : Conchobar, son of Lochene, and Branchu,
son of Bran ; and many were drowned in the river that is
called the Bann.*
1 The island's name has been altered in MS. A by another hand to
Culren-rigi, and so appears in MS. B ; and it is spelt Culen-rigi in the
same annals, i, 286, s.a. 802 = 803. Reeves accepted the identification with
Inch, off Inishowen, in Donegal (Adamnan, 384).
This passage appears thus in Tigernach (R.C., xvii, 236 ; 4 years after
729) :
"Dungal, Selbach's son, made a raid into Tory Island, and another
raid into Inis Cuirenn-rige, and destroyed [it?]-"
This Brude was probably Brude (t 736), the son of Angus Fergus' son
king of the Picts : Angus retaliated upon Dungal next year (734), and
Dungal fled to Ireland ; two years later (736) Angus attacked him in
Dalriata again, and imprisoned Dungal and his brother. Brude had doubt-
less been rescued in 734 ; he died soon after the imprisonment of Dungal.
2 This sentence appears similarly in Tigernach, u.s., 237.
^ O'Donovan follows the Annals of Clonmacnoise in thinking this
"island of Oine" to be Inishowen. Reeves suggested Island Heaghey,
Coleraine. There seems to be little ground for either conjecture.
* F.M., i, 326, s.a. 728 (and "the 6th year of Flaithbertach " as sovereign
of Ireland): "Flaithbertach brought a fleet from Dalriata to Ireland;
and on their arrival they delayed not in reaching the island of Oine. And
battle was engaged in between Flaithbertach with his mercenaries
\ainhsaibK\ and the Ciannachta, with others of the Qlstermen and of the
tribe of Eogan ; and a countless host of the Ulstermeii and of the tribe of
Eogan and of the Ciannachta were destroyed there, including Conchobar,
son of Lochene, and Branchu, son of Bran ; and a countless number of
them were drowned in the Bann, after their defeat."
Flaithbertach entered a monastery, and died in 734 : F.M,, i, 326,
s.a. 729.
230 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Eochaid, Eochaid's son, king of Dalriata, and Conall, son
of Conchobar, died.^
734
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. i88, s.a. 733 = 734^
Caintigern, the daughter of Cellach Cualann, died.^
Annals of Clonmacnoise, incorrectly, p. 115, s.a. 730 = 733: "Fergus
[read Flaithbertach] brought an army out of Dalriata into Inis Owen in
Ulster, upon whom there was great slaughter made, amongst whom Connor,
son of Lochene, and Branchu, son of Bran, were slain, and many others
drowned in the river of Bann."
D.M.F., I, 56 (Skene's P. & S., 401): "A battle was won by Aed
Alddain, Fergal's son, over Flaithbertach, Loingsech's son, king of Ireland;
and Flaithbertach took to himself a fleet from the Fortrenna" (i.e., the
people of Fortrlu) " against the tribe of Eogan ; but the greater part of
that fleet was drowned. The death of Flaithbertach himself in that
year. . . ."
This affair shows the intimate connection at this time between the
affairs of Ireland and Dalriata.
' Similarly in F.M., i, 324, s a. 727 (and "the 5th year of Flaithbertach"),
but with the reading " toisech of Dalriata."
For Eochaid's accession see year 726.
"Eochaid, Eochaid's son" stands in the list of kings of Dalaraide :
Book of Leinster, facsimile, 41, e ; he is succeeded there by Indrechtach,
for whom see year 741.
Eochaid seems to have held together the three districts of Argyle (the
districts containing respectively Dunnolly, Dunadd, and Dunaverty), and
also the district of Dalaraide in the north-east of Ireland. Upon his death
the territory was divided. The Chronicle of Dalriata and the Prose
Chronicle in the Chronicle of Melrose say that the king of Dalriata was
Ewen, Ferchar Fota's son (to 741 ; see below, pp. 235-236). But this
Ewen's nephew, Dungal, Selbach's son, is named as king by Fland and
the Duan. (Dungal appears to have reigned in Dunadd ; see year 736.)
Dungal was driven out by Angus in 734, and captured in 736. At the
same time Dungal's cousin, Muiredach, Ainfcellach's son, reigned in
Lorn (year 733) ; he also was driven out, by Angus's brother, in 736.
Indrechtach became king of Dalaraide ; and he too was conquered by
Angus (see year 741).
Fland and the Duan make Dungal Eochaid's successor ; this he can
only have been till 736 : and they name D^ungal's successor Alpin. Fland
calls Alpin "Eochaid's son" : and in the Duan, Alpin is given a reign of
4 years [? 737-741]. See below, years 741, 742.
^ The preceding sentence, in the same year-section, is : " An eclipse of
the moon occurred on the eleventh before the Kalends of February "
(i.e. 22nd January). So also in the same year of Tigernach, R.C.
xvii, 237. According to L'Art de Verifier les Dates, there was a lunar
KING EOCHAID. KENTIGERNA 231
eclipse in 734 on January 24th at 3 a.m. This is the eclipse connected
by the A.S.C. (ABCDEF, s.a. 734) with the deaths of Tatwine and Bede.
^ Cf. A.U., i, 164, s.a. 714 = 715 : "Cellach Cualann, king of Leinster,
. . . died."
Caintigern's name becomes Kentigerna in Latin. She had come to
Scotland with her brother, Congan, and her son, Faelan.
According to J. Stuart in his edition of the Book of Deer, p. cxxxv,
Kentigerna's relatives were these :
provincial chief of Leinster
I
I I
Congan . Kentigerna
\
I I I
Faelan Fursae Ultan
These five saints with seven other priests, according to tradition, settled
at Lochalsh ; and Faelan built a church in honour of Congan.
Cf. the Breviary of Aberdeen, i, 3, xxiv, January 7th : " St Kentigerna,
the mother of abbot Faelan." Her father was Tyrennus, king of Leinster ;
her husband Feriacus, kinglet of Monchestree ; her brother, St Congan
(ibid., xxv) : "... Forsaking her country, friends, and nation, she fled
from the society of worldly men, with her son Faelan and her brother
Congan ; . . . and she came to a desert place at Strathfillan, and lived with
them there for some time in deep contemplation.
"At last, deprived of the intercourse and presence of her dearest son
and brother, Congan, she betook herself for contemplation to the island of
Inchcailloch in Loch Lomond, in Lennox, and adopted the solitary life of
an anchorite, satisfying herself with herbs and water only, in all patience
and sanctity and integrity of life. . . ."
Breviary of Aberdeen, ii, 3, cxxvi, October r3th : "The abbot
St Congan, who is revered at Turriff of the diocese of Aberdeen."
" According to tradition [feruni], Congan was the brother of the matron
Kentigerna, and the dearest uncle of the blessed abbot Faelan."
The Breviary of Aberdeen (i, 3, xxvi, January 9th) says that Faelan was
the son of Feriach and Kentigerna. Ibid., xxvii : " But by angelic
exhortation he left his holy mother, Kentigerna, and the most holy man, his
uncle Congan, and came to the place that is called Siracht, in the upper
parts of Glenduckie" {Gleitdeochquhy), and built a church there.
Martyrology of Oengus, June 20th : "Faelan with that victory, that
splendid mute" (Stokes), with the note in Lebar Brecc (1905 Oengus,
p. 156): "From Raith-hErenn ; he is in Scotland, near Glenn-Drochta in
the west " ; and in Rawlinson B 505, ibid. : " Faelan the dumb, from
Srath-hErenn in Scotland."
Martyrology of Gorman, p. 120, June 20th : " Faelan, the high (?)
flame" (Stokes) {in breo balla), with the note : "[the] dumb, in Raith-Erenn
in Scotland." Brussels Martyrology of Tallaght, Kelly, p. xxvii, June 20th :
"[Festival] of Faelan, the dumb, in Srath-Eret in Scotland."
232 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
734
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 237 ^
Talorc, son of Congus, took his own brother and gave him
into the hands of the Picts ; and he was drowned by them.^
734
Annals of Ulster, u.s.
Talorcan, Drostan's son, was taken and bound near
Dunolly.^
Dun-leithfind was destroyed, after the wounding of Dungal ;
and [Dungal] fled into Ireland, to be out of the power of Angus.
735
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 239*
Bede, the wise man of the Saxons, reposed.^
735
Annales Oambriae ; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, s.a. [735] ^
Bede the priest died.
736
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 239^
Angus, Fergus' son, king of the Picts, wasted the districts
1 Placed 5 years after 729.
2 Similarly in A.U., u.s. ; but they translate into Latin {cum illis) the
Irish of their original (in Tigernach, leo-siden, "by them").
The death of one brother (apparently) of Talorc is recorded at year 740.
Annals of Clonmacnoise (incorrectly), 115, s.a. 731=734: "Talorc,
Congus' son [Talorg mcCougusd\, was bound by his own brother and
presented and sent to the Picts, who cast him into the water and
drowned him."
^ See year 739.
* Placed 6 years after 729.
° Similarly in a'V.U., i, igo, s.a. 734 = 735. In both, the previous record
is : "An immense dragon was seen in the end of autumn, with great
thunder after it." This may have been understood as a portent preceding
Bede's death. A. I., 20, ©'Conor's year 723: "Bede, the Wise, rested
in Christ."
" The year after the "290th year" after 444. The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle (ABCDEF) places Bede's death under 734, kfter a lunar eclipse
which occurred on January 24th at 3 a.m. (L'Art). Bede's death may have
been retracted to the year of the eclipse. 735 is probably the true year.
"■ Placed 7 years after 729.
ANGUS SUBDUES ARGYLE 233
of Dalriata, and gained Dunadd, and burned Creic^; and he
bound with chains two sons of Selbach^ namely Dungal^ and
Feradach.
And a little later Brude, son of Angus Fergus' son, died.^
736
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 192, s.a. 735 = 736
The battle of Cnocc-Coirpri in Calathros, at Etarlindu,
between Dalriata and Fortriu * ; and Talorcan, Fergus' son,
' Skene would first have identified this with Creich, Mull (P. & S., cxxxi) ;
later, with "a fort, the remains of which are still to be seen on the
promontory of Craignish " (S.C.S., i, 290). ?Cf Ailen of Macc-Craich,
under year 725.
^ Here spelt Dondgal j A.U., Donngal.
^ The whole passage is similarly in A.U., i, 190, s.a. 735=736 (with
marginal note "bissextile").
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 116, s.a. 733 = 736: "Angus, Fergus' son,
king of the Picts, wasted the region of Dalriata or Redshanks, took Dunadd
and burned Cregg, and bound the two sons of Selbach with cords,
Dungal and Feradach.
" A little while after, Brude the son of Angus who was son of Fergus
died." (The text is dislocated, but undoubtedly to be read thus.)
* Bellum Cnuicc Coirpri i Calathros uc Etarlinddii itir Dalriatai 7
Foirtrind. This may either mean that Calathros was between Argyleshire
and Perthshire, or it may mean that the battle was fought between men of
Argyle and men of Fortriu.
Cnocc-Coirpri means " Coirprfe's Knoll." Possibly this was the Coirpre
of the Senchus ; above, p. cliii. Etar-lindu means "between pools."
This battle may reasonably be understood to have been fought in an
extension of the campaign in which the battles had occurred at Creich and
Dunadd, and therefore Calathros would seem to have been within Dalriata.
The campaign against Dunadd resulted in the capture of Selbach's
sons ; it would seem therefore that Dunadd had been within Dungal's
territory. Ainfcellach was king of Lorn ; he was deposed by the battle of
Etarlindu, \yhich was probably therefore within his dominions.
We should look for Calathros within Argyle, in some part of it where
a rally could have been made after Knapdale had fallen. Not one of
the three names has been identified. The name Etarlindu suggests
Benderloch ; but Calathros suggests the Cladrois in Islay of the Senchus
(above, p. clii). Skene, following up the identifications (almost certainly
erroneous) noted above under year 635, would identify Cnocc-Coirpri
with "Carriber, where the Avon separates Lothian from Calatria" (i.e.,
Carribber, Linlithgow parish) ; apparently conjecturing that the chiefs of
Dalriata had been able to take refuge in Lothian. But we find their enemy
234 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Angus next embroiled not with Lothian or Strathclyde, but with Dalaraide
(in 741).
The Britons certainly were hostile to Angus soon afterwards. Angus
evidently wished to extend his rule over the other kingdoms of Scotland ;
after subjugating Argyle, he would naturally have proceeded to master
Strathclyde. A battle was fought between Picts and Britons in 744.
It appears to have been indecisive ; and in 750 the Britons under Teudubr
inflicted so severe a defeat upon Angus that he was temporarily driven
from his throne. After Teudubr's death, however, Angus recovered the
throne, and the English annexed some land on the western borders of
Strathclyde. In 756, Angus and Eadbert (who had been enemies in 740)
united forces against the Britons. The Britons were forced to submit,
but they inflicted another severe defeat upon Angus as he was returning
home. (E.G., 57.)
Skene's identification of the 12th-century Calatria (or Calateria ; Lawrie,
Charters, 86) with Callendar near Falkirk (Callendar House, Callendar
Wood, Callendar Riggs) has been generally accepted, but it is based upon
insufficient evidence. The old name of Callendar was Kalentyr (Kalentar
in 1362 ; Great Seal, no. 108), which might possibly have been a form taken
from Welsh speech, while Kalediire (the 12th century form of Galder ;
L.C., 184) might conceivably have been a form of the same name, taken
from Gaelic speech (cf Kaledor, the 13th century form of Cawdor ; later
Caldor). They could not however have been the same, if (as seems
probable) the Kaled of Kaledure were the Welsh caled, Irish crt/arf"hard,"
the calath of Calathros. Galder seems elsewhere to have been originally
a river name ; but the spellings Kaledure, Kaledor, suggest that the second
part of the name was not the Welsh dwfyr, Irish dobur "water," the dour
of Aberdour.
The native form of the name Calateria would presumably have become
Gaiter or Clater, according as the accent was upon the first or the second
syllable. It would not have become Callendar. Calateria could not have
been an artificial Latin form of Kalentyr. It might less inconceivably have
been an artificial Latin form of Kaledure ; but more evidence is needed
to decide the question.
Aih-ed of Rievaulx implies that Calatria v/as between Laodonia and
Scotia, that is to say between Lothian and Fife (E.G., 197). The district of
Galder (East Galder, Mid Galder, West Calder) is geographically the
valley of the Almond ; it is in the extreme west of Midlothian. To the
west of it lies the Garse of Falkirk, in the middle of which are Callendar
and Camelon. The Garse of Falkirk was the southern part of the ancient
Manau. A traveller from the south, intending to enter Fife by the ferry,
would have had to cross the Almond, but Callendar would have been
off his road.
Mid Galder belonged in the 12th century to the earl of Fife.
In Galder and the Garse of Falkirk there is now no place that could
be named "between pools," and there seems to be no reason to look for
Calathros in Calatria. For Calathros cf. year 640.
KINGS OF LORN 235
pursued Ainfcellach's son [Muiredach], who fled with his army.
And in this encounter many nobles perished.^
736
Annales Cambriae ; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 161, s.a. [736] ^
Owen, king of the Picts, died.^
' This seems to have been the end of Muiredach's reign in Dalriata.
The Duan Albanach, in Skene's P. & S., 61, gives Muiredach a reign of
three years ; above, p. cxxxiii, note. For the beginning of his reign in Lorn
see year 733.
For Talorcan, son of Fergus and brother of Angus, see year 750.
The Duan Albanach, U.S.: "Seven years of Dungal Dian" (i.e. "the
impetuous"), "and Alpin \^Ailpen\ had four." These are placed between
Ainfcellach (ca. 697-698) and Muiredach (ca. 733-736).
Fordun's account (III, 45) of Muiredach's reign is apocryphal: "To
[Eugenius Findan's son] succeeded Muiredach \^Murdacus\, his nephew by
his brother Ainfcellach ; and he ruled the kingdom in the same peace as
did his uncle and predecessor," (see year 741) "but by no means with the
same or so great favour from his neighbours. . . ." Fordun says that
Muiredach reigned 715-730, and was king when Bede wrote the conclusion
of his History (in 731 ; Bede, V, 23 ; E.G., 52-54).
^ 2 years after the " 290th year" after 444.
^ Similarly in B.S. in M.A., 653, s.a. 736. Cf. B.T. in R.B.H., 258
(the only entry between 740 and 750) : "And then died Owen, king of the
Picts." (Under 740 this Brut places Eede's death, which is shown by
Bede's continuator, by T., and by A.U., to have occurred in 735.) " Owen "
is the Welsh equivalent of Irish Eogan (or " Ewen ").
This Owen is perhaps the Ewen who heads the spurious series of kings
(from 741 onwards) in the Chronicles of Dalriata, and in the Prose
Chronicle inserted in CM.
The Prose Chronicle in CM. (4, 223 ; P. & S., 177) ; s.a. 741 : — "Ewen,
the king of the Scots, died ; and his son Muiredach \_Miirezaui\ succeeded
him." S.a. 744: — "Muiredach, the king of the Scots, died; and his son
Ewen succeeded him." S.a. 747 : — " Ewen, the king of the Scots, died ; and
his son Aed Find succeeded him" \Hedabbicsj read Hedalbus, with Edalhus
of Chronicle of Dalriata, E].
See below, year 781, note.
If there was a king Ewen in Dalriata at this time, he could only have
reigned under protection of the Picts. They might have regarded him as
the true heir, because he was the brother of the former kings Ainfcellach
and Selbach (sons of Ferchar Fota). The Chronicles of Dalriata give
Ewen I a reign of 16 years (DFIK ; 13, E) ; they place his reign after that
of Ainfcellach (-698, t7i9). (But Ewen could not have reigned before
733, and only nominally before 736.) Fland names two "Eoganans," the
second unidentified, in his list (above, p. cxivii). (Chronicles DFIK and
236 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
737
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 240^
The death of Ronan, abbot of Kingarth.^
Failbe, Guaire's son, the successor of Maelrubai of Apple-
cross, was drowned in the deep sea with his sailors, twenty-two
in number.^
739
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 243 *
Talorcan, Drostan's son, king of Athole, was drowned by-
Angus.^
740
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 198, s.a. 739 = 740"
An earthquake [occurred] in Islay on the second day''
before the Ides of April.
Cubretan, son of Congus, died.^
Fordun make Evven and Ainfcellach sons of Findan.) According to Fordun,
this Ewen was the father of Aed Find ; but see below, year 778, note.
Muiredach's father was probably not Ewen, but Ainfcellach (see year
733)-
Ewen II is given a reign of 3 years in Chronicle of Dalriata E.
Aed Find's father was probably not Ewen, but Eochaid, Eochaid's son.
See year 778.
1 Placed 8 years after 729.
^ Similarly in A.U., i, 192, s.a. 736 = 737. F.M., i, 328, place Ronan's
death in 732 (and "the 3rd year of Aed Alddain " as sovereign of Ireland).
^ This passage is corrupt in the text of Tigernach ; it appears, also some-
what corruptly, in A.U., u.s.
F.M., U.S. : " Failbe, Guaire's son, successor of Maelrubai, was drowned,
and with him the crew of his ship. Their number was twenty-two."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, erroneously, p. 116, s.a. 734 = 737: "The
work done in Applecross \_Upercroossann'\ was sunk in the depth of the sea,
and certain sea-faring men to the number of 22."
■* Placed 10 years after 729.
^ Similarly in A.U., i, 198, s.a. 738-739.
Cf year 713. Talorcan's successor in Athole may possibly have been
Talorcan, Fergus' son (year 750).
" With marginal note "bissextile."
" April 1 2th.
* Probably this is the Congus of years 73 [ and 734.
In this year the indomitable Angus seems to have invaded Northumbrian
territory (Bede's continuator ; E.C., 55).
KINGS OF ATHOLE AND DOWN 237
741
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 200, s.a. 740 = 741
The battle of Druimm-cathmail,i between the Picts^ and
Dalriata, [was fought] against Indrechtach.^ The overthrow *
of Dalriata by Angus, Fergus'^ son.
741
Annals of Ulsiter, vol. i, p. 198, s.a. 740=741
The battle of Forboros," in which fell two sons of Fianna-
mail, namely Indrechtach^ and Conall, and others.
742
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 202, s.a. 741 =742
Alpin (.''), Crop's son, was besieged.*
' This place has not been identified. Skene placed the battle at
Dungyle, Kelton parish, Kirkcudbrightshire ; but confused it with a battle
that probably occurred a hundred years later (S.C.S., i, 292). See year
841, note. Dungavel and Dungivel in Lanarkshire have a superficial
resemblance to the name. The ejected chiefs of Dalriata may have
persuaded Indrechtach, who was king of the Irish Picts of Dalaraide, to
invade Pictish territory. It is equally possible that the battle occurred in
Ireland.
Skene is probably wrong in arguing that Alpin, king of the Picts (726-
728), died in this campaign. See year 742.
^ Cruithniu. Hennessy thought that the Irish Picts, and Irish Dalriata,
are meant.
^ Indrechtach's death has already been noticed in the Ulster Annals ;
see the next passage.
■* Percuiio Dalriatai. By conquering Indrechtach, Angus had over-
thrown all the chieftains among whom Eochaid's kingdom had been
divided (see year 733, note).
^ Forgusso. This Angus was the king of the Scottish Picts.
" "This place has not been identified" Hennessy, ibid., 199; "in
Scotland" MacCarthy, in index, A.U., iv.
' Indrechtach's name stands in the list of kings of Dalaraide, in the
Book of Leinster, facsimile, 41 e.
* Obsesio Auilmin, filii Criiip. This event is not entered in the other
Irish annals ; it probably therefore did not occur in Ireland. If it refers
to the Alpin (^Ifwine) who was king of the Picts from 726 to 728, and
perhaps, from the Duan's account, also from 737 to 741, A.U. differ from
Fland in the name of Alpin's father : Fland calls Alpin " Eochaid's son."
Stokes and 6-Maille render Auiliuin " Len's grandson" ; but it seems to be
the same name as Eiliuin above, pp. 182-183. Two years later, A.U. have
238 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
744
Chronicle of Melrose, p, 4
In the year 744, a battle was fought between the Picts and
the Britons.^
747
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 249 -
The death of Tuathalan, abbot of Cendrigmonaid.^
749
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 251 ^
Drowning of the [monastic] household of lona.^
Ailhdn as genitive of ailen " crannog " ; perhaps by attraction to Auiliuin.
With the name Crop, ?cf. the "ridge of Crup" in Chronicle of the Kings,
version A ; below, p. 473.
This siege may have been a continuation of, or sequel to, the warfare of
741. But the notice of it is too brief to permit any certain conclusion to be
drawn. Cf. above, ca. 673.
1 This is taken from S.D. See E.G., 56.
^ Placed 18 years after 729.
^ Ab Ci?id-righ-monaigh (read monaidh, with F.M. ; i.e. Kilrimuned and
Kilrimund of the charters) ; Cinrighmonai in A.U. This place was near
St Andrews. It contained the parish church of Holy Trinity.
This passage appears similarly in A.U., i, 208, s.a. 746 = 747. F.M.,
i, 344, s.a. 742 (and "the 4th year of Donald," son of Murchaid, son of
Diarmait, as sovereign of Ireland): "Tuathalan, abbot of Cendrigmonaid,
died."
The name Totholan appears under June 17th in the Martyrologies of
Gorman, Tallaght (Brussels version), and Donegal. There is no reason,
however, to identify this Totholan with Tuathalan, although these are two
forms of the same name.
See below, year 834, note, for the foundation of the monastery of St
Andrews.
* Placed 20 years after 729.
^ Demersi\o\famili\ae\ iae.
Similarly in A.U., i, 212, s.a. 748 = 749, with correct spelling.
F.M., i, 346, s.a. 744 (and "the 6th year of Donald"): "A great storm
came in this year, and a great number of the community of lona of
Columcille were drowned."
ANGUS DEFEATED BY STRATHCLYDE 239
750
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 251 ^
A battle [occurred] between Picts and Britons, and in it
perished Talorcan, Fergus' son, and his brother ; and there
slaughter was [made] of the Picts along with him.-
750
Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 161, s.a. [750]^
A battle [was fought] between the Picts and the Britons,
that is, the battle of Moce-tauc ; and their king Talorcan was
slain by the Britons.*
' Placed 21 years after 729, 3 years before 753, which is indicated by
a " dark sun."
^ In A.U., i, 212, s.a. 749 = 750 : "The battle of Catoic \beUum Catohic]
between Picts and Britons ; and in it fell Talorcan, Fergus' son, the
brother of Angus."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 119, s.a. 746 = 750: "The battle of Ocha
between the Picts and Britons was fought ; where Talorcan, Fergus' son,
brother of king Angus, was slain."
3 Placed 5 years after the " 300th year " after 444.
■* The name of the battle is not in MS. B ; MS. C merely notes Talorcan's
death, without mentioning the battle. Ab Ithel's ed., 9. Cf. B.T. in M.A.,
686, s.a. 750 (after the death of Teudubr, Beli's son) : " In the same year
was the battle of Mygedawc, where the Britons were victorious over the
Pictish Gaels \Gwyddyl Ffichti'\ after a bloody battle." B.T. in Red Book
of Hergest, 258 : "750 years was the age of Christ when there was a battle
between the Britons and the Picts, in the fight of Maes-ydawc. And the
Britons slew Talorcan, the king of the Picts. . . . And Rotri, the king of
the Britons, died" ("four years after that" adds the i6th century MS. C ;
i.e., in 754. Ab Ithel's ed., 7). Cf. A.C., s.a. [754] (the "310th year" after
444) : "Rotri, king of the Britons, died."
B.S. in M.A., 653 : "In the year of the Lord 750, Cynewulf was made
king of the Sa.xons [755-t784, a reign over West-Saxons of 31 winters;
read Sigebriht, 754-755 ? A.S.C.], and through treachery he died. In that
year there occurred between the Britons and the Picts a battle, which is
called the battle of Metgadawc. And there was killed Talorcan, king of
the Picts. And in this year died Teudubr, BeU's son" (see year 752).
Skene wished to identify Mocelauc with " Mugdoch, in Dumbartonshire "
(S.C.S., i, 295), and thought that Talorcan had lordship over the Picts of
Linlithgow. The latter assumption is based upon others, which are
probably false (see year 736). It is possible that Talorcan's kingdom was
Athole ; cf years 713, note, and 739. He seems to have been commander
of Angus's army, and an able general (year 736).
That the Britons of Strathclyde should have been strong enough at this
time to crush so vigorous a king as Angus is a very significant fact.
240 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
750
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 212, s.a. 749 = 75°
Ebbing of the sovereignty of Angus.^
ca. 752
Annales Oambriae, Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 161, s.a. [750]-
Teudubr, son of Beli, died.^
752
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 253 ^
The death of Cilline Droichtech, anchorite of lona.^
1 Aithbe flatho Oengtissa.
This stands later in the year-section than the battle of Catoic.
After his defeat by the Britons, and the loss of his two brothers, Angus
seems to have been driven temporarily from the throne ; but he recovered
his power after the death of the king of Strathclyde in 752, and the defeat
and death (as it would seem) of the claimant in the same year.
For Angus's death see year 761.
2 6 years after the " 300th year " after 444.
^ Teudubr was king of Strathclyde. His death is placed in 750 also by
Bede's continuator (E.C., 56) ; by B.T. in M.A., B.T. in R.B.H., and B.S.
in M.A., which has later events in the same annal ; see above, year 750,
note.
* Placed 23 years after 729, i year before 753.
^ lae. This event, here recorded in Latin, is repeated by T. in Irish,
in the same year-section, probably from another source : — " The death of
Cilline, son of Congal, in lona" (z n- Hi). Both versions appear (in Latin)
also in A.U., i, 214, s.a. 751 = 752 (with marginal note "bissextile")-
F.M., i, 350, s.a. 747 (and "the 9th year of Donald"): "St Cilline
Droichtech, abbot of lona, and anchorite, died on the 3rd of July."
Droichtech ("bridge-maker"), apparently a nickname, may be a trans-
lation of the Latin /(7«/'z/"£?;ir (usually "bishop," but possibly also "abbot"
in Irish writings). Cf Stokes, in Academy, 1889, p. 240. See also year
697, note.
Martyrology of Gorman, p. 128, July 3rd : " Cillein, of constant virginity,
a white champion " {Cilleiii bithog bangreit), with the note " this our Cilline
Droichtech [was] abbot of lona of Columcille."
Brussels Martyrology of Tallaght, Kelly, p. xxviii, July 3rd : " Cilline
abbot of lona."
Martyrology of Tallaght in the Book of Leinster, p. 3706 (1905 Oengus,
210): "This Adamnan was admirable: he had great love of God and of
his neighbour. It was he who brought together the great collection of
holy relics into one shrine, the shrine that Cilline Droichtech, Dichloch's
son, brought to Ireland, to make peace and a covenant between the
KINGS TEUDUBR AND BRUDE 241
Teudubr, Beli's son, king of Dumbarton,'- . . . [and]
Cummine, Bee's grandson, the religious of Eigg, died.^
The battle of Asreth in the land of Circen, between Picts
on both sides ; and in it Brude, Maelchon's son, fell.^
753
Tigernacli, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 254*
Columcille's law [was enforced] by Donald of Meath.^
kindreds of Conall and of Eogan. ..." Verses ascribed to Adamnan
follow, enumerating the relics.
Martyrology of Donegal, June 3rd, p. 184: " Cillen Droichtech, abbot
of lona of Columcille, [died] A.D. 75 r. [He was] of the descendants of
Conall Crimthann, son of Niall Nine-hostager ; and he gave to Ireland
the shrine, or the many relics \^/aisi iomdhd\ that Adamnan had collected,
to make peace and friendship between Cenel-Conaill and [CenelJ-Eogain "
(Tirconnell and Tyrone). " Here is the beginning of the poem that
Adamnan made, when he put the bag containing the relics on Cillen's back :
" ' A macain as sruith
An tiagh nod gaibhe fort muin, etc' "
See year 704, note.
Reeves quotes Cilline's pedigree from the Naemsenchus in the Book
of Lecan (Adamnan, p. 382): " Cilline Droichtech, son of Dicuill, son of
Cilline, son of Amalgaid, son of Feradach, son of Fiacc, son of Cerball,
son of Conall Cremthann, son of Niall of the Nine Hostages " ; and adds :
"His ancestor Fiac was brother of Diarmait, king of Ireland" for 21 years
from 544 ; cf ibid., p. 68.
^ I.e. king of Strathclyde. In JVIS. alochlandaid, corrected by Stokes to
Alo cluaide.
For Beli (in Irish, Bile) see year 722.
Teudubr was no doubt the conqueror of Angus in 750.
2 Cummine's death is similarly recorded by A.U., u.s.
3 By the "land of Circen" we may understand the Mearns ; see year
598. This battle does not appear in A.U. If it is correctly entered here,
it would seem that Brude, IVIaelchon's son, was the claimant who succeeded
in driving Angus from the throne (750-752).
* Placed 24 years after. 729. Tigernach records eclipses of sun and
moon in this year ; both occurred in 753.
5 Similarly in A.U., i, 216, s.a. 752 = 753.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 119, s.a. 749 = 753: "The Rules of St
Columcille were established in Meath by king Donald."
Cf. years 757, 778.
Q
242 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
754
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 255 ^
Slebine, abbot of lona, came to Ireland.^
756
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 6, s.a. 756
In the same year, Baldred the anchorite departed to the
Lord, having emulated the life of saints.^
757
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 257*
Columcille's law [was enforced] by Slebine.^
' Placed I year after 753.
2 Similarly in A.U., i, 218, s.a. 753 = 754-
s This is derived from S.D. (E.G., 56).
There is an interesting but fabulous account of '■ the contemplative life
of the blessed Baldred, bishop and confessor" in the Breviary of Aberdeen
(i, 3, 63-64). Ibid., 63 (after the death of Kentigern, for which see year
612, note): "The blessed Baldred, this blessed Kentigern's suffragan
while Kentigern lived in the world, flourished in Lothian in virtues and
evident miracles ; a man truly most devout, who left all the pomp of the
world and its futile cares, and followed after the divine John, to the best
of his power. He dwelt in places unfrequented and remote, and betook
himself to islands of the sea.
"Among these islands of the sea he landed upon one, called Bass, and
there he led unquestionably a life of contemplation and austerity. And
upon it for a long period of time he contemplated with constant meditation
upon the most blessed Kentigern, his instructor, and the sanctity of his
life ; and he commended them to memory." (This seems to imply that
Baldred had written a life of Kentigern. The tradition that he had done
so would account for the false idea that Baldred had been Kentigern's
pupil.) According to this Breviary, Baldred had received from Kentigern
the churches of Oldham, Cunningham, and Preston. Baldred caused
a rock to sail out of the way of navigation, to the nearest shore ; "and it
abides there to this day, in memory of this miracle, and is still to-day
called the tomb or boat \tuniba sen scapha] of the blessed Baldred."
St Baldred's Boat is the name of a rock near the shore of Haddington,
between North Berwick and Tynningham. When Baldred died, his body
was triplicated, to satisfy the demands of his three churches.
* Placed 4 years after 753. Under the same year-heading is the note
" Edabard, king of the Saxons, died." Stokes would read, with A.U.,
" ^thelbeald," i.e. the king of Mercia who was killed in 755, according to
MONASTIC LAWS. KING DUMNAGUAL 243
758
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 258 ^
Return of Slebine to Ireland.
759
Annals of the Pour Masters, vol. i, p. 356, s.a. 754 = 759^
Fedlimid, or Failbe, abbot of lona, died, after eighty-seven
years of his life.
ca. 760
Annales Oambriae, Y Cymmrodor, vol, ix, p. i6r, s.a. [760]^
A battle between the Britons and the Saxons, that is, the
battle of Hereford.* And Dumnagual, Teudubr's son, died.^
A.S.C. (ABCDEF). Similarly in A.C., s.a. [757] : "Ethwalth, king of the
Saxons, died."
The Annals of Clonmacnoise, 120, s.a. 752 = 756 : "yEthelbeald, king of
England, died."
•' Similarly in A.U., i, 220, s.a. 756 = 757. Cf. years 753 and 778.
^ Placed 5 years after 753.
- Also "the i6th year of Donald" as sovereign of Ireland.
^ Placed 6 years after the "310th year" after 444.
^ Gueith Hirford.
' The death of Dumnagual, Teudubr's son, is placed under 757 in
B.T. in M.A., 686 ; under 760 in B.S. in M.A., 653, and in B.T. in
R.B.H., 258.
Probably Dumnagual had been king of Strathclyde. See year 752.
But Strathclyde had become subject, apparently, to Northumbria in 756
(S.D. ; E.C., 57).
Skene thought that for this reason A.C. intentionally does not call
Dumnagual king of Strathclyde (S.C.S., i, 296) ; but his argument is
baseless, because the kings of Strathclyde are not called king in A.C.
Cf. above, years 722, 752.
The next king of Strathclyde whose name is recorded died in 872.
The heirs to the kingdom in the interval may be found in Genealogy V
after A.C. (P. & S., 15 ; Y Cymmrodor, ix, 172-173) : "Run, son of Arthgal,
son of Dumnagual, son of Riderch, son of Eugein, son of Dumnagual, son
of Teudubr, son of Beli, son of Elfin. . . ." (For the remainder of this
pedigree see above, p. clviii.)
241 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 761
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 259 ^
Angus, king of Scotland, died.^
' Placed 6 years after 753.
^ This event is repeated by Tigernach (from another source) two years
later ; ibid., 260, thus : "Angus, the son of Fergus, king of the Picts, died."
It appears more correctly in A.U., i, 226, s.a. 760 = 761 : "The death of
Angus, Fergus' son, the king of the Picts."
A.U. record under the next year (761=762) "a dark moon," which
seems, from the table given in L'Art de Verifier les Dates, to have occurred
in 763.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 120, s.a. 755 = 759: "Angus [Enos], king of
Scotland, died." Ibid., s.a. 757 = 761 : "Angus, Fergus' son, king of
Pictland, died."
The Chronicle of Melrose, 6 (from English sources) : " In this year
[760] died Angus, king of the Picts."
Bede's continuator and S.D. date Angus's death in 761.
The Chronicle of the Picts (ABC) gives Angus a reign of 30 years ;
possibly 729-750 and 752-761.
PART VIII
Recovery of Dalriata. Norwegian Invasions.
Union of the Kingdoms of the Scots and the Picts
ca. 763
Dublin Annals of Innisfallen, Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores,
vol. ii, part 3, p. 26, s.a. 743
Donald, Murchaid's son, was king in Tara for twenty
years, and died in pilgrimage in lona of Columcille.^
ca. 763
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 261 ^
Brude, king of Fortriu, died.^
1 The day of his death is given as the 20th November, by Tigernach
and A.U. ; the year as 762 = 763, by A.U., i, 226. P.M. record his death
after twenty years' reign (i, 360), s.a. 758, and state that he was buried at
Durrow. But none of these mentions the place of his death.
A.U. say that he began to reign in 742 = 743.
The Annals of Clonmacnoise, 121, s.a. 759 = 763: "King Donald was
the first king of Ireland of Cland Colman, or Maelsechlaind ; and died
quietly in his death-bed the 12th of the Kalends of December, in the year
of our Lord God 759."
2 Placed 10 years after 753. In the same year-section Tigernach and
A.U. record a "dark sun in the third hour of the day"; possibly the
eclipse that occurred in 764, June 4th, 11 a.m., Paris time ; but that would
have been in the 5th hour in Ireland. (Cf Einhardt, Annales ; M.G.H.,
Scriptores, i, 145, s.a. 764.) In both T. and A.U. the previous year-section
begins thus : " Great snow and dark moon." There were eclipses of the
moon on the 4th January, 30th June, and 25th December, in 763, but there
was no notable eclipse of the moon in 762 or 761.
2 Similarly in A.U., s.a. 762 = 763.
This was the Brude, Fergus' son, who reigned for 2 years after Angus,
Fergus' son, according to the Chronicle of the Picts (ABC).
245
246 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
763
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 7, s.a. 764
In this year died also . . . bishop Frithweald of Whithorn,
and Peohtwine succeeded him.^
ca. 766
Annals of XJlster, vol. i, p. 232, s.a. 765=766^
Suibne,^ abbot of lona, came to Ireland.
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 232, s.a. 766 = 767
The repose of Slebine, abbot of lona.*
768
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 234, s.a. ']6'] = 'j6'i^
A battle [was fought] in Fortriu, between Aed and Kenneth.
' This is borrowed from an English source (cf. S.D., s.a. 764).
The Chronicle of Melrose (7) also inserts, s.a. 766, " Frithweald, bishop
of Chester, died" ; copying this from Henry of Huntingdon. See E.C., 58.
Frithweald's predecessor was Peohthelm (t735; E.C., 53, 55).
Peohthelm received a letter from Boniface, archbishop of Mainz (Giles,
Patres Ecclesiae, Letters of Boniface, i, 89) aslsiing for his prayers, and for
references to ecclesiastical writings bearing on the subject of marriage
between a widow and her son's godfather.
For Peohtwine's death, see year 776.
- 766 is indicated by the sequence ; but cf the notes above, under
years 761 and 763.
^ Suibne (t 772) had succeeded (759 x 766) abbots Slebine (t 767) and
Fedlimid (t 759)-
■* F.M., i, 364, s.a. 762 (and "the 4th year of Niall" Frossach as sovereign
of Ireland) : " Slebine, Congal's son, of the tribe of Conall Gulban, and
abbot of lona, died." To the same effect in the Martyrology of Donegal,
60, under March 2nd.
A.I., 22, O'Conor's year 754 (but 11 years before 779 "the beginning
of the cycle"): "[Death] of Slebine, abbot of lona." {Mors "death" in
O'Conor's text ; the MS. is discoloured and illegible, but I think it has
gtezes " repose.")
Slebine abbot of lona is supposed by Mr Anscombe to be mentioned
by Map-Urbagen (Zeitschrift fiir celtische Philologie, i, 274-276). M.G.H.,
Auctores, xiii, 119 ; and Duchesne, Revue Celtique, xv, 177.
^ 768 is indicated by the sequence and by the marginal note "bissextile."
F.M., i, 366, s.a. 763 (and "the 5th year of Niall" Frossach as sovereign
of Ireland): "A battle [was fought] between the Leinstermen themselves.
KING KENNETH 247
ca. 770
Dublin Annals of Innisfallen, Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores,
vol. ii, part 3, p. 26, s.a. 763
Niall Frossach, Fergal's son, reigned for fifteen years in
Tara, according to some of the genealogists ; but his reign
extended only for seven years, before he took upon him
religious orders ^ in lona of Columcille, where he was a monk
for eight years ; and he died and was buried there.^
772
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 240, s.a. 771 =772
The death ^ of Suibne, abbot of lona.*
775
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 242, s.a. 774 = 775
The death of Kenneth,^ the king of the Picts.^
. . . And Conall of Mag-luinge . . . perished.^
namely Kenneth, Fland's son, and Aed, in Fortriu, and Aed was killed
there."
The king of Dalriata at this time was called Aed ; but he lived for about
ten years after this date. Kenneth, Feradach's son, was king of the Picts
(see year 775).
' ord chrabhadh. I.e., in 770. He became sovereign of Ireland,
according to A.U., in 762 = 763 ; i, 228.
2 His death is mentioned by A.U. ; see below, year 778.
F.M., i, 368, s.a. 765=770 (and "the 7th year of Niall"): "Niall
Frossach, Fergal's son, for seven years king over Ireland, died in lona of
Columcille in pilgrimage, eight years afterwards."
3 Mors. His death is placed between a very violent thunderstorm on
September 29th, and two three-days' fasts kept by the Irish in consequence
of that storm. (This occurrence appears to have been entered a second
time in A.U., i, 280, under the year 798 = 799.) The year after Suibne's
death is fixed as 773, by the lunar eclipse recorded in these annals on the
4th December.
<* F.M., i, 370, s.a. 767 = 772 (and "the 2nd year of Duncan," Donald's
son, as king of Ireland) : " St Suibne, abbot of lona of Columcille, died."
A Suibne is commemorated on September 27th in the Martyrology of
Donegal, 260; "Suibne, abbot of lona of Columcille" on June 22nd,
ibid. 174.
^ Cinadhon.
" Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, ix, 162, s.a. [776] (2 years after the
"330th year" after 444): "Kenneth" {Cenioyd, altered from Cenioid)
248 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
775
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 8
In the same year [77S], Kenneth, king of the Picts, died;
and earl Eadulf, taken by guile, was treacherously slain.^
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 9
In the year 776, Peohtwine, the bishop of Whithorn,
departed to the Lord ; and ^thelbeorht succeeded him.^
776
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 244, s.a. 77^ = 77^^
The death* of Maelmanach, abbot of Kingarth.^
777
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 9, s.a. 777
^thelbeorht, who had succeeded Peohtwine, was consecrated
at York."
ca. 778
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 248, s.a. 777 = 77?,
. . . And Aed Find, Eochaid's son, king of Dalriata, . . .
died.7
"king of the Picts, died." Similarly in B.S. in M.A. 653, s.a. 775, with the
spelling Cevioyd. His death is placed a year after [773] in MSS. CDE of
B.T. ; Ab Ithel's ed., 6.
This is the Kenneth who reigned, according to the Chronicle of the
Picts (AB), for 12 years after Brude, Fergus' son (t 763).
' I.e., abbot of Mag-luinge in Tiree. Of. above, year 673.
F.M., i, 374, s.a. 770 = 775 (and "the 5th year of Duncan in the
sovereignty" over Ireland) :— "and Conall, abbot of IVIag-luinge, [died]."
' This is derived from S.D. ; see E.G., 58, note.
^ This is derived from English sources (cf. S.D., ii, 46). See year 777.
^ With the marginal note " bissextile."
* Mors, probably " violent death " when applied by these annals to the
death of a churchman.
^ F.M., i, 374, s.a. Tji=yye (and "the 6th year of Duncan in the
sovereignty" over Ireland) : " Maelmaenaig, abbot of Kingarth, died."
" This is derived from English sources. See E.G., 59.
For jEthelbeorht's transference and successor, see year 790.
' F-M., i, 376, s.a. 771=776 : "Aed Find, lord of Dalriata, died."
Annals of Glonmacnoise, p. 123, s.a. 769 = 776: "Mine author sayeth
KINGS AED AND ALPIN 249
778
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 248, s.a. JJ"] = 778
Columba's law [was enforced] by Duncan ^ and Bressal. . . .
Niall Frossach,^ Fergal's son, died in lona. . . .
Ethne, daughter of Kenneth,^ died.
780
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 250, s.a. 779 = 780
The burning of Dumbarton on the Kalends of January. . . .
Alpin, king of the Saxons,* died.
that king Niall Frossach and Aed Find {Htigh ffynn\ king of Dalriata or
Redshanks, died this year." For Niall's death see below.
Fordun III, 46, says that "Aed Find {Ethfyn), the son of Eugenius VI,
succeeded Muiredach" (see year 736), and reigned 730-761 : ". . . In his
last days he had to fight with the Picts." Fordun says that Aed Find was
succeeded in 761 by Eugenius VII, Muiredach's son : "but in one chronicle
he is called Nectanius. . . . And he reigned for 2 years."
King Aed Find seems to have introduced new laws ; perhaps Pictish
laws had been imposed upon the Scots by Angus in 741. See below, year
862. (Cf. Robertson's E.K., i, 19.)
Aed Find ("the white") is allowed a reign of 30 years by the Chronicle
of Dalriata, and by the Duan ; [747-777] in the Prose Chronicle (see years
736, 781, notes).
The Chronicle of Dalriata says that Aed Find was the son of Eochaid,
son of Domangart, son of Donald Brecc. But Eochaid, Domangart's
son, died in 697, and it is very unlikely that Aed should have survived his
father by 80 years. His father, Eochaid, might have been the son of
Eochaid, Domangart's son.
The Prose Chronicle (above, year 736, note) calls Aed Find the son of
Ewen, son of Muiredach, who is there called son of Ewen, but who was
probably the son of Ainfcellach (t7i9)-
Fordun says that Aed Find was the son of Eugenius VI, the son of
Findan and brother of Ainfcellach (see 736, note). Eogan, son of Findan,
in Chronicles DFIK, is called Ewen, son of Ferchar Fota, in E. This
would connect Aed with the house of Loarn.
^ The sovereign of Ireland. For Columba's law cf. above, years 753
and 757.
2 See above, year 770.
3 Cinadhon. See above, year 775. F.M., s.a. 773 = 778 (and "the 8th
year of Duncan over Ireland") : "Ethne, daughter of Kenneth \Cia)iado7r\
died."
* In text Eilpifi, rex Saxontcm. Skene would infer that Alpin had
Saxons within his dominion; P. & S., cxxvi, note; S.C.S., i, 301. This
250 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
781
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 254, s.a. 780 = 781
. . . Fergus, Eochaid's son, king of Dalriata, . . . died.^
seems to have been the " Alpin, Wroid's son " of the Chronicle of the Picts,
ABC, where he is said to have reigned after Kenneth (t 775). His name
is probably of Anglo-Saxon origin (^Ifwine) ; perhaps his mother was
English.
It is clear from events at years 781 and 782 also that the kingdom was
divided at this time. But the reading of the text is perhaps corrupt.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 123, s.a. 773 = 780: "Alpin [Alpimzjjkmg of
the Picts, died."
^ F.M., i, 382, s.a. 776 = 781 (and "the nth year of Duncan," sovereign
of Ireland) : " Fergus, Eochaid's son, lord of Dalriata, died."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 124, s.a. 778 = 781 : ". . . Fergus Cathal's son
\_ffergus mcCahair\ king of Dalriata or Redshanks . . . died."
The Chronicle of Dalriata gives Fergus a reign of 3 years (in the Prose
Chronicle [777-780] ).
Fergus is called Aed Find's son by the Chronicle of Dalriata, the Prose
Chronicle, and Fordun. Their authority will not stand against that of
A.U., which would imply that he was Aed Find's brother.
Fordun, III, 46, says that Fergus succeeded Eugenius VII (see years
736, 778, notes) ; and that his wife poisoned him through jealousy, and
afterwards poisoned and stabbed herself.
Fland Mainistrech (above, p. cxlvii) says that Eochaid reigned after
Fergus and before Donald, Constantine's son.
Prose Chronicle inserted in CM., 9, 14, 16, 223 (P. & S., 177); s.a.
777 : — " Aed, king of the Scots, died ; and his son Fergus succeeded him."
S.a. 780 : — " Fergus, the king of the Scots, died ; and his son Selbach
\Seluand'\ succeeded him." S.a. 804 : — " Selbach \Seluad\ the king of the
Scots, died ; and Eochaid the Poisonous \Eokal venenostes] succeeded
him." S.a. 834 : — " Eochaid [^Eokal'], the king of the Scots, died ; and his son
Dungal succeeded him" (in margin, "Donald"). S.a. 841 : — " Dungal, the
king of the Scots, died ; Alpin, Eochaid's \_Eokaf\ son, succeeded him."
The reigns of Selbach, Eochaid, and Dungal, aie fictitious. Cf. year
841, note.
Selbach is called " Eogan's son," and has 24 years' reign assigned to him
in the Chronicle of Dalriata ; see p. cxxxiii. Selbach, in reality " Ferchar's
son" (A.U. ; t73o), seems to have reigned about 701-723.
Fordun, III, 47 : — "Fergus' successor, Selbach, son of Eugenius, son of
Ferchar, began to reign in the year of the Lord 766, . . . and he reigned
for twenty-one years. He had peace with the Picts and the Angles in the
days of his reign, although they carried on domestic struggles among
themselves. . . ." The Northumbrians, he says, were employed in rebellions
against their kings, so that a strong Scottish leader could have annexed
"all the districts which once belonged to Scotland." But Selbach was
KINGS OF ARGYLE 251
idle ; " And the king departed by a tranquil death at Inverlochy ; and he
rests in the Island [of lona], with his fathers."
Fordun, III, 48: "And to [Selbach] succeeded Eochaid \Acfiaius,
Achay\ son of Aed Find, in the year of the Lord 787 ; . . . and he reigned
for thirty-two years.
"[Eochaid's] brother, according to tradition, was that remarkable
knight Gilmerius Scotus, who long fought vigorously in king Charles's
service against the enemies of the cross of Christ, and so won for himself
an eternal name, glorious for deeds at arms distinguished by knightly
honour.
" The alliance of a treaty \amicitia confoederationis\ between the kings
of the Scots and of the French, and their kingdoms, which still in our days
lasts unimpaired, praised be God, was begun by the great king Charles and
this Eochaid ; and the first occasion was this which follows. A little before
Eochaid reigned, in the time, in fact, of his predecessor, the English kings
were lifted up with pride because they had conquered the Britons ; and not
satisfied with molesting only the nations near them in the same island, the
Scots and the Picts and the Britons, they did their best to afflict very often,
with plundering from their ships, also the foreign nations of the French
along the coast, and to disturb the whole Belgian and British Sea. . . ."
Charlemagne sent messengers to Eochaid, he says, asking for an alliance,
which was formed ; but the English also came to terms with Charlemagne.
Fordun concludes by referring to Alcuin's mission to Charlemagne, and
saying : " for recently some strife had arisen between them " (" between
king Charles and king" Offa" of the Mercians, in Alcuin,) "and was
inflamed by the devil's fanning, until navigation was prohibited on both
sides, and ceased." The reference is taken inexactly from Higden,
Polychronicon, vi, 242-244 ; by Higden from WiUiam of Malniesbury, i, 68.
The words quoted are taken directly, though not exactly, from a letter
written by Alcuin in the beginning of 790 to Colcu of Clonmacnoise
(t 794 ; S.D., ii, 56) ; M.G.H., Epistolae, iv, 32.
The letter of Alcuin quoted by Fordun (III, 49) in which Scottish
ambassadors are spoken of as bringing to Charlemagne news of /Ethelred's
death is that written to Offa in 796, after April 18th ; u.s., 147.
Fordun's account of this Franco-Scottish alliance is baseless, because
Alcuin's Scots were the Irish (cf below, 812x814). Fordun's estimate of
the condition of Northumbria at this time (its inability to resist invasion
if it had been attacked ; III, 47) is probably based upon Alcuin's account
of the civil dissensions there ; e.g., M.G.H., Epistolae, iv, 180.
Irish also were the "two priests from Scotland, namely John and
Clement, most learned men," who "at the instigation of Charles the
Great" founded the Paris university, according to Fordun, in this reign
(Fordun, III, 51).
Dungal is called "Selbach's son" in the Chronicle of Dalriata (DEIK ;
" Eochaid's son " in F), and given there 30 years' reign. These chronicles,
omit Dungal, Selbach's son, from his proper place (723-726 and ca.
733-736), and give the fictitious Dungal the same length of reign as is
252 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
assigned to the real Dungal by the Duan (see year 741). See the table
on pp. cxxxiv-cxxxv.
Between Eochaid and Dungal, Fordun places an additional king,
Conall iConvallus).
Fordun, III, 53: — ". . . After king Eochaid had ended his life, his
kinsman Conall was raised to the rule of the kingdom, in the year of the
Lord 819 ; . . . and he reigned for five years. . . .
"And in the following year a great question concerning the right of the
kingship of the Picts began to arise, and to be discussed in the mouths of
all, both rulers and people ; the assertion being made that the Scots ought
to have it. Yet it did not come to effect.
"After completing five years [on the throne] Conall died, and
immediately Dungal, Selbach's son, began to reign, in the year of the
Lord 824 ; . . . and he reigned for seven years.
" By him was renewed the war against the Picts, which had been at
rest for almost fifty years : he said that their kingdom was his, by right of
an ancient agreement. . . ." Here Fordun quotes the fabulous account
given by Bede in explanation of Pictish laws of succession. When the
Picti migrated from Scythia, the Irish refused to allow them to settle in
Ireland, but directed them to proceed to Britain. Bede, H.E., I, i (i, 12) :
" And so the Picti went to Britain, and began to settle here and there in
the northern parts of the island ; because the Britons had occupied the
south. The Picti had not wives ; and when they asked the Scots for them,
the [Scots] agreed to give them upon this condition only, that, when the
matter [of succession] came to be in doubt, they should choose their king
rather from the female than from the male side of the royal family \inagis
de femiiiea regum prosapia quam de masculind] ; and this is known to be
kept up among the Picts to this day."
This story of the arrival of a tribe of Picti in North Britain may have
some basis in fact. But after the time of the Roman occupation the name
"Picts" was applied not to one tribe, but to all the northern Britons who
had not been brought under the dominion of the empire.
Fordun proceeds: "And perhaps this might have been the cause of
this claim or dispute. Because it is true that we find from their chronicles
and histories that from the beginning, in the days of peace, true friendship
was cherished between them, to so great extent that their kings and
princes almost constantly took their spouses and wives from the other side,
from the sons and daughters of the kings and princes of the Scots ; and
conversely [the Scots from the Picts]. But He knows, to whom nothing
is unknown, this cause of later strife, and by whose fault this most cruel
war began, not ending until, as it pleased Him who is the ruler of all
kingdoms and their destroyer when he will, the Scots totally overcame the
Picts, and finally obtained their kingdom and the palm of victory.
"Then in his seventh year Dungal died (but it is said elsewhere that
he was killed in battle) ; and, buried in the church of Columba, he rests in
the islands beside his father."
For the question of the conquest see year 843.
KINGS OF THE PICTS 253
782
Annals of XJIster, vol. i, pp. 254, 256, s.a. 781 =7821
. . . Dubthalorc, king of the Picts on this side of Mounth,^
and Muiredach, Uargal's son, prior ^ of lona, . . . died.
782-783
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 256, s.a. 781=782
Entrance into monastic life* of Artgal, Cathal's son, king
^ 782 is indicated also by the statement that 27th August was Tuesday.
^ citra Monoth. This means that he was king of Fortriu and Mearns,
but not of Athole, Moray, or Ross. Above (years 780, 781) we find two
other provinces ruled by kings : one called " the Saxons," which (if correct)
must have included Lothian ; the other, " Dalriata."
Between the reigns of Alpin, Wroid's son (t 780), and of Conall, Tadc's
son (5 years to 789, 1 807), therefore apparently within the period 780 to
784, the Chronicle of the Picts names three kings : — Drust, Talorcan's son,
I year (B) ; Talorcan, Drostan's son, 4 or 5 years (B) ; and Talorcan,
Angus' son, 2J (A) or izj years (BC) (5 years, DFIK and Fordun).
Talorcan, Drostan's son, might have been king in Athole (like the
Talorcan who died in 739). If this were so, we should have to identify the
Ulster Annals' Dubthalorc with Talorcan, Angus' son. (Dubthalorc is a
qualified form of Talorc, literally "black Talorc." Talorcan is a diminutive
of Talorc, with which it is freely interchanged.) Skene thought that
Talorcan's reign was a breach in the Pictish succession, since his father,
Angus, had been king. But we do not know that Angus' wife was not a
Pictish princess.
Constantine, Fergus' son, is given a reign of 35 years in the Pictish
Chronicle (ABC), after the reign of Conall, Tadc's son', who reigned for
5 years, and was deposed by Constantine in 789. Constantine died in 820 :
so that if Conall and Constantine reigned together, Constantine's reign
would have been about 785-820 ; otherwise, about 780-785 and 789-820.
But Fland and the Duan seem to imply that Donald, Constantine's son,
reigned in Argyle from about 781 to about 805. (See year 792, note.)
Any solution of these enigmas must be conjectural. What seems certain
is that the affairs of both Pictland and Dalriata were in great confusion,
a decade before the first recorded appearance of the Scandinavians in
western Scotland.
^ equonimusj in 'F.M.., prioir.
F.M., i, 382, s.a. 777 = 782 (and "the 12th year of Duncan," sovereign of
Ireland) : " Muiredach, Uargal's son, prior of lona of Columcille, died."
"i Bachall Artgaile, literally "the staff [-taking] of Artgal." This is the
Irish equivalent of clericaius as used by the Irish annalists (cf. W. Stokes,
in the Academy, 1 889, p. 240).
254 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
of Connaught ; and his pilgrimage to lona in the following
year.i
789
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 266, s.a. 788 = 789
A battle [took place] among the Picts, and there Conall
Tadc's son v/as conquered and escaped, and Constantine was
the conqueror.^
790
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 268, s.a. 789 = 790
The death ^ of Noah, abbot of Kingarth.*
790
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 11, s.a. 790
Bealdulf was ordained bishop at Whithorn.^
' F.M., i, 382, s.a. 777 = 782 : " Artgal, Cathal's son, king of Connaught,
took the staff, and went to lona in pilgrimage the following year."
Cf A.U., i, 270, s.a. 790 = 791 : ". . . Artgal, Cathal's son, king of
Connaught, died in lona. . . ." F.M., i, 392, s.a. 786 = 791 : "Artgal,
Cathal's son, king of Connaught, died in lona of Columcille, in pilgrimage."
^ A.U. (i, 270) have under the next year, 789 = 790: "The battle of
Conall and Constantine is written here in other books."
See year 807.
In the year 790 there was warfare in Ulster. A.U., s.a. 789 = 790:
"A great slaughter of Ulstermen by [the men of] Dalaraide." This is
rendered in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 127, s.a. 787 = 790: "There was
a great slaughter of Ulstermen by the Redshanks or Dalriata " ; read
"by Dalaraide"?
^ Mors, perhaps " death by violence."
* F.M., i, 392, s.a. 785 = 790 (and "the 20th year of Duncan" as
sovereign of Ireland) : " Noah, abbot of Kingarth, . . . died."
° This is derived from an English source. See E.C., 59-60 ; D.B., 352.
Bealdulf's predecessor, ^thelbeorht, had in the previous year been
made bishop of Hexham ; where he died in 797 (C.IVI. ; A.S.C.). Cf. CM.,
12, s.a. 796 : "Eanbald, archbishop of York, died ; and the other Eanbald
succeeded him, ordained by the bishops yEthelbeorht, Hygebeald, and
Bealdulf." Hygebeald was bishop of Lindisfarne, from 780 to 803
(A.S.C., DE).
After BealduIPs episcopate, the bishopric of Whithorn lapsed (E.C.,
53, note).
792
794
NORWEGIAN INVADERS 255
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 272, s.a. 791 =792
. Donncorci, king of Dalriata, died.^
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 274, s.a. 793 = 794
Devastation of all the islands of Britain by the gentiles."
795
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 274, s.a. 794=795
The burning of Rathlin by the gentiles ; and Skye was
pillaged and devastated.^
' F.M. i, 394, s.a. 787-792 : " Donncoirche, lord of Dalriata, died."
According to Fland and the Duan, the king of Argyle at this time
seems to have been Donald, Constantine's son. The reign-lengths in the
Duan suggest that Donald may have reigned from about 781 to about 805 ;
see the table on page cxxxiv. But Donald was probably the son of
Constantine, king of the Picts, and had probably been set over Dalriata
by his father ; therefore there is a presumption that he did not reign
in Argyle before the beginning of Constantine's reign over the Picts,
apparently in 789. If this were so, and the Duan's reign-lengths were
correct, Donald would have reigned in Argyle from 789 to 812 ; and his
father, from 812 to 1 820. The other kings of Dalriata named in the period
of Constantine's reign would in that case have been native pretenders.
Conall Aidan's son seems to have been a pretender in Kintyre in 807.
Donncorci was probably an earlier claimant. His name may have been
a nick-name ("brown oats"). It does not occur in the Book of Leinster's
list of the kings of Dalaraide.
^ In the Annals of Clonmacnoise these "gentiles" are called Danes:
s.aa. 791, 792, 795, 803, 808, etc. They were probably Norwegians.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 127, s.a. 791=794: "All the islands of
Britain were wasted and much troubled by the Danes ; this was their
first footing in England."
The first arrival of the Danes is recorded thus in A.S.C. ABCDE,
s.a. 787 : " In this year king Beorhtric took Offa's daughter, Eadburh,
[as his wife, F]. And in his days came first three ships [from Hereth'aland,
DEF]. And then the sheriff rode there, and wished to drive them to the
king's town, because he knew not what they were ; and they slew him
[there, DE]. These were the first ships of Danish men that sought the
land of the English race." (F omits "And then . . . him.") If Heretha-
land is Hordaland, versions DEF would bring these Danes from Norway.
The English writers call both Danish and Norwegian invaders " Danes."
■'' Loscadh Rechrainne o geinntibh ocus Sci doscradh ocus do lomradh ;
but the version of O'Donovan, F.IVI., i, 397, reads, ociis a scrme do c\K\oscradh
256 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
795
Annals of Innisfallen ; Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores, vol. ii,
part 2, p. 24 ; O'Conor's year 781 =795 ^
Devastation of lona of Columcille, and of Inishmurray and
of Inishboffin.
796
Annals of Innisfallen, u.s., p. 24; O'Conor's year 782 = 796^
The gentiles in Ireland.
798
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 278, s.a. 797 = 798
Patrick's Island was burned by the gentiles ; and they took
away tribute from the provinces,^ and Dochonna's shrine was
ocus do lomrad\l{\. The English translator had the latter reading ("who
spoyled and impoverished the shrines " Hennessy, A.U., u.s., note). So
also in F.M., i, 396, s.a. 790 = 795 (and "the 25th year of Duncan" as
sovereign of Ireland) : Losccadh Rechrainde 6 dhibhearccaibh, 7 a Sccrine
do chosccradh 7 do lomradh ... "by plunderers; and its shrines were
pillaged and devastated."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 127, s.a. 792 = 795 : "Rathlin \_Rachry}iii\ was
burnt by the Danes."
Probably by Rechrainn Rathlin is meant. A.U. record, s.a. 798 = 799:
"Feradach, Segine's son, abbot of Rechrainn, died." Similarly F.M.,
s.a. 794 = 799.
Cf. above, pp. 159-160.
Annales Cambriae, s.a. [795] (the year after the " 350th year" after 444) :
"The first arrival of the gentiles among the southerners, to Ireland"
apud dexterales ad Bibemiam). This is explained by B.T. in M.A., 586,
s.a. 795: "The Black-pagans came for the first time to the island of
Britain, from the land of Denmark ; and they did great evils in England.
After this they came to Glamorgan. And there they did much slaying and
burning ; but in the end the Cymry overcame them, and drove them to the
sea, after very many of them had been killed. And then they went to
Ireland, where they devastated Rechreyn, and other places." Cf. B.T. in
R.B.H., 258: "790 years was the age of Christ when the pagans went
first to Ireland" (MSS. CDE add: "and Rechrenn was devastated."
Ab Ithel's ed., 8). B.S. in M.A., 653, s.a. 795 : "The pagans came for the
first time to Ireland, and Rechreyn was devastated."
D.A.I., 27, year 795 : "Scandinavians pillaged round Ireland: the ships of
the men of Ireland were captured and plundered by them for the first time."
^ 3 years before 798, which is indicated by f.n. and e.
^ 2 years before 798.
^ borinie na crich do breith.
NORWEGIAN INVADERS 257
broken by them, and other great incursions [were made] by
them, both in Ireland and in Scotland.^
798
Dublin Annals of Innisfallen, Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores,
vol. ii, part 3, p. 27 ; s.a. 798
The Hebrides and Ulster were plundered by Scandinavians.^
798
Annales Oamtariae, in Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 163, s.a. [798]^
Caratauc, the king of Gwynedd, was killed by the Saxons.*
801
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 284, s.a. 800 = 801
Bressal, Segine's son, abbot of lona, slept in the thirty-first
year of his principate.^
' F.M., i, 400, s.a. 793 = 798 (and "the ist year of Aed Oirdnide, Niall
Frossach's son, in sovereignty over Ireland"): "Patrick's Island was
burned by aliens [/a h-allmuirechaibh\ and Dochonna's shrine was taken
by them ; and other incursions were made by them both in Ireland and
in Scotland."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 128, s.a. 795 = 798: "The island of
St Patrick was burnt by the Danes ; they ta.xed the lands with great
taxations ; they took the relics of St Dochonna, and made many invasions
to this kingdom, and took many rich and great booties, as well from
Ireland as from Scotland."
^ do Lochlannaibh.
^ 4 years after the "350th year" after 444.
4 Similarly in B.S. in M.A., 653, s.a. 798. B.T. in R.B.H., 258, places
Caratauc's death in 800 ; B.T. in M.A., 686, places it in 796, and calls him
" son of Gwyn, son of Collwyn."
s F.M., i, 404, s.a. 796 = 801 (and "the 3rdyear of Aed in the sovereignty"
over Ireland) : " Bressal, Segine's son, abbot of lona, died, after being
thirty-one years in the abbacy."
The name "Bressal" appears in the Martyrology of Gorman, p. 98,
under May i8th ; with the note "from Derthach" {6 Dherthaigh; some
oratory so named. Similarly in the Martyrology of Donegal ; o Durthach
in Martyrology of Tallaght, L.L., 360 f, but o Dirthach in the Brussels
version ; all under May i8th).
R
258 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
802
Annals of the Pour Masters, vol. i, 404, s.a. 797 = 802
Condachtach, a distinguished scribe, and abbot of lona,
. . . died.
802
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 284, 286, s.a. 801 =So2
Macc-oigi of Applecross, abbot of Bangor, . . . ended [his]
life happily in peace.^ . . .
lona of Columcille was burned by the gentiles.^
804
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 288, s.a. 803 = 804*
Kells was given in this year, without fighting, to Columcille
the musical.^
806
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 290, s.a. 805 = 806
The community of lona was slain by the gentiles, that is to
say sixty-eight [monks].''
' Also "the 5th year of Aed" in sovereignty over Ireland.
^ F.M., i, 404, s.a 797 = 802: "Macc-oigi of Applecross, abbot of
Bangor, died."
^ F.M., i, 406, s.a. 797 = 802 : "lona of Columcille was burned by aliens
[la hallmurachaibh\ that is to say by Northmen."
* With marginal note "bissextile."
^ This passage (containing two lines of verse) appears as a later
insertion by another hand in MS. A ; it is in the text of MS. B. See
below, year 807. It is taken from Gilla-Colmain's chronological verses, in
R.S. 89, ii, 538: "Forty-one years . . . from the death of Donald, of
Druimm-Dian, to the giving of Kells, without .a battle, to Columcille the
musical."
This Donald was Murchaid's son, whose death is placed by A.U.
in 762 = 763.
Kells was a refuge for the community of lona from Norwegian invasion.
^ F.M., i, 410-412, s.a. 801=806 (and "the 9th year of Aed Oirdnide"
as sovereign of Ireland) : " lona of Columcille was raided by Foreigners,
and a great number of laymen and of clergy were killed by them, in
number sixty-eight."
Cf D.A.I. , 27, O'Conor's year 806 : "Forty-eight of the monks in lona
of Columcille were slain by the Norwegians."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 129, s.a. 803 = 806: "There was 68 of the
family of lona {HugK\ of St Columcille, slain by the Danes,"
lONA MONKS GO TO KELLS 259
ca. 807
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 292, s.a. 806 = 807 ^
The slaughter of Conall, Tadc's son, by Conall, son of Aidan,
in Kintyre.'^
807
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 292, s.a. 806 = 807
The building of the new monastery^ of Columcille, in Kells.*
ca. 807
Dublin Annals of Innisfallen ; Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores,
vol. ii, part 3, p. 28, s.a. 807
Cellach, the abbot of lona of Columcille, came to Ireland
after the slaying of his people by Scandinavians ; and the
monastery of Columcille was constructed by him in Kells of
Meath. And he was abbot there for seven years, and went
back to lona^ ; and he was buried there.
812x814
Einhard, Vita Karoli Imperatoris, vol. i, pp. 50-52"
[Charlemagne] had also the kings of the [Irish] Scots so
inclined to his will by his munificence, that they never called
him any name but lord, nor themselves but his subjects and
' A lunar eclipse recorded in the same year-section (also in C.S.) might
belong either to 806 or 807.
- The Duan Albanach appears to say that these Conalls reigned,
one for two, the other for. four years, in Dalriata ; above, p. cxlviii, note.
Cf. year 792.
A.I., 25, O'Conor's year 794 = 808 (8 years after 800, which is indicated
by f.n. ande.) : "The slaying of Congal, Tadc's son, in Scotland."
^ civitatis.
■• Similarly in C.S., 124-126, Hennessy's year 807.
^ See below, year 814. In going back to lona he ceased to be abbot
of the community, which remained in Kells.
F.M., i, 412, s.a. 802 = 807, read erroneously : "The church of Columcille
in Kells was destroyed " {do dhiothldithriucchadh).
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 129, s.a. 804 = 807: "There was a new
church founded in Kells in honour of St Columcille '' {Columb Kill).
" Also in B.R., v, 95.
260 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
servants. There are preserved, written by them to him, letters
by which such feeh'ngs towards him on their part are expressed.^
814
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 302, s.a. 813 = 814-
Cellach, abbot of lona, resigned the abbacy^ after conclud-
ing the building of the temple of Kells ; and Diarmait, pupil
of Daigre,* was appointed in his place.
■ So also (from Einhard) in Ekkehard, Chronicon Universale, M.G.H.,
Scriptores, vi, 163 ; and in Annalista Saxo, ibid., vi, 568, s.a. 810. Also in
Hugo Floriacensis, ibid., i.x, 361. Similarly in the verse annals edited in
B.R., V, 177.
Cf. the manner in which the Irish Annals record his death. A.U., i, 300,
s.a. 813 = 814: "Charles, king of the Franks, or rather emperor of all
Europe, slept in peace." Similarly in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 130,
s.a. 810 = 813.
As evidence of communications between Charlemagne and the Irish,
a letter of Alcuin to Offa is quoted, in which he refers to messengers
"returning by you from Scotia" (M.G.H., Epistolae, iv, 147 ; the letter was
written in 796). Cf. above, p. 251.
An Irish victory over Scandinavian invaders in 812 is noticed by the
continental annalists ; doubtless it had been reported to Charlemagne.
See Einhard's Annals, M.G.H., Scriptores, i, 199; cf. Einhardi Fuldenses
Annales, ibid., i, 355. Cf. Herimannus Augiensis, Chronicon, ibid., v, 102.
Annalista Saxo, ibid., vi, 570. Annales Ottenburani, ibid , v, 3. Einhard
records in the same year an eclipse of the sun on May 15th (cf. Einhardi
Fuldenses Annales ; also Annales Quedlinburgenses, in M.G.H., Scriptores,
iii, 41). A total eclipse was visible in southern Europe in 812, on May
I4tli, at mid-day (L'Art de Verifier les Dates).
A victoiy of Ulstermen over invading Scandinavians in 811 is recorded
by A.U. (i, 298) ; and by the Annals of Clonmacnoise (130, s.a. 808 = 811).
Irish successes and reverses in 812, in Connaught and Munster, are noted
by A.U. (i, 300) ; F.M. (i, 418 ; s.a. 807 = 812) ; the Annals of Clonmacnoise
(130, s.a. 809 = 812) ; and D.A.I., 28. Successes in Munster and Connaught,
and a reverse in Connaught, in 813, are recorded in D.A.I., 28. A reverse
in Connaught in 814 is noticed by D.A.I. , 29; A.U. (s.a. 812 = 813) > F-M-
(i, 420, s.a. 808 = 813); the Annals of Clonmacnoise (130, s.a. 810 = 813).
The success of Ulster seems to have sent the Norwegians to other parts of
Ireland. Probably the victory reported on the continent was the victory of
the Ulstermen.
2 Under the previous year, A.U. record the death of Charlemagne (t8i4).
^ reliquit principatiim.
alumnus Daigri J perhaps "foster-son."
KINGS CINAN AND AED 261
Sis
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 304, s.a. 814 = 815
. . . Cellach, Congal's son, abbot of lona, slept>
816
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 304, s.a. 815 = 816^
Cinan, Rotri's son, king of the Britons, . . . died.^
817
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 306-308, s.a. 816 = 817
Maelduin, son of Cendfaelad, abbot* of Raphoe, of the
community of Columcille, was slaughtered.
The community of Columcille went to Tara, to excommuni-
cate Aed.'^
818
Annals of the Four Masters, vol. i, p. 428, s.a. 816 = 818'^
Diarmait, abbot of lona of Columcille, went to Scotland.
819
Annals of Innisfallen ; Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores,
vol. ii, part 2, p. 26; O'Conor's year 806 = 819'
The death of Aed, Niall's son, king of Tara, upon a campaign
in Scotland.®
' F.M., i, 422, s.a. 810 = 815 : "Cellach, Congal's son, abbot of lona of
Columcille, . . . died."
2 With the marginal note "bissextile."
^ Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, i,\, 164, s.a. [816] (2 years after the
"370th year" after 444): "King Cinan died." Cf. B.T. in R.B.H., 259
(3 years before 820; s.a. 817 in Ab Ithel's MS. D) ; B.S. in M.A., 654,
s.a. 817.
Cinan or Conan was the grandfather of IVIermin ; year 844.
'' princeps.
^ Aed, Niall's son, sovereign of Ireland, died in 819. See year 819.
(For escuine in Hennessy's text read escmine ; see Stokes, in the Academy,
1889, p. 207 c.) .
° A_lso "the 24th year of Aed" as king of Ireland.
" Placed 2 years after 817, which is indicated by fn. and e. A.U. i, 310,
place Aed's death in 818 = 819 ; F.M., i, 428, in 817 = 819.
* for sluagud in A Ibain.
A.U., F.M., and C.S. (130, s.a. [819]), agree in placing Aed Oirdnide's
262 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
820
Annals of Innisfallen ; Scriptores, vol. ii, part 2, p. 26,
O'Conor's year 807 = 820 ^
The death of Constantine, Fergus' son, king of Scotland.^
825
Annales Cambriae ; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 164, s.a. [825]^
Higuel died.*
death at Ath-da-ferta in Mag-Conaille, the place of the death of Aed
Uairidnech, king of Tara, in 612 (according to F.M., i, 234, s.a. 607 = 612).
D.A.I., 27, O'Conor's year 797, say : "Aed Oirdnide, son of Niall Frossach,
[was] king of Tara for twenty-two years, and died at Ath-da-ferta in
Tirconnell. But some historians say that he fell in the battle of Druimm "
{accaith droma). This, taken with the A.I., seems to mean that Druimm
was a place in Scotland ; perhaps Druimm-nAlban is meant.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 130, s.a. 816 = 819 : " King Aed \^Hugh\ son of
king Niall Frossach, died at the Ford of the two virtues or two miracles
(ath da f heart)."
Skene connected this battle with the events related in the Life of
Catroe.
A contemporary note in a Karlsruhe chi'onological manuscript (no. 83,
p. 15) reads: "817, Aed king of Ireland died." Zeuss-Ebel, Grammatica
Celtica, p. xxiii. Possibly the writer knew the date of Aed's being excom-
municated, and did not allow sufficient time for the curse to take effect.
Since Aed had been excommunicated by Columbite monks, he might
very naturally have set out on a pilgrimage to lona, to have the curse
removed.
' Placed 3 years after 817.
^ A.U., i, 312, s.a. 819 = 820 (with marginal note "bissextile"):
"Constantine, Fergus' son, king of Fortriu, died."
The Duan Albanach says that Constantine reigned for 9 years over
Dalriata ; above, p. cxlviii, note. Robertson (E.K., i, 20) connects with this
Constantine the Duan's statement that "the last king of [the Picts] was
the brave warrior, Constantine" (P. & S., 58) ; see year 877, where I have
taken it to refer to Constantine, Kenneth's son.
Chronicles of the Picts DF, in P. & S., 150, 173, and the version in
Fordun (IV, 12 ; i, 155— not in MSS. BE) : " He buih Dunkeld." Similarly
in Chronicle K, P. & S., 202 ; but Chronicle I (ibid., 287) reads erroneously :
" He first built the church of St. Andrews." Cf. H, above, pp. 121-122.
^ The year after the " 380th year" after 444.
■• Cf. B.T. in R.B.H., 259, between years 820 and 830 ; and s.a. 825,
in Ab Ithel's MS. D, where Higuel or Howel is called "king of Man."
B.S. in M.A., 654, s.a. 825 : " Higuel, king of Man \^Manaw\ died."
KINGS CONSTANTINE AND HIGUEL 263
825
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 320, s.a. 824 = 825
The martyrdom of Blathmac, Fland's son, by the gentiles,
in lona of Columcille.^
825
Walafridus Strabus, Life of Blathmac, in Pinkerton's Vitae
Antiquae, pp. 461-463 ^
A certain island appears in the shores of the Picts, rising
above the wave-driven sea; it is called lona,^ and there the
saint of the Lord, Columba, rests in the flesh. To this island
came [Blathmac], wishing to endure Christ's scars, because
there many a pagan horde of Danes is wont to land, armed
with malignant greed. And the saint of the Lord purposed
in his mind to tempt these lions, and stripped his mind of
empty dread ; but armed with the shield of faith, and the
helmet of salvation, he feared not the arms of wicked men.
He might have sung with the wisdom-speaking prophet, " I
have God as my helper, let base fear depart." Already too by
wars of states he had been taught to despise the servants of the
devil, since he had fitly overthrown their lord, and alone
defeated him in all his weapons.
The time arrived, when God's great clemency disposed to
associate his servant with the shining bands above the stars,
and to bestow upon the good conqueror his certain crown :
when the man's holy mind, foreknowing events, learned in
' Similarly in C.S., 132, Hennessy's year 825.
F.M., i, 436, s.a. 823 = 825 (and "the 6th year of Conchobar" as sovereign
of Ireland) : " Blathmac, Fland's son, took a martyr's crown, for he was
killed by the Foreigners in lona of Columcille."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 132, s.a. 822 = 825 ■ "Blathmac, Fland's son,
was martyred by Danes in the island of lona."
Blathmac's day was July 24th : Martyrology of Donegal, 200. Blathmac
and Diarmait, the abbot of lona, were together when Curui died (Tallaght
Discourse, 153); 815x825.
2 Reprinted there from H. Canisius, Antiquae Lectionis tomus VI,
(Ingolstad, 1604) pp. 570-574. Ed. also in P.L. 114, 1045-1046; better by
Diimmler, M.G.H., Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini, ii, 299-301. The poem is
written in he.xametres.
I have omitted the earlier part of this poem, describing Blathmac's life
in Ireland.
^ cognominis Eo.
264 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
advance by exalted sense that the approaching wolves were
hastening to divide the members of the pious sheep. He said,
" You, my friends, search within yourselves with active minds
whether you have courage to endure suffering with me for the
name of Christ; you who are able to await it, I ask to arm
your manly minds; but those whose frail hearts are afraid,
let them hasten their flight, to avoid the impending danger,
and arm their hands in a better cause ; close to us stands the
experience of certain death. Let strong faith be watchful,
supported by hope in the future ; let the prudent precaution
of flight save the weaker."
Upon these ^ words the company was stirred, and in this
mood they decided upon what they saw was possible ; some,
with courageous breast, to face the sacrilegious hands ; and
they rejoiced with tranquil minds to have submitted their
heads to the violent sword : but others, not yet induced to this
by their confidence of mind, took to flight by a footpath through
regions known to them.
Golden dawn shone forth, parting the dewy dusk, and the
brilliant sun glittered with beautiful orb, when this holy teacher,
celebrating the holy service of mass, stood before the sacred
altar as a calf without blemish, a pleasing offering to God, to
be sacrificed by the threatening sword. The others of the
company were prostrate, commending to the Thunderer with
tears and prayers their souls, about to depart from the burden
of the flesh. See, the violent cursed host came rushing through
the open buildings, threatening cruel perils to the blessed
men ; and after slaying with mad savagery the rest of the
associates, they approached the holy father, to compel him to
give up the precious metals wherein lie the holy bones of
St Columba ; but [the monks] had lifted the shrine from its
pediments, and had placed it in the earth, in a hollowed
barrow, under a thick layer of turf; because they knew then of
the wicked destruction [to come]. This booty the Danes desired ;
but the saint remained with unarmed hand, and with unshaken
purpose of mind ; [he had been] trained to stand against the
foe,^ and to arouse the fight, and [was] unused to yield.
1 For hie in Pinkertoii and Canisius, reading his, as in Dummler's ed.
2 He was an Irish prince and general, according to the previous part of
Strabo's poem.
DEATH OF BLATHMAC 265
There he spoke to thee, barbarian, in words such as these : —
" I know nothing at all of the gold you seek, where it is placed
in the ground or in what hiding-place it is concealed. And if
by Christ's permission it were granted me to know it, never
would our lips relate it to thy ears. Barbarian, draw thy
sword, grasp the hilt, and slay ; gracious God, to thy aid I
commend me humbly."
Therefore the pious sacrifice was torn limb from limb.
And what the fierce soldier could not purchase by gifts, he
began to seek by wounds in the cold bowels [of the earth]. It
is not strange, for there always were, and there always reappear,
those that are spurred on by evil rage against all the servants
of the Lord ; so that what Christ's decision has appointed for
all, this they all do for Christ, although with unequal deeds.
Thus [Blathmac] became a martyr for Christ's name ; and,
as rumour bears witness, he rests in the same place, and there
many miracles are given for his holy merits. There the Lord
is worshipped reverently with fitting honour,^ with the saints
by whose merits I believe my faults are washed away, and to
whom as a suppliant I have sent up gifts of praise. Christ
refuses nothing to these — they have brought him the greatest
gains — ; and he reigns for ever with the good Father and the
Holy Spirit, and is exalted without end in everlasting splendour.
Here end the verses by Strabus of the life and death of
Blathmac.
829
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 326, s.a. 828 = 829
Diarmait, abbot of lona,- went to Scotland, with the relics
of Columcille.^
1 Walafridus Strabus or Strabo lived ca. S09-849, August i8th. He had
been abbot of Reichenau from 838, and was buried there.
- Cf. above, year 814. Diarmait was abbot at Kells.
^ CO minnaib Coluim cille.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 132, s.a. 826 = 829: "Diarmait \_Dermott^
abbot of lona went to Scotland, and conveyed with him the relics of St
Columcille."
Some relics of Columba had been removed from lona to Saul in Ireland
before the time of the establishment of Kells. See Reeves, Adamnan, 313.
266 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
831
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 328, s.a. 830 = 831
Diarmait came to Ireland with the relics of Columcille.^
834
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 332, s.a. 833 = 834
Angus, Fergus' son, king of Fortriu, died."^
'Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 132, s.a. 828 = 831: "Abbot Diarmait
returned into Ireland again, and brought the said relics of St Columba."
2 Angus is said in the Chronicle of the Picts to have reigned for 12 years
(see p. cxxv). Therefore Skene (S.C.S., i, 308-309, note) held that he died
in 832, in which year he believed Alpin to have succeeded and died ; but
see below, years 841, 858.
Angus is said in the Duan to have reigned for 9 years over Dalriata.
The Duan seems rather to imply that Constantine reigned there till his
death (see the table on p. cxxxv). Therefore Angus's reign in Dalriata would
appear (from this account) to have been for 9 years between 820 and 834.
Angus seems to have made his son Eoganan king of Argyle. The
Duan says that Eoganan reigned there for 13 years ; the Chronicle of the
Picts gives him a reign of 3 years only over the Picts (P836-+839).
In the Duan, 22 years of kingship in Argyle are assigned to Angus and
his son ; and if this period is correct, Angus must have reigned in Argyle
before his accession in Pictland in 820. But probably the period is wrong.
The Duan's numbers are not trustworthy.
According to the legend of St Andrew (P. & S., 185), Eoganan, Nechtan,
and Finguine {Phinguinegherf)^ the sons of king Angus, were in Forteviot
while their father was absent upon a dangerous expedition in Argyle, at
the time when Regulus arrived in Scotland. The same legend names
queen Findchaem {Finchem) as the wife of Angus.
Chronicle of the Picts (DF), P. & S., 150, 173 : "He built Kilrimund"
{Kilre?/wnt, D ; -mo?ith, F : i.e., St Andrews. Perhaps for Cell-Cind-
?ig-monaidj cf. year 747, note). Version K, ibid., 202: "He built
Kilrimund, now St Andrews, at the time when St Regulus with his
disciples came to the church of St Andrew."
Legends of St Andrew say that his cult was introduced in Scotland after
a victory of king Angus, Fergus' son. See the legends in (i) the Colbertine
MS. (P. & S., 138-140) ; in (2) Fordun, IV, 13 ; and in (3) the 17th-century
abstract of the St Andrews Register (P. & S., 183-185). Angus is said to
have invaded South Britain with an army, and to have been surprised and
surrounded, in the plain of Merc (i), near the river Tyne (2, 3), by a
confederate force (i), led by /Ethelstan, king of the Saxons (3). Fordun
(cf. W. M., i, 108) would identify this king with /Ethelstan, son of king
yEthelwulf of the West Saxons (ca. 839-858), son of king Ecgbeorht :
apparently the ^Ethelstan who was king of Kent, etc., and alive in 851
(A.S.C.). The Chronicles of the Picts would identify this king Angus with
the Angus, Fergus' son, who died in 834. St Andrew appeared to Angus
KING ANGUS. ARGYLE. ST ANDREW 267
836
Annals of the Pour Masters, vol. i, p. 452, s.a. 835 =836
Godfrey, Fergus' son, lord of Oriel, went over to Scotland
to reinforce Dalriata, at the bidding of Kenneth, Alpin's son.
in a vision, and gave him the victory over great odds. King yEthelstan
vfas killed (2, 3). Angus gave a tenth of his heritage to St Andrew.
(A.S.C. says that king ^Ethehvulf gave a tenth of his land to the church in
855.) Regulus afterwards brought relics of St Andrew to St Andrews, and
established a monastery there. Regulus had set out from Patras A.D. 345,
and arrived in Scotland a year and a half later (3).
The account in the St Andrews abstract is said to have been derived
from a memorial written by Thana, son of Dudabrach, in Meigle {Migdele),
in the time of "king Pherath, son of Bergeth" (P. & S., 188); i.e., 839x842.
It gives many details and names.
These legends probably have as their basis the establishment of a
monastery near St Andrews, during the reign of the earlier Angus, Fergus'
son (.'.729x747). A monastery already existed at Cendrigmonaid before
747 (q.v.). But the legend attributed to Thana places the foundation in
the reign of the later Angus, Fergus' son (820 x 834). It is possible that
relics were brought to Scotland then, and that the monastery was enlarged,
or a new church built.
For the story of Regulus, see also the Breviary of Aberdeen, i, 3, 82-83,
96 ; P. & S., 375-377 ; Metcalfe's Lives, ii, 289-290. According to this and
the account attributed to Thana, Regulus landed at Muckros. The
Colbertine MS. says that he landed at Cendrigmonaid ; and that he met
king Angus "at the gate that is called Matha, i.e. mordurus [ = " great
door"] . . . where the king's hall now is." But Thana says that Regulus
met the three sons of the king in Forteviot ; queen Findchaem, in
" Moneclatu, which is now called Monichi " ; and the king, beyond the
mountains {scilicet Moneth), "at the lake that was called Doldencha, but
is now called Chondrochedalvan." He returned with the king across
Moneth to Monichi, Forteviot, and Kilrimund. These stories are intended
to account for the early possessions of the monastery.
There seems to be no authentic account of the removal of Andrew's
relics from Constantinople.
Jerome, De Viris lUustribus, c. 7, in P.L. 23, 621 : "[Luke] is buried at
Constantinople, to which town his bones were translated, along with the
relics of the apostle Andrew, in the 20th year of Constantius."
Jerome, Chronicle, in P.L. 27, 690; under Olympiad 284, 2 =357-358
A.D., in the 20th year [ = 354-355 A.D.] of Constantinus, Constantius,
and Constans (who are said to have reigned together 24 years,
5 months, 12 days, ibid. 679), in the year of Abraham [2374] :
" Constantius entered Rome, and by marvellous favour the .bones of
the apostle Andrew and Luke the Evangelist were received by the
Constantinopolitans." This is copied by Bede in his Chronicle, M.G.H.,
Auctores, xiii, 296-297 : and from Bede by Tigernach, R.C., xvii, 33.
268 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTT[SH HISTORY
839
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 342, s.a. 838 = 839
An expedition of the Foreigners ^ upon Lougli Neagh; and
they destroyed the districts and churches of the north of
Ireland from there. . . .
A battle [was fought] by the gentiles ^ against the men of
Fortriu, and in it fell Eoganan, Angus' son, and Bran, Angus'
son, and Aed, Boanta's son ; and others fell, almost without
number.^
?839
Prose Chronicle inserted in the Chronicle of Melrose,
pp. 16, 223, s.a. 841 *
Dungal, king of the Scots, died ; and Alpin, Eochaid's son,
succeeded him.^
1 Fecht di Ghallaibh.
^ Bellum re Genntib for firu Fortrenn. These gentiles may have
been Danish invaders from the east ; cf. the Chronicle of Huntingdon,
below, p. 271.
3 Eoganan and Aed are named as kings of Dalriata by Fland and the
Duan. The Chronicle of the Picts gives Ewen or Eoganan a reign over
the Picts of 3 years, probably 837-839.
See the Wars, below, ca. 838-845.
It seems almost certain that the three persons named all fell on the
same side, fighting against the Scandinavians. Since a king of the Picts
and a king of Argyle fought in the same army, one would suppose that the
one was the subject of the other ; i.e., that Eoganan, who had formerly
been the king of Argyle, had set Aed, Boanta's son, over Argyle, probably
when he himself became king of the Picts. (Cf. year 792, note.)
At this time Kenneth, Alpin's son, was king of Dalriata, according to
the Huntingdon Chronicle. The chronicles certainly imply that his
kingdom was Dalriata ; but Skene suggests that it may have been Fife
(S.C.S., i, 307). Cf. F.M.'s significant note, above, year 836 : but their
authority here is doubtful.
The kings of Dalriata had maintained sufficient force to repel
Norwegian invasions. The Picts were probably suffering from Danish
pressure in the east. Perhaps it was through the combination of these
circumstances that a king of Argyle was able to make himself king
of the Picts.
* Also in P. & S., 177.
'' Similarly in version E of the Chronicle of Dalriata : " Alpin, son of
Eochaid the Poisonous \_Eochal veiteni>si\ [reigned] for three [years]."
See p. cxxxvi.
KINGS EOGANAN, AED, DUNGAL, AND ALPIN 269
These chronicles are here supported by the Edinburgh MS. of Fland.
See above, p. cxlvii.
After Fergus (t/Si), and before Alpin, three kings of Dalriata are
named in the Prose Chronicle inserted in CM. : — Selbach, Eochaid, and
Dungal. None of these seems to have reigned. See year 781, note.
Perhaps " Alpin, Eochaid's son " {filius Eokal) also is wrongly placed
here. There was, however, a real person of the name at this time, called
in the genealogies Alpin, son of Eochaid, son of Aed Find, son of
Eochaid ; see Genealogies I and II after the Senchus, and Genealogy
after Chronicle E, above, pp. cliii, cliv, clvii ; and E.C., i.
Skene says (S.C.S., i, 321): "The ordinary pedigree, which traces
[Kenneth's] descent through the kings of Dalriata of the Cinel Gabhran,
and identifies his father Alpin with Alpin son of Eachach, the last of the
Dalriadic kings, is not older than the twelfth century, and is unquestionably
artificial." This may be so ; but of all traditions the mnemonic records
of genealogy are often the oldest and most trustworthy. Skene states also
that Berchan makes Kenneth "a son of the clan of [Conall's] son,"
therefore of the tribe of Comgall ; while Genealogy II after the Senchus
makes Kenneth of the tribe of " Conall Cerr," Eochaid Buide's son. But
the latter statement is due to a false reading ; see above, p. cliv : while the
former should certainly read : — " A son of the descendants of [Aidan's] son."
There is, in fact, no real divergence.
Fland's first "Alpin, Eochaid's son," to whom the Duan gives a 4-years'
reign, was the earlier Alpin, brother of the Eochaid who was father of
Aed Find. See the genealogy on p. clvii, the table on p. civ, and the
note on p. cxlv, and years 726, 728.
Probably the Edinburgh MS. of Fland correctly enters the second
Alpin among the kings of Dalriata, before Kenneth ; in any case Kenneth
did have a father called Alpin, who probably had some hereditary claim
to the kingdom of Dalriata. On the other hand, it is remarkable that
those chronicles that notice the reign of Kenneth's father omit the reign
of the previous Alpin ; although they give the later Alpin a different
reign-length from that given in the Duan to the earlier Alpin. (See
P. & S., cxxvi-cxxxiii.) The earliest Chronicle of the Kings (A) says that
Kenneth himself reigned during the period assigned by the later chronicles
to his father ; and this earlier account is the more authoritative. Under
these circumstances it is hard to say to which Alpin belong the stories
related in later chronicles of Dalriata ; probably they are traditions of
Kenneth's father. See year 843, note.
Innes (Critical Essay, 93) states that Alpin's mother was the daughter
of Angus, Fergus' son : but Angus died in 834, Kenneth in 858 ; therefore
Angus could scarcely have been Kenneth's great-grandfather.
Boece (Book X, fo. 199) calls Alpin "the nephew of Angus by his
sister Fergusiana " {Alpinus Hungi ex Fergiisiana sorore nepos Pictorum
regntmi ad se devenisse contendens . . . ) ; he is followed to some extent
by Robertson, in E.K., i, 20. This conjecture would make Alpin's mother
the daughter of Fergus and sister of Constantine and Angus.
270 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
?84i
Chronicle of Dalriata, versions DFI ; Skene's Picts and Scots,
pp. 149, 172, 288
[Alpin] was killed in Galloway, after he had entirely
destroyed and devastated it. And then the kingdom of the
Scots was transferred to the kingdom of the Picts.i
?84i-8s8
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, pp. 16, 223-224, s.a. 843 ^
Alpin, king of the Scots, died ; and his son Kenneth
succeeded him. And of him it is said : — " Kenneth, Alpin's
son, is said to have been the first to reign in Scotland, waging
many battles. After expelling the Picts, he reigned for
sixteen years ; and he died at Forteviot." ^
He was called the first king, not because he was [the first],
but because he first established the Scottish laws, which they
call the Laws of Mac-Alpin.
? 841-858
Chronicle of the Canons of Huntingdon ; Skene's Picts and
Scots, p. 209
In the year from the Lord's Incarnation 834, the Scots
fought with the Picts on the festival of Easter. And many
of the noblest of the Picts fell. And thus Alpin, king of the
' Version I reads : "to the land of the Picts."
Version K (ibid., 198): "He was killed in Galloway, after he had
destroyed it, by a single man who watched for him in a thick wood, above
the entrance to a ford of a river, while [Alpin] rode with his men. He was
the last of the Scots to reign at that time, immediately before the Picts."
Version N says that Alpin died a natural death (see above, p. cxx.xvi).
Down to about the end of the eighth century, a regular succession of
English bishops ruled in Galloway (see E.G., years 735, 763, 776, TJT, 789,
790 ; Searle, ii, 194-197). It is possible that the royal family of Dalriata
settled in Galloway when their land was taken from them by the Picts,
and that they took possession of land in Galloway when the Northumbrian
kingdom had been weakened by invasions of the Danes ; but this is mere
conjecture. They could hardly have taken refuge in Irish Dalriata, where
rival claimants to their kingdom had appeared.
2 Also in P. & S., 177.
^ The passage within inverted commas is in verse in the original.
KING KENNETH, ALPIN'S SON 271
Scots, was the conqueror; and he was so exalted with pride
because of it that [another] battle was [fought] by [them] on
the thirteenth day before the Kalends of August^ in the same
year ; and he was conquered by the Picts, and killed.
His son Kenneth [succeeded to his father's kingdom].
And in the seventh year of his reign — when Danish pirates
had occupied the shores, and with the greatest slaughter had
destroyed the Picts who defended their land — Kenneth passed
over into, and turned his arms against, the remaining territories
of the Picts ; and after slaying many, drove [the rest] into
flight. And so he was the first of the Scots to obtain the
monarchy of the whole of Albania, which is now called Scotia ;
and he first reigned in it over the Scots.
In the twelfth year of his reign he fought seven times in
one day with the Picts, destroyed many, and confirmed the
kingdom to himself; and he reigned for twenty-eight years. ^
^ I.e., 20th July.
^ The dates of Kenneth's reign, as implied by the Huntingdon Chronicle,
would have been 834, 840, 845, 861 ; but these are incorrect. Since he
reigned for 16 years after his confirmation in the kingdom, that event is
the one that the other chroniclers have counted as the beginning of his
reign over the Picts (? 843). The Danish invasion said to have occurred
in his 7th year might have been that of 839. But the Huntingdon Chronicle's
account has very little authority. It implies that Kenneth met Pictish
opposition for 5 years before he mastered the whole kingdom.
Fordun follows the Huntingdon Chronicle, but places Kenneth's
acquisition of the Pictish throne in his 6th year as king over the Scots,
instead of his 7th ; and says that the Picts held out for 4 years against him,
through the aid of the Angles.
Version E of the Chronicle of the Kings, P. & S., 133, concludes : " From
the first year of William the [length of the] kingdom of the Scots [was]
315 years." William succeeded in 1165 : therefore this summation places
Kenneth's accession in 850.
Similarly the summation in De Situ Albanie places Kenneth's accession
in 850 (above, p. cxv).
Rubric in the Chronicle of the Canons of Huntingdon, in P. & S., 209 :
"As we find in our chronicles, the Scots [have possessed] Scotland, which
was at first called Albania, for 456 years from Alpin, the first monarch of
the whole island ; and from him in direct line of succession the hereditary
right has descended correctly, as is shown below, to Malcolm III, [king of
Scotland,] who received St Margaret in marriage." 456 years added to the
year 834 (the date of the union given in this chronicle) would give 1290,
the year of queen Margaret's death.
Chronicle of the Kings, version F, in P. & S., 176 : "The sum of the
272 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
years from Kenneth Alpin's son to the kingdom of Alexander [II], 501
years." This would place Kenneth's accession in 713. Similarly in G
(ibid., 303).
Chronicle of the Kings, version I, in P. & S., 290, concludes : " The
sum of the years from the time of Kenneth to the time of the last Alexander
is 567. . . ." This would place Kenneth's accession in 719.
Version K of the Chronicle of the Kings concludes thus (208): "The
sum of the years between Kenneth, Alpin's son, and this Alexander [III],
are 430 years, i month, and 7 days. . . ." This would place Kenneth's
accession in 856, if the reigns of both are included.
A preface to the Chronicle of the Kings in the late Scalacronica MS.
(which contains version K) reads thus (P. & S., 202-203): — "As the
chronicles testify, a son of a king of Ireland, called Redda, arrived in
Galloway ; and both by prowess and by the affinity of the Irish blood
[with that] with which the Picts were mixed, occupied the land [of
Galloway] and also Argyle, and others of the islands. And their descen-
dants, calling themselves Scots, ever plotted against the Picts ; so that in
the time of this Drust, Feradach's son, the Scots made a plot \ietteteni
couyne], and were secretly armed at a general council : and within the
council-house they slew the aforesaid king and all the great lords of the
Picts, who none of them expected it [gi ne pensoient si Men noune\. And
afterwards they sent for such others as they chose, and killed them as
soon as they came \ so that they had done what they wished. . . ."
The still later preface in version M contains the following (ibid., 298-
299) : " So when the English had occupied the island, driving out the
Britons, and had established a stable peace with the Picts, the Scots who
dwelt with the Picts saw that the Picts (although fewer, because of the
[Scots'] relationship with the Irish) were yet far superior in arms and
courage, they betook themselves to their innate treachery, in which they
excel the other nations. They invited the Pictish magnates as if to a
feast ; and taking advantage of their intoxication, they killed them all
together. And so of the two peoples the more warlike nation was totally
destroyed. And the other, by far inferior in every way, profited somehow
by their teachery ; and they possess that whole land to this day, from
sea to sea ; and they have called it, from their own name, Scotia.
" Kenneth, Alpin's son, [who reigned over] them at that time, treacher-
ously invaded Pictland, and destroyed the Picts ; and six times invaded
England, and subdued to his dominion the land which had long been
subject to the English, and which extends from the sea of Scotland to
Melrose, on the banks of the river Tweed. . . .
" Their kings used never to be crowned or anointed.
" Therefore, since our intention in the present work is to declare the
right of the king of England to the said dominion of Scotland ... let us
name . . . the kings . . . according to what we have found in the
chronicles of the Scots."
This is a worthless account, partly derived from Giraldus Cambrensis
(below). Version M may originally have been one of the chronicles of 1291.
SCOTTISH RULE IMPOSED UPON THE PICTS 273
? 841-858
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 1 19-122, in Skene's Picts and
Scots, pp. 83-84
A son of the clan of [Aidan's] ^ son will take the kingdom
of Scotland, by force of his strength ; a man who will feed
ravens, who will conquer in battle : Ferbasach ^ will be his
name.
He is the first king that will reign in the east, from among
the Irish in Scotland ; after using the strength of spears and of
swords, after violent deaths, after violent slaughter.
The fierce men in the east are deceived by him. They ^
dig the earth (mighty is the art ! *), a deadly pit (?), death by
wounding, in the middle of Scone of the high shields.^
' See year ca. 574.
^ [in] Ferbasach.
Skene translates this word by " the conqueror," perhaps deriving it
irom. forbaise, "siege," and reia.A\ng forbaiseack. A v/ord. forbassuch occurs
in the Saltair na Rann, ]. 7786. 'R.&a^d forbasack ; or possibly in t-erbasach
(" the slayer ") ?
Kenneth, Alpin's son, appears to be meant.
•^ Evidently the king of Dalriata and his men.
■• tre7i an cfi[e'\ardj rhyming with buirb in the previous line. The word
an should therefore be a prefix, bearing the accent ; and for chard we
should perhaps read -chuird ("mighty is brilliant artifice"?). See Kuno
Meyer, Contributions, s.v. cuird.
Skene understood this digging in the earth to be the incident recounted
by Giraldus Cambrensis, De Principis Instructione, I, 18 ; viii, 97-98 :
" Now we shall tell briefly how the very powerful Pictish race disappeared
after so many victories.
"After the island had been occupied by the Saxons, as we have said,
and peace had been established with the Picts, the Scots, who were allied
to the Picts and had been invited by them to the land, seeing that although
fewer in number, because of the nearness of Ireland, the Picts were yet far
superior in arms and valour, they betook themselves to their customary
and as it were innate treacheries, in which they excel the other nations.
They brought together as to a banquet all the nobles of the Picts, and
taking advantage of their perhaps excessive potation and gluttony of both
drink and food, they noted their opportunity and drew out the bolts which
held up the boards ; and [the Picts] fell into the hollows of the benches on
which they were sitting, [caught] in a strange trap up to the knees, so that
they could never get up ; and [the Scots] immediately slaughtered them
all, tumbled together everywhere and taken suddenly and unexpectedly,
and fearing nothing of the sort from allies and confederates, men bound to
them by benefits, and companions in their wars. And thus the more
S
274 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Seventeen years (in fortresses of deeds of valour i) [he will
be] in the sovereignty of Scotland. After the slaughter of
Picts, after the harassing of Foreigners, he dies upon the banks
of Earn.
843
John of Fordun, Chronica Gentis Scotorum, book IV, c. i ;
vol. i, p. 144
Of the succession of the kings of the Scots, both preceding
and subsequent [to the tinion~\, down to the time of Malcolm,
Kenneth's son.
Above appear the times of the true succession of the kings
of the Scots who reigned with the Picts in the northern part
of Albion, after Fergus, Erc's son ; now we must proceed to the
monarchs who obtained undivided rule over the whole of that
part, after the Pictish nations had been overthrown ; and must
publish certain of their deeds, along with the times of their
reigning, as the books of the ancients exhibit them. But first
we must speak of their law of succession.
For the question is very often asked, why the sons did not
commonly ^ succeed their fathers in the rule of the kingdom,
as the custom of modern times requires, rather than the
warlike and powerful nation of the two peoples wholly disappeared ; and
the other, by far inferior in every way, as a reward obtained in the time
of so great treachery, have held to this day the whole land from sea to sea,
and called it Scotland after their name." Higden (ii, 154-156) connects
Kenneth's acquisition of Pictland with this story; 156: "At that time, in
the days of king Edgar, Kenneth Alpin's son the [Scottish] ruler invaded
Pictland, and destroyed the Picts ; and he made war upon England six
times ; and he took possession of the whole land from the Scottish sea to
the river Tweed."
But Gerald's account has no mention of pits : the benches are perhaps
implied to have been of box form.
° brSdlainn bodhb\l{\a, bas n-airgne, \for lar Scoine sgtaith-airde. For
brodlainn (" goad-blades," according to Skene) read brathlang (" the cover
of a pit-fall" Meyer)? Among the plunderings that formed subjects of
Irish literary compositions is the " treachery of Scone " {Braflang Scoine),
Book of Leinster, facsimile, igo, a, where braflavg seems to be the same
word as brathlang. (See Meyer, s.v.)
' dindgnaibh gal, a meaningless cheville.
^ communiter.
SCOTTISH SUCCESSION 275
brothers ; [a style of succession which] has been indicated in
the successions of the preceding kings. But this took place so
in those days, because [the Scots], and the Picts,^ and many
kings of kingdoms, and even some princes of the empire, had
the same law of succession, that every deceased king's brother
or brother's son, although in rank further removed, should
precede [the king's son] on the throne, if the king's son " were
not more capable of ruling, in age and ability. For not
proximity of blood, but the capacity of full adolescence raised
this one or that to reign upon the throne of the kingdom.
This style of government first arose because the very
meagre population of a primitive race, whose numbers were
small, determined this law described above ; because they
dreaded yielding to youths the control, not of the kingdom
only, but even of their lives, while they were exposed to wars
on all sides, in acquiring, or preserving for themselves, a secure
place and their freedom. And this ancient custom of royal
succession lasted unbroken down to the time of Malcolm,
Kenneth's son, and until (because of the loss to the kingdom
that might perhaps have resulted from it) he by common
decree ordained as a perpetual law that thenceforth every
king should be succeeded in the rule of the kingdom by
whomsoever should at the time, after his death, be the nearest
descendant : a son, that is to say, or a daughter, a grandson or
a grand-daughter, the nearest then surviving. But if these
[descendants] should happen to fail, the right of inheritance
should pass to one born in the royal line, or to the nearest heir
in a collateral line.^
' This was not strictly true of the Pictish succession. Cf. Fordun,
III, 53 ; above, year 781, note.
^ Reading _/?/z«j forTf/w.
^ hereditatis jura possideat vel regia progenitus ex stirpe, vel collaterali
proxiinus heres.
PART IX
Scandinavian Settlements
844
Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 165, s.a. [844]
Mermin died.i
ca. 844
Prudentius of Troyes, Annales, s.a. 844; M.G.H., Scriptores
vol. i, p. 441
The Northmen invaded the island of Britain, especially in
that part which the Anglo-Saxons inhabit ; and after fighting
for three days they were the victors; and spoiling, plundering,
and slaughtering, here and there, they took possession of the
land according to their will.^
ca. 838-845
Wars of the Irish with the Foreigners ; Rolls Series, no. 48,
pp. 224, 225, 226, 228^
After that,* a great and vast royal fleet under Tuirgeis came
to the north of Ireland. Tuirgeis took the kingship of the
' He is called Merfyn Brych in B.S. inM.A., 654, s.a. 844 ; which places
in the same year, before his death, "the battle of Ketil": cf. B.T. in
R.B.H., 259.
Mermin was king of North Wales ; and the father of Rotri, who
succeeded him, and became king of all Wales. Rotri died in 877.
Scandinavian settlements in the north of England had by this time still
further sundered the Britons of Strathclyde from their kinsmen in North
Wales.
^ This passage is copied incorrectly by the Chronicon De Gestis
Normannorum, M.G.H., Scriptores, i, 533, s.a. 844.
^ L.L. version. Cf. the late version, ibid., 8, 12, 16.
^ Previous invasions of five fleets have been recorded in the same text.
270
NORWEGIAN SETTLERS 277
Foreigners in the north of Ireland. . . . And he had authority
over the north of Ireland.^ . . .
After that,^ sixty-five ships came to the black pool of
Ath-Cliath [Dublin], and they invaded Leinster to Margi^
and Mag-breg.
The [men of] Dalriata fought with this fleet, because it
went northwards, keeping Ireland on the left, after destroying
Leinster and Brega. In this battle Eoganan, Angus' son, the
king of Dalriata, was slain.* . . .
Another fleet came to Dublin. . . .
Still another fleet, more numerous than this, came to Dublin.
They ravaged a great part of all Ireland. They ravaged also
lona of Columcille.
?847
Prudentius of Troyes, Annales, s.a. 847: M.G.H., Scriptores,
vol. i, p. 443
The [Irish] Scots, after being attacked by the Northmen
for very many years, were rendered tributary ; and [the
Northmen] took possession, without resistance, of the islands
that lie all round, and dwelt there.^
' C.S., 144-146, Hennessy's year 845 : "A fortress [diin] [was built]
by Tuirgeis for the Foreigners, upon Lough Ree ; and they pillaged
Connaught and Meath, and burned Clonmacnoise, with its chapels
\dertighibK\, and Clonfert of Brendan, and Terry-glass, and Lorrha, and
many monasteries \catrachd\. . . . Tuirgeis was taken captive by
Maelsechlaind, Maelruanaid's son ; and Tuirgeis was drowned in Lough
Owel."
Similarly in A.U., i, 348-350, s.a. 844 = 845 ; and also in D.A.L, 32,
year 845 : but in the latter, Tuirgeis is said to have been drowned " in
Lough Ennel, in Meath " ; a few miles to the south of Lough Owel.
Cf. Annals of Clonmacnoise, 133, 139, s.aa. 830, 842; L.L., 309;
Berchan, stanzas 4-14 (see above, Bibliographical Notes) ; and D.M.F.,
Fomorians, 1-2 (ed. A. Bugge ; Det norske historiske Kildeskriftfond,
Christiania, 1905).
Bugge (ibid., 15) agrees with Stokes's opinion that Tuirgeis is an Irish
form of the Norwegian Thorgestr, not of Thorgils.
2 Le., after a battle between Tuirgeis and the Irish of Connaught.
^ CO margi : "to the sea" Todd; "to Slievemargy" Hennessy. I.e.,
Slievemargie, in Queen's County.
^ See above, year 839.
^ This passage is copied briefly by the Chronicon De Gestis Norman-
norum in Francia, M.G.H., Scriptores, i, 533, s.a. 846.
278 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
847
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 352-354, s.a. 846 = 847
A great victory [was gained] by Cerbali, Dungal's son, over
Hakon ^ ; and there 1 200 men fell.^
848
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 354, s.a. 847 = 8488
A battle was gained by Maelsechlaind against the gentiles
in Forach * ; and in it 700 men fell.
A battle was gained by Olchobar, king of Munster, and by
Lorcan, Cellach's son, with the Leinstermen, against the gentiles,
at Sciath-Nechtain; and there Tomrair Earl, the king of
Scandinavia's heir,^ fell, and 1200 men with him.^
A victory [was gained] by Tigernach '' over the gentiles in
Daire-disirt-Dochonna ; and there 1200 men fell.
A victory by the Eoganacht of Cashel over the gentiles at
Diin-maele-tuile ; and there 500 men fell.^
1 for Agonn (in C.S.,/or Agond).
2 So also in C.S., 146-148, Hennessy's year 847. Similarly in D.A.I.,
33, year 847.
In the same year, the Norwegians plundered in Tipperary.
^ With marginal note : "bissextile."
* Faragh, county Meath.
'" tanise righ Laithlinne, corruptly ; tanaissi righ Lochldnn in C.S. See
D.M.F., III, 162-164. I.e., the king designate.
Tomrair's ring was preserved by the Scandinavian settlers. It was
taken by Maelsechlaind Donald's son from the Foreigners of Dublin in
995 (see T., R.C., xvii, 350 ; C.S., 234 ; F.M., ii, 732). Tomrair is also
called Tomrar, Tomar.
" Read, with C.S., "and twelve score men with him."
^ " King of Lagore," C.S. See year 849, note.
8 The whole passage is in C.S., which proceeds: "A fortress [was
built] by Olchobar, against the gentiles ; in order to destroy Dun-corcaige"
(i.e. "the castle of Cork").
The passage stands thus in D.A.I., 33, s.a. 848 : "A battle by Maelsech-
laind, Maelruanaid's son, in Forach, where 700 Scandinavians fell.
" A battle [was fought] by Olchobar, king of Cashel, against the gentiles,
at Sciath-Nechtain, in the Decies ; and there Tomar, a Scandinavian earl,
was killed, and 200 of his people. And Olchobar himself fell there.
"A battle [was fought] by the Eoganacht of Cashel against the
Scandinavians, at Dun-Maeltuile, where 500 of them fell.
"A battle [was gained] by Tigernach, king of Lagore, against the
Scandinavians, in Disert-Dochonna ; where twelve score of them fell."
BATTLES OF THE NORWEGIANS 279
?848
Prudentius of Troyes, Annales, in M.G.H., Scriptores, vol. i,
p. 443, s.a. 848
The [Irish] Scots attacked the Northmen, and, winning the
victory, by aid of our Lord Jesus Christ, cast them out of their
territories. Hence the king of the Scots sent messengers with
gifts to Charles, for peace and friendship, requesting that the
way of going to Rome might be granted to him.^
849
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 356, s.a. 848 = 849
A naval expedition of seven, score ships, of the people of
the king of the Foreigners, came to take control over the
Foreigners who were there before them ^ ; and then they
disturbed all Ireland.^
849
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 356, s.a. 848 = 849
Indrechtach, abbot of lona, came to Ireland with the relics
of Columcille.*
' Briefly copied in Chronicon Normannorum in Francia, u.s., s.a. 848.
After the death of Tuirgeis in 845, the invaders plundered in Connaught
in 846. But in 847 Maelsechlaind, Maelruanaid's son, became king of
Ireland : and he and Cerball gained victories over the invaders and their
helpers.
If Maelsechlaind vi'as the king who wrote to Charles the Bald, in
elation over his victory of 848, he must have done so before the arrival
of the Scandinavian fleet in 849.
2 du tabairt greamma forsita Gaillu robadar ar a ciiimi.
3 Similarly in C.S., 148-150, Hennessy's year 849.
D.A.I., 33, year 849, reads : " Seven score ships of Scandinavians came
to Ireland. Plundering of Dublin by Maelsechlaind, and by Tigernach,
king of Lagore " (a lake fortress, near Dunshaughlin, in Meath).
^ With Columba's relics went the authority of Columba's successor.
Their removal to Ireland was so important a step that it could hardly have
been taken without previous arrangement ; and in the oldest Chronicle of
the Kings (version A) we find that "in the seventh year of his reign
[Kenneth] transported the relics of St Columba to a church that he had
built"; that is, to Dunkeld. Probably a division of the relics had been
made, and both shares were removed at the same time ; one to Scotland,
the other to Ireland. The removals of 729 and 731 were probably of
a different nature.
280 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 850
Giraldus Cambrensis, Topographia Hibernica ; Opera,
vol. V, p. 186
Of the arrival of the Eastmen.
No great time afterwards/ certain men came to the island
[of Ireland] again, from regions of Norway and of the northern
islands, from the remnants as it were of the former race ; and
because they knew by faith based upon sight, or by the report of
relatives, the best parts of the land, [they came] not in warlike
fashion but in the guise of peace, and on the pretext of carrying
on merchandise. And they immediately occupied the harbours
of Ireland on the sea, and ultimately built diverse cities upon
them by consent of the princes of the land. For since by fault
of their native indolence the Irish nation, as we have said, would
not traverse the seas, or apply themselves to any extent to mer-
chandise, it appeared advisable by common counsel of the whole
realm that some nation should be admitted in some districts of
the realm, in order that by their efforts other countries' wares,
which this land lacked, might be brought hither. . . ^
8S1
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 358, s.a. 850 = 851 ^
Black-gentiles came to Dublin, and they made great
slaughter of the White-foreigners ; and they plundered the
fortress, both of men and of treasure.*
This event is likely to have been correctly dated in the Ulster Annals.
A previous church at Dunkeld existed in 820. But the Danes are said
to have invaded Dunkeld in Kenneth's reign ; perhaps the older church
was then destroyed. See below, p. 288.
A crozier alleged by tradition to have belonged to Columba is one of
the relics preserved in the National Museum of Dublin. See Coffey's
Guide to Celtic Antiquities of the Christian Period (1910), 59.
^ I.e. after the overthrow of the first Norwegian settlers under king
Tuirgeis ; ibid., 182-186. The Norwegians who escaped "were compelled
to sail to the islands whence they had come," ibid., 185.
2 The leaders of these "Eastmen" or Scandinavians were three brothers,
Olaf, Sigtrygg, and Ivar ; they built and occupied the cities of Dublin,
Waterford, and Limerick. Other cities were built, and as their numbers
increased the settlers became hostile to the original inhabitants of Ireland.
^ Similarly in C.S., 150, Hennessy's year 851.
* Cf. the longer and more fabulous account in Duald's Fragment III,
114-116.
DANES ATTACK NORWEGIAN SETTLERS 281
A raid of Black-gentiles on Lind-duachail, and great
slaughter of [the inhabitants].^
853
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 360, s.a. 851 =852^
Devastation of Armagh by the Foreigners of Lind [-duachail],
on the day of Sam-chase*
The crews of eight score ships* of the White-gentiles went
to battle with the Black-gentiles at Snam-aignech. They fought
for three days and three nights ; but the rout was. before the
Black-gentiles, and their opponents abandoned their ships to
them. Stein escaped by flight, and lercne fell, beheaded.''
853
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 362, s.a. 852 = 853
Olaf, the king of Scandinavia's son," came to Ireland ; and
the Foreigners of Ireland submitted to him, and tribute [was
given him] by the Irish.''
1 "Of the White-gentiles" C.S. Cf. year 852, note. The fortress of
Lind-Duachail was built in 841, in the same year as the fortress at Dublin ;
A.U., i, 344, s.a. 840 = 841.
The whole passage is thus in D.A.I., 34, year 851: "Black-gentiles
came to Dublin, and the town was plundered by them ; and its nobility
and its treasure were taken by them, and many of the White-gentiles were
slain. Another host of the Black-gentiles [came] across Lind-duachail,
and made great slaughter of the White-gentiles."
2 With marginal note " bissextile."
The passage stands similarly in C.S., 152, Hennessy's year 852.
^ See Hennessy's note, C.S., u.s., 152-153. Sam-chase appears to have
been the loth July in 852.
* " Three score and ten" ships, in Duald's Fragment.
^ Cf. the longer and somewhat fabulous account in Duald's Fragment III,
118-124 (in the "5th year of Maelsechlaind," i.e. 851 or 852). D.A.I., 34,
year 852 : "Eight score ships of White-Scandinavians came to fight with
the Black-gentiles. They fought together for three days and three nights
and the rout was upon the White-Scandinavians ; and the Black-gentiles
enjoyed from then onwards the dwellings and place \arais 7 ionnad] of the
White-Scandinavians.
"The plundering of Armagh by Scandinavians" (cf. year 851, note) "of
Lind-Duachail, on the day of Easter."
" 7nac righ Laithlinde. Lochlaijine in F.M.
Lochland meant the Scandinavian lands generally, or Norway in
particular. The king of Norway was at this time Halfdan the Black, who,
282 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
853
Dublin Annals of Innisfallen ; Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores,
vol. ii, part 3, p. 34, s.a. 853
Olaf, son of the king of the Wliite-Scandinavians, came to
Ireland, and the Scandinavians of Ireland submitted to him,
and tribute was given him by the Gaels. Sigtrygg and Ivar
his two full brothers came with him on that expedition.
853
Duald Mac-Pirbis, Fragment III, pp. 124-126
Indrechtach, abbot of lona, came to Ireland with relics of
Columcille. Also in the same year, the sixth year of the
kingdom of Maelsechlaind,^ Olaf Conung, the son of the king
of the Scandinavians,^ came to Ireland, bringing orders from
his father for taxes and tribute ; and he left suddenly. And
the youngest brother, Ivar, came after him, to levy the same
taxes. ^
if the pedigree in Duald's Fragment may be trusted, was this Olaf's
great-grandfather. See below, year 874, note.
Lochland in the Irish Nennius (pp. 84, 88) includes (or is a synonym for)
the "Germany" (pp. 76, 84, 112) from which the Saxons came to Britain,
Cf. above, year 848.
Cf. the similar use of the Welsh Llychlyn ; e.g. in the Welsh Triads :
"The second [usurping tribe that came to the island of Britain, and did not
depart,] was that of the Gwyddyl Ffichti " (Hterally, the " Pict-Gaels "),
"who came to Scotland across the sea of Llychlyn. . . . The Picts are in
Scotland, upon the coast of the sea of Llychlyn." And ; "Three invading
tribes came to the island of Britain, and departed from it again ; the first
was that of the Llychlynnwyr, after Urb Lluyddawg had taken away the
bravest of the nation of the Cymry " to Llychlyn (M.A., 401 (7), cf. 395 (5) :
Loth's Mabinogion, ii, triads no. no, cf. 9) ; and Maximus is sa:M^to have
led an expedition to Llychlyn, and never to have returned (Loth, tria^ no.
9 ; M.A., 395).
' With the expedition of Olaf in 853 may be compared A.C., s.a. [853] :
" Mon [i.e., Anglesey] was devastated by the Black-Gentiles." Cf B.T. in
R.B.H., 259. B.S. in M.A., 655, s.a. 853, reads : "by the black army."
^ Maelsechlaind died, according to A.U. (i, 372), on Tuesday, 30th
November, 861=862, in the i6th year of his reign: but 30th November
was Monday in 862, Tuesday in 863. By his "6th year" the Fragment
means probably 852 ; but the year-section begins with an event placed by
A.U. in 848 = 849.
" mac righ Lochlann.
2 Their father, Godfrey, seems to have been in Ireland next year.
OLAF CONUNG AND HIS BROTHERS 283
Duald's Fragment III, 126 r "In this year" (the year [854] of
Indrechtach's death, 2 years after the 6th year of Maelsechlaind [.'. 854/855])
"the king of the Scandinavians was invited by Maelsechlaind, to drink,
and there was a plentiful feast prepared for him ; and the king of the
Scandinavians promised to fulfil everything, on his oath. But nevertheless
he did not fulfil anything at all after leaving the house of Maelsechlaind,
but began at once to plunder the land of Maelsechlaind. Yet this war did
not go profitably with him.
"In this year many abandoned their Christian baptism. . . ."
This "king of the Scandinavians" must have been Olafs father,
Godfrey. See year 873. In the next year, "Rodulf \RodolbH\ came with
his hosts to plunder Ossory ; but Cerball, Dunlaing's son, collected an
army to oppose them, and gave them battle, and the rout was upon the
Scandinavians. . . ."
The account of these events given in the Wars, though fabulous, is
interesting because of the relation in which it places its facts.
Wars of the Irish with the Foreigners, 18-24, cc. 20-24: "Afterwards
Danish Black-gentiles came and invaded Ireland \ro laeset fo Erind\, and
they were driving the White-gentiles out of Ireland ; and they gave battle,
and 5,000 of the White-gentiles were killed at Snam-Ergda " (Carlingford
Bay ; Hogan). "Afterwards another fleet came. It landed in Kerry, and
[the land] was plundered by them to Limerick. . . . All these devastations
were made in the reign of Fedlimid, Crimthan's son " (king of Cashel,
820 ; of Munster, 823-847 ; Annals of Ulster).
[c. 21] "Great toil did [the Black-gentiles] endure in that period [823-
847]. The Cenel-Conaill defeated them in battle at Assaroe. The Dail-
Caiss defeated them in another battle on Lough Derg. The Ui-Neill
defeated [them] in another battle at Ardbrackan. The Ui-Colgan, too,
killed earl Saxulf. Olchobar, Kenneth's son, king of Cashel, and Lorcan,
Cellach's son, king of Leinster, gained the battle of Sciath-Nechtain over
them, and there fell the king of Scandinavia's heir \tanaissi ri Lochlann\
and with him died 200 of the nobles of Scandinavia \Lochland\. The same
Olchobar destroyed their [castle] in Tulach-na-Rigna, and there many fell ;
and Mug's Half" (the south of Ireland) "slew them all.
[c. 22] " Now Maelsechlaind, king of Tara, defeated them in the battle
of Caislen-glinni, and there 700 fell. Tigernach also defeated [them] in a
battle at Daire-Disirt-Dochonna, and there 500 fell. The same Olchobar,
too, and the Eoganacht of Cashel, defeated them in battle at Dun-Maeltuli,
and there twelve score fell. 368 of them fell by the [hands of the] White-
gentiles. 200 of them fell before the Ciannachta at Inis-Findmic ; and 300
besides fell before the Ciannachta at the end of a month afterwards, at
Raith-altan. Maelsechlaind defeated them in another battle at Raith-
commair. The [men of] Kerry defeated them in another battle.
[c. 23] "Afterwards Olaf, [son of] the king of Scandinavia, came with a
huge fleet, 10 years after the death of Maelsechlaind [t 862], and took
kingship of the Foreigners of Ireland ; and Conchobar, Duncan's son, royal
heir of Tara, was drowned by him. By these the battle of Cluain-Daim was
284 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
8S3
Annals of the Four Masters, vol. i, p. 487, s.a. 85 i =853
Godfrey, Fergus' son, lord ^ of the Hebrides, died.^
854
Annals of Innisfallen ; Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores,
vol. ii, part 2, p. 29, O'Conor's year 840 = 854^
Indrechtach Ua-Finnachta, abbot of lona, went into
martyrdom on his way to Rome, [being killed] by Saxons.*
fought against the Deisi, and there fell all the nobles of the Deisi. By them
\yas killed the son of Cendfaelad, king of Muskerry ; and Muchdaigren,
son of Rechtabrat, was suffocated in a cave. By them was killed Ketil the
White, [with the whole] number of his camp. By them was killed Mael-
guala, son of Dungal, king of Cashel ; his back was broken over a stone.
Yet nevertheless they all fell before the men of Munster ; Ona, and Scolph,
and Tomar, T[uirgeis, etc.]." {teora ocus ced in MS. B. See ibid., 23, note.
It may be implied that Olaf too fell in Munster.)
[c. 24] "Afterwards Audgisl \Ossill\ son of the king of Scandinavia,
came [with] another fleet, and the greater part of Ireland was plundered by
them. These also fell before the men of Ireland. For Audgisl fell with 500
before the men of Ireland in Munster, in one day. In that year fell Colphin
and the fleet of Dun-Medoin, at Cend-Curraig. [The foreigners] were slain
from Cend-Curraig to Lismore, and many of them fell [killed] by Rechta-
brat, Bran's son. Earl Baethbarr and a number of the routed army went
to Dublin. Afterwards he was drowned at Dublin, through a miracle of
Ciaran ; and Aed Scandail, whom they were besieging. In that year fell
earl Tomur, [killed] by [St] Brendan, three days after the plundering by
him of Clonfert.
" In that year Aed Findliath, Niall's son, defeated them in battle at
Loch Foyle, and 1200 heads of them fell there in one place, and all their
treasure and jewels were taken."
Cf the Book of Leinster's version, ibid., 229-231.
' toiseach Innsi Gall.
2 Olaf the White seems, from the course of events after his death (the
occupation of the Hebrides by Ketil Flatnose and his family), to have
ruled in the Hebrides (see below, pp. 305-309) ; his rule may have followed
Godfrey's. Olaf the White and his kindred were descendants of Aun.
Cf below, pp. 292, 306.
^ Placed 7 years after 847, and i year before 855.
"• Indrechtach hua Finechta abb lae hi niartra [fo. 15] dochoid oc dul do
Ro\ii!i\ la \Sa\xanu.
KING GODFREY. THE GALL-GAIDIL 285
854
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 364, s.a. 853 = 854
Columcille's successor, a very good wise man, was martyred
byi Saxons on the fourth day" before the Ides of March.^
856
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 364-366, s.a, 855 = 856
[There was] a great war between the gentiles and
Maelsechlaind * with the Gall-Gaidil.^ . . .
A great victory [was gained] by Aed, Niall's son, over the
Gall-Gaidil, in Glenelly ; and he made a very great slaughter
of them.''
' Apud, in the sense of the Irish la.
2 I.e., March 12th.
^ So also in C.S., 152, Hennessy's year 854.
F.M., i, 486, s.a. 852 = 854 (and the "8th year of Maelsechlaind,"
sovereign of Ireland) : " Indrechtach Ua-Finachtain, Columcille's successor,
a distinguished wise man, suffered martyrdom by Saxons on the 12th day
of March."
D.M.F., III, 126: "Indrechtach Ua-Finnachta, Columcille's successor,
and Diarmait, very wise men, were killed on the way to Rome by English
robbers \do shladaighibh Saxanackd] ; and their innocent blood remains still
in the place where they were killed, as a sign of God's vengeance upon
those who killed them." "Diarmait, the wisest of the Scots, died," is in the
next year-section. Diarmait's death is placed by A.U. (i, 360) and F.M.
(i, 486) in 851 = 852.
* Sovereign of Ireland.
* So also in C.S. 154 ; Hennessy's year 856.
^ Similarly in F.M., i, 488, s.a. 854 = 856 (and the " loth year of
Maelsechlaind ").
For the meaning of the name Gall-Gaidil ("foreign Gaels") cf D.M.F.,
III, 128 (in the year after Indrechtach's death) : "Aed, king of Ailech, the
best king of his time in the use of arms, gave battle to the fleet of the
Gall-Gaidil : they were Scots and foster-children of the Northmen, and at
one time they were called Northmen. They were routed by Aed, and the
Gall-Gaidil were massacred ; and many heads were taken by [Aed, son of]
Niall. And the Irish had the right to kill them, because they used to do
as the Scandinavians did." See year 858.
Aed was fighting against Maelsechlaind for the sovereignty of Ireland.
Glenelly is in Tyrone.
In the previous year-section, which begins with an assembly at Armagh
[851] and the death of Indrechtach Ua-Finnachta [854], D.M.F., III, 126,
records: "And in this year some forsook their Christian baptism, and
joined the Scandinavians ; and they plundered Armagh, and took away
286 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
857
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 366, s.a. 856 = 857
A victory was gained by Ivar and Olaf over Ketil the White
with the Gall-Gaidil, in the lands of Munster.^
858
Duald Mac-Pirbis, Fragment III, p. 138^
Maelsechlaind went into Munster, and he harried Munster
for a month, in Emly ; and he took the hostages of Munster,
from Comar-tri-n-uisce^ to Inis-Tarbnai* in the west of
Ireland. This was the battle of Carn-Lugdach. And
its riches \inaithius\. But some of them did penance, and came to make
amends."
According to this Fragment, the Gall-Gaidil were Gaels who supported
the Norwegian invaders. Elsewhere this name means the mixed popula-
tion of the Scottish islands, and of Galloway.
It is possible that the Gall-Gaidil here too were invaders from the
west of Scotland, but this is not certain. The western islands were still (at
least until 853) subject to the Scottish king. In France, renegade natives
supported the invading Northmen about this time, and took their share of
the spoil ; it is quite likely that the same thing occurred in the British
islands also.
1 So also in C.S., 154, Hennessy's year 857.
A.I., 29, O'Conor's year 843 = 857 : "The fleet of Botine [longes botine]
came to Ireland." Ibid., O'Conor's year 844 = 858: "Campaign of
Maelsechlaind in Munster."
A.C., R.S. 20, 13, s.a. [844] ("the 400th year" after 444), reads : "The
battle of Ketil" {Gueith Cetill). This may possibly have been fought by
Ketil the White. It is noted also in B.S. in M.A., 654, s.a. 844.
Cf the Wars, 22 (above) and 231.
There is no evidence to shovvf that these Gall-Gaidil were Hebrideans,
or that Ketil the White was Ketil Flatnose ; although we have reason to
believe that Ketil Flatnose fought in the British islands, many years
before 874.
C.S. (below, year 859, note) implies that these Gall-Gaidil lived in the
north of Ireland.
- Cf. A.U., i, 366 = 368, s.a. 857 = 858, where the Gall-Gaidil are not
mentioned.
3 " Confluence of three rivers," the boundary of Leinster and Munster :
" near Waterford " O'Donovan ; " Suir, Nore and Barrow, opposite Cheek
Point, county Waterford" Hogan.
* "The Bull" W. of Dursey Island, barony Beare, county Cork;
O'Donovan, Hogan.
KETIL THE WHITE. KING KENNETH 287
Maelcroin, Muiredach's son, one of the two kings of Decies,
was killed in that battle.
If Maelsechlaind had not come on this expedition to take
to himself the kingship of Munster, he ought to have come to
kill those whom he killed there of the Gall-Gaidil ; because
these were men who had forsaken their baptism ; and they
were called Northmen, because they had Northmen's manners,
and had been fostered by them ; and though the original
Northmen did evil to the churches, these did far worse ; i.e.,
this people [the Gall-Gaidil], wherever they were in Ireland.^
858
Annals of Innisfallen ; Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores, vol. ii,
part 2, p. 29, O'Conor's year 844 = 858^
Kenneth, Alpin's son, king of Scotland, [died].
858
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 366, s.a. 857 = 858
Kenneth, Alpin's son, king of the Picts,^ and [/Ethelwulf],*
king of the Saxons, died.
858
Duald Mao-Pirbis, Fragment III, p. 150^
Kenneth, Alpin's son, king of the Picts, died. And this
verse was composed : " That Kenneth, of many stables," is
dead, causes weeping in every house ; there is not under
heaven one king so good, as far as to the borders of Rome." ^
' an lucht sa, gach corairfo Eirinn a mbidis.
2 Placed 3 years after 855, 16 years before 874.
^ Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, ix, 165, s.a. [856] (2 years after the
"410th year" after 444) : " Kenneth" {Cemoyth, altered from Cemoith; read
Cenioytk; Phillimore), "king of the Picts, died." This is not in MS. C ;
Ab Ithel's ed., 14. Cf. B.S. in M.A., 655, s.a. 856; B.T., MSS. CD,
s.a. 856, Ab Ithel's ed., 12.
■> In text "Eadulf." ^thelwulf, king of Wessex, died in 858 (A.S.C.,
ABDE ; in 859, CF). His death is placed under 857 by B.S. in M.A., 655.
^ Placed in the year-section corresponding to the Ulster Annals'
857 = 858.
" go lion sgor.
' go bniinne Romha.
288 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
843-858
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 8
So Kenneth, Alpin's son, first of the Scots ruled this
Pictland prosperously for sixteen years.
Pictland was named after the Picts, whom, as we have said
Kenneth destroyed.^ For God deigned to make them alien
from, and void of, their heritage, by reason of their wickedness ;
because they not only spurned the Lord's mass and precept,
but also refused to be held equal to others in the law of justice.^
Two years before he came to Pictland, he had received the
kingdom of Dalriata.^
In the seventh year of his reign,* he transported the relics
of St Columba to a church that he had built. And he invaded
England six times ; and he seized and burned Dunbar and
Melrose.
But the Britons burned Dunblane, and the Danes wasted
Pictland to Clunie and Dunkeld.®
He died of a tumour^ ultimately, on the Ides of February,
the third day of the week, in the palace of Forteviot.^
' The statement referred to is not in version A : some account of
Kenneth's accession has been omitted.
^ Sed et in jure equitatis aliis equi parari nolucrunt. This is understood
to refer to their ecclesiastical law.
^ This is perhaps the most authoritative account of the period 841-843,
assigned by later chronicles to the reign of Alpin, Kenneth's father, in
Dalriata ([841-843], Prose Chronicle; 3 years, Chronicle of Dalriata,
DEIKN).
* I.e., 848-849. See year 849.
° ad Cluanan et Duncalden. Cf. year 849, note. Cluanan was under-
stood by Robertson (E.K., i, 40) to have been " Cluny in Stormont."
" tumore ani.
' Fothuirtabaicht. The date given is Tuesday, 13th February. This
was Tuesday in 854 and 860 ; but it was Sunday in 858. Skene argued
therefore from this and the Huntingdon Chronicle that Kenneth died in
860, and had succeeded in 832. Cf. year 834, note. See S.C.S., i,
308-309. But Chronicle A's list of reign-lengths has at least equal
authority with its dates ; and its reign-lengths do not seem to support
Skene's view. It is not unlikely that the day of Kenneth's death is
wrongly given by version A.
The Prose Chronicle inserted in the Chronicle of Melrose places
Kenneth's death under [859].
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 62 : "Thirty years of severe Kenneth."
REIGN OF KENNETH 289
843-858
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's Picts
and Scots, p. 151
Kenneth, Alpin's son, reigned over the Scots for sixteen
years, after destroying the Picts ; and he died in Forteviot,^
and was buried in the island of lona, where the three sons of
Ere (Fergus, Loarn, and Angus) were buried.
[Kenneth] led the Scots from Argyle into the land of the
Picts with marvellous astuteness.^
(Here, as throughout the Duan, the epithet is selected to alHterate with
the king's name.)
The Huntingdon Chronicle says that Kenneth succeeded in 834, and
reigned for 28 years : meaning that he reigned for sixteen years over the
kingdom of the Picts, from his twelfth year as king of Dalriata (see the
words of the passage, above, p. 271). According to this account he would
have died between 860 and 862, perhaps in 861. The Huntingdon
Chronicle's account is probably untrustworthy. Kenneth can hardly have
reigned in Dalriata before 839 ; if he did reign before that year, it would
seem to have been in some other part of Scotland.
If the story of the death of Alpin is to be taken as relating to the death
of Kenneth's father, it would seem to connect the family with Galloway.
(Higden, Polychronicon, ii, 148, says that Kenneth added the country
south of the Forth to the kingdom of the Picts: "after destroying the
Picts, he had caused the territory that is between the Tweed and the
Scottish Sea to pertain to his kingdom." This is without authority.)
Of Kenneth's daughters, one married Run, king of Strathclyde (see
year 889) ; one married Aed Find-liath, king of Ireland (t 879), and died
in 913 (q.v.) ; one has erroneously been said to have married Olaf,
Godfrey's son : see below, p. 309.
^ Fethertauethn. Forteviet in F. Fethirthant vel Fertebeith^ G.
Forteidoth, I.
2 Similarly in versions FGI (174, 301, 288) ; but F omits " of Ere," and
reads in ira caliditafe for mira caliditate.
Version K reads confusedly (ibid., 204) : " Kenneth, Alpin's son,
reigned for 16 years, and died at Forteviot, and was buried in the island
of lona, beside Ere, Loarn and Fergus, three brothers who led the Scots
in Argyle \en Arckady] against the Picts."
Version E, ibid. 131 : "Kenneth, Alpin's son, first king of the Scots,
[reigned for] 16 [years]."
Version N, ibid., 305 : " The first king of the Scots was Kenneth,
Alpin's son, who, after destroying the Picts, reigned for 16 years, and was
buried in the island of lona."
T
290 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
859
Duald Mac-Firtois, Fragment III, p. 140^
A rout before Cerball, Dunlaing's son, and Ivar,^ [was made]
of the Gall-Gaidil in Araid-tire.^
862
Annals of Innisfallen ; Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores, vol. ii,
part 2, p. 30, O'Conor's year 847 = 861 *
The death of Donald, Alpin's son, king of Scotland.
862
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 370, s.a. 861 =862 ^
Donald, Alpin's son, king of the Picts, died.'^
1 In the I2th year of Maelsechlaind, i.e. 858 or 859.
2 re n-Iar.
^ The barony of Ara or Duhara, county Tipperary, with Ara Cliach in
the west of county Limerick ; Hogan.
A.U., i, 368, s.a. 858 = 859: "A great hosting by Olaf and Ivar and
Cerball, into Meath." Ibid : " . . . Cerball, king of Ossory. . . ."
C.S., 156, Hennessy's year 858 : "A rout of the [CenelJ-Fiachach and
the Gall-Gaidil of Cond's half" [i.e. the north of Ireland]. "6,400 in
number, before Cerball and Ivar, in the territory of Ara-tire" [in Tipperary].
C.S. therefore implies that the Gall-Gaidil were Irish.
A.U. say that the Northmen killed Muirecan, Diarmait's son, king of
Nass and Airthir-Life, in 863 ; and that in the same year " Three kings of
the foreigners" (Olaf, Ivar, and Audgisl), and Lorcan, one of two kings of
Meath, invaded the land of Fland, Conaing's son, and plundered four caves ;
the other king of Meath was killed by Olaf "king of the foreigners " in 864.
Olaf, Ivar, and Audgisl, were brothers (D.M.F., 170 ; 194).
See years 866, 870, 871.
* Placed 6 years after 855, and 13 years before 874.
'' In the same year-section is recorded the death of Maelsechlaind, king
of Ireland, " on the second before the Kalends of December, the third day
of the week, in the 16th year of his reign" ; so too in C.S., 156. The 30th
November was Tuesday in 863, not in 862. This king's sovereignty had
begun, according to A.U., in 846 = 847 (i, 352). P.M. also place his death
on the 30th November, after Maelsechlaind had been 16 years on the
throne ; they date Maelsechlaind's reign from 845 = 847 to 860 = 863.
" Similarly in C.S., 156, Hennessy's year 862 ; and in D.M.F., III, 152,
in the year-section after that containing the death of Kenneth, Alpin's son.
DONALD, ALPIN'S SON 291
858-862
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 8
Donald, Kenneth's brother, held the same kingdom for four
years.i In his time the Gaels with their king made the rights
and laws of the kingdom, [that are called the laws] of Aed,
Eochaid's son,^ in Forteviot.^ [Donald] died in the palace of
Cend-Belachoir, on the Ides of April.*
862
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 151
Donald, Alpin's son, reigned for four years ; and he died in
Raith-inber-amon,^ and was buried in the island of lona.''
858-862
Prose and Verse Chronicle inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, pp. 18, 224, s.a. 859^
Kenneth, king of the Scots, died ^ ; and Donald succeeded
him. And of him it is said : — ■" King Donald succeeded him
for four years; in war he was a vigorous soldier. He was the
brother of Kenneth, the king aforesaid ; and he is said to have
been assassinated at Scone." ^
^ The Duan Albanach, in Skene's P. & S,, 62 : " Four [years] of
Donald, of ruddy complexion."
^ Innes (CriticalEssay, 409) understood this to have been a promulgation
in Pictland of the laws of Aed Find, Eochaid's son, who reigned in
Dalriata ca. 748-778. So also S.C.S., i, 323.
■' Fothiurthabaicth.
^ April 13th.
■'' Rathinveramon, D ; Raith Inverament, F ; Raich inveramon, G ; Rait
inverainon, I. This name means "castle at the mouth of the Amon
river"; probably the Almond, which joins the Tay near, but on the side
opposite to. Scone. Fordun, IV, 15, says that he died "at Scone, the
royal seat." He derives this from the Verse Chronicle.
^ Similarly in versions F (ibid., 174), G (301), I (288), and (omitting the
place of Donald's death) in N (305).
7 Also in P. & S., 177-178 (MS. B).
8 See year 858.
^ The passage within inverted commas is in verse in the original.
292 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
858-862
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 123-124; in Skene's Picts and
Scots, pp. 84-85
Evil will be Scotland's lot because of it^; long will it be
till his like will come. A long while till the king takes
[sovereignty], the wanton son of the foreign wife (?).^
He will be three years in the kingdom, and three months
(although thou countest them).^ His tomb-stone will be above
Loch Awe. He dies of disease (some time).*
864
Duald Mac-Pirbis, Fragment HI, pp. 158-162 ^
The destruction and devastation of Fortriu by the
Scandinavians^; and they took away many hostages in pledge
of tax. And taxes were given them for a long time afterwards.'
Slaughter was made of the Foreigners at Mundrehid, by
Cendetig, Gaithin's son, king of Leix, and by the northern
[men of] Ossory.
At this time the Aunites,* that is, the Danes, came with
innumerable hosts to York, and destroyed the city, and settled
in it''; and this was the beginning of great suffering and
misfortune to the Britons.^"
Not long before this, there was all manner of war and strife
in Scandinavia ^^ ; and that war in Scandinavia arose out of this,
that two young sons of Halfdan, king of Scandinavia,!^ had
' I.e., because of the death of Kenneth, Alpin's son.
2 na gaillsighthe; rhyming with rtj for seitche f Probably a Norwegian
or English woman is meant. Her son seems to have been Kenneth's
successor, Donald, Alpin's son.
^ cm rimhi, a cheville, to rhyme with ri'ighe] of the previous line.
* donfecht, a cheville, to rhyme with leacht.
^ Placed under the year before 865, which is indicated by the record of
" an eclipse of the sun on the Kalends of January."
" la Lochlannaibh.
' Cf. below, year 870.
8 Literally "descendants of Aun." D.M.F. n6 reads: Daunites i.
Danairj the emendation Haunites "men of Copenhagen" has been
suggested.
" go 7i-dechatturfuirre. This was in 867. See below.
'" ba tosach imnidh 7 docrach moir do Brethnaibh sin.
'' i Lochlainn.
12 ri Lochlann. Halfdan the Black, king of Norway, died in 864 (or 862).
RONALD AND HIS SONS 293
expelled the eldest son, Ronald, Halfdan's son,^ for fear lest he
should take the kingdom of Scandinavia after their father.
And Ronald came with his three sons^ to the Orkney islands.
Then Ronald remained there, with his youngest son ; but the
older sons came to the islands of Britain with a great host.
That host was collected from every quarter, and those sons
were filled with pride and wantonness, [going] to attack the
French and the Saxons.
They thought that their father would go to Scandinavia at
once after they departed.
Then their pride and youthful ferocity^ impelled them to
row forward across the Cantabrian Ocean, that is, the sea that
is between Ireland and Spain ; and they reached Spain, and
did many evils in Spain, both storming and plundering.
They came afterwards across the Gaditanean Straits, that is,
the place where the Mediterranean Sea goes into the outer
ocean ; and they reached Africa. And they gave battle to the
Moors, and great slaughter was made of the Moors. However,
on their way to this battle the one son said to the other :
"Brother," said he, "great is the folly and the recklessness
that we show, in being killed from land to land throughout the
world, instead of winning our own ancestral [land], and doing
our father's will ; for he is alone now, in grief and feebleness,
in a land that does not belong to him ; because one of the sons
that we left with him has been killed, as has been revealed to
me " (it was in a dream that this had been revealed to him) ;
" and his other son has been killed in a battle ; and the father
himself scarcely escapes out of that battle." And this was in
fact fulfilled.
When he had said this, he saw the battalion of the Moors
approaching them. And when the son who had said the words
before us saw it, he leapt suddenly into the battalion and came
against the king of the Moors, and struck him a blow with a
great sword, and cut off his hand. Both sides fought hard in
that battle, and neither of them got victory in that battle over
' Rag7iall mac Albdain.
2 A son of Ronald named below is Halfdan, who fell in Ireland in 877.
This may have been the Halfdan who reigned over Danes, with his
brother Sigfrith (see pp. 298, 301, 351).
^ dgbadata. For ocbadbdaia? See Dinneen, s.v. badhta.
294 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
the other. But both sides returned to their camps, after many
had been killed between them. Each side, however, challenged
the other to come to the battle on the morrow. But the king
of the Moors left the camp, and escaped in the night, after the
loss of his hand. When the morning came, the Scandinavians
took their arms, and prepared themselves with hardihood and
vigour for the battle. But when the Moors had learned that
their king had escaped, they fled, after great slaughter had
been made of them.
After that, the Scandinavians went through the country,
and ravaged it ; and they burned the whole land ; and they
brought a great host of [the Moors] in captivity with them to
Ireland. These are the "blue men"^; because Moors are the
same as negroes ; Mauritania is the same as negro-land.^
Scarcely did every third man of the Scandinavians escape,
what with those that were killed, and those of them that were
drowned in the Gaditanean Straits.
Long were these blue men in Ireland.
Mauritania is opposite the Balearic Islands.^
' fi'^ gorma.
^ Literally "the same as blackness." uair is ionann Mauri 7 nigri:
Mauritania is ionairn is nigritiido.
^ This story seems to imply that Ronald was the son of Halfdan the
Black ; that Ronald left Norway not long before Halfdan's death (t 864 or
862), and lived in Orkney with two sons, while other two of his sons pro-
ceeded on warfare to France, Saxony, Spain, and Africa, and lived in
Ireland on their return. The sons that remained in Orkney fell in battle
there. It is almost implied that Ronald recovered his inheritance in
Norway, by aid of the other two sons.
This Ronald, Halfdan's son, has been identified with Ragnar Lodbrokr,
the son, according to Icelandic writers, of Sigurd Ring. But in addition
to their different names and the statements of their different parentage,
other difficulties oppose the identification. This is probably a variant of
the story of Ronald, earl of Mrerr, and his sons (Turf-Einar and Hrolf,
etc.), told of a different Ronald.
Ragnar Lodbrok's kingdom was magnified in tradition. A fabulous
account of him is given in Ragnar's Saga ; cf also the Tale of Ragnar's
Sons (Hauksbok, 458-463). See Saxo Grammaticus, book X ; pp. 301 ff.
Cf. Lorenzen's Gammeldanske Kroniker, 32-35, 88-89 (partly derived from
Adam of Bremen) ; and Oddveria Annall, in Storm's Annaler, 455-457.
Ragnar of the Saga was the invader of France ; his sons fought and
ruled in France and England.
Ragnar {Ragneri) entered Paris on Easter Saturday, 28th March, 845,
RAGNAR LODBROK 295
865
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 374, s.a. 864=865
An eclipse of the sun on the Kalends of January, and an
eclipse of the moon in the same month.^
Cellach, Ailill's son, abbot of Kildare and abbot of lona,
slept in the country of the Picts.^ . . .
The Britons were driven out of their land^ by the Saxons,
and were subjugated in Anglesey of Cinan.* . . .
according to the Fragmentum Chronic! Fontanellensis, s.a. 845 ; M.G.H.,
Scriptores, ii, 302 (the year is also indicated by the indiction).
Ragnar {Reginkeri) fell in France in 845, according to the Annales
Xantenses ; M.G.H., Scriptores, ii, 228.
[Ragnar's son] Eric is called king of the Northmen in 845, by Prudentius
of Troyes ; M.G.H., Scriptores, i, 441.
For Ragnar's sons, see years 867-868, below. For Ronald's family,
see pp. 371-376.
The word Lodbr'dkr (feminine plural) or Lodbrdk (feminine singular)
seems to be a nickname, meaning "wearer of shaggy breeches." But a
12th-century runic inscription in the Maeshowe is said to imply that
Lodbrok was the mother of Lodbrok's sons ; and that she was buried in
Orkney. See G. Storm, in Vikingetidens Historie, 84-85 (1878). This is
perhaps an erroneous implication ; but the whole environment of Ragnar
is obscure. The inscription dates from soon after the winter (1152-1153)
when Scandinavian crusaders remained in Orkney, and, among other
violent acts, broke into the Maeshowe ; some ten of them carved their
names upon the stones.
(Cf. i.a. R.S. 88, iii, pp. xxxvi-xxxviii.)
' The sun was eclipsed in 865 on January ist at i\ p.m., the moon on
January 15th at 6j p.m., Paris time (L'Art de Verifier les Dates).
^ So too (both paragraphs) in C.S., 158, Hennessy's year 865 (but there
"in the country of the Picts" is omitted). Similarly also in D.M.F., III,
162 ; and in F.M., i, 500, s.a. 863 = 865 (and the "3rd year of Aed" Findliath,
sovereign of Ireland), after the death of Tuathal (but F.M. read "died"
for "slept").
^ I.e., Gwynedd, or North Wales.
* tniMaen Chojtain. Cf. D.M.F., III, 154: "In this year, the third
year of the reign of Aed Find-liath [i.e. 865], the Saxons entered [the land
of] the Britons of Gwynedd [z mBreathnaibh Gaimud'\ ; and the Saxons
drove the Britons from their country." The Welsh chronicles place the
death of a Cinan under the year 865 (see B.T. in M.A., 687 ; B.T. in R.B.H.,
259; R.S. 17, 14; 20, 14). But the Cinan who is connected with Mon or
Anglesey was Rotri's son, who fought with his brother Higuel for the
island, and who died in 816 (A.C. ; 817, B.S. in M.A.).
296 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Tuathal, Artgus' son, chief bishop of Fortriu and abbot of
Dunkeld, slept.^
866
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 374, s.a. 865 = 866^
Olaf and Audgisl ^ went into Fortriu, with the Foreigners
of Ireland and Scotland; and they raided all the land of the
Picts, and took hostages from them.*
867-868
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 376, s.a. 866 = 867
A battle [was fought] by the Black-foreigners against the
Saxons of the North, in York ; and in it fell ^lle, king of the
North-Saxons.^
' Similarly (but with the reading " died " for "slept") in D.M.F., u.s. ;
and (before Cellach's death) in F.M., u.s.
^ By sequence.
^ Amlaiph 7 Auisle. Auisle is the Irish form of Audgisl, according to
A. Bugge ; this is probably correct. Stokes suggested that it might have
been auvisli " damage, injury." The form of the name may possibly have
been influenced by the Latin name Auxilius. The Wars give the spelling
Ossill. Perhaps Eowils was an Anglo-Saxon rendering of the same name.
Cf. A.U., i, 372, s.a. 862 = 863: ". . . Three kings of the Foreigners,
. . . Olaf and Ivar and Audgisl." In 867, " Audgisl, the third king of
the Gentiles, was slaughtered by his brothers in treachery and parricide"
(A.U., i, 376, s.a. 866 = 867). Therefore A.U. seem to agree with Duald's
Fragment in making Olaf, Ivar, and Audgisl, brothers. See above, p. 290.
* According to the Chronicle of the Kings (A), " Olaf with his gentiles
wasted Pictland, and dwelt in it" from January ist to March 17th in
Constantine's 3rd year (864-865) : but probably the invasion of 866 is meant.
'" Cf. A.C., in Y Cymmrodor, ix, 165, s.a. [866] (2 years after the "420th
year " after 444) : " The city of York was wasted ; that is, the battle of the
Black-gentiles " {cat dub gint, A ; cat Du lin, B ; not in C : Ab Ithel's ed.,
14). Cf. B.S. in M.A., 655, s.a. 866; B.T. in R.B.H., 259, between years
860 and 870.
These " black foreigners " or " black gentiles " were Danes.
A.S.C., s.a. 867 (ABDE ; C, s.a. 868) : " In this year the [heathen] army
proceeded from East Anglia over Humber-mouth to the city of York in
Northumbria. And there was much dissension within this [Northumbrian]
people among themselves ; and they had deposed their king, Osbeorht,
and received a king, ^lle, not of royal blood. And late in the year they
decided that they should fight against the [Danish] army ; and indeed they
gathered a great army \^fierd\ and went to the [Danish] army at York, and
^LLE AND RAGNAR'S SONS 297
broke into the city ; and some of them got into it ; and there was endless
slaughter of the Northumbrians, some inside and some out. And both the
kings were slain. And those that were left made peace with the [Danish]
army."
According to S.D., i, 54-55, ^lle was placed over Northumbria by the
Danes, when Osbeorht was deposed (in ?863). York was taken on ist
November, 867, in the 5th year of king ^lle ; and kings ^lle and Osbeorht,
uniting their forces, attacked the Danes at York on 21st March, 868, and
fell. The Danes appointed Ecgbeorht king (under themselves) over the
district north of the Tyne ; they passed a year in Mercia, returned to York
for a year, were then led against the East-Angles, and put Edmund to
death (A.D. 870).
Meanwhile, the Northumbrians had expelled Ecgbeorht, and made
Ricsig their king (ibid., 56. Ricsig died in 876, according to S.D., ii, iii).
Historia de S. Cuthberto, R.S. 75, i, 204 : "The army that Ubba, king
of the Frisians, and Halfdan, king of the Danes, had brought into English
land, was divided into three parts : one rebuilt the city of York, and
cultivated the land around it, and remained there. But the second, which
occupied the land of the Mercians, and the third, which invaded the land
of the East Saxons, did many evils for three years, and killed all of royal
race, except only Alfred, king Edward's father, who hid for these three
years in Glastonbury marsh, in great privations."
D.M.F., III, 172, under "the 6th year of the reign of Aed, Niall's son,"
i.e. 868 or 869 : " In this year the Danes went to York, and gave hard
battle to the Saxons there. The Saxons were routed, and the king of
the Saxons, ^Ue, was killed there, through treachery and deceit of a young
lad of his own people. And great slaughter was made in this battle.
Afterwards they entered the city of York, and took much of every kind of
riches, because it was rich at that time ; and they slew all the good men
they found in it. From this arose all manner of misfortune [doc[/t]onacA]
and of tribulation for the island of Britain."
According to the Icelandic writers, ^EUe was killed by Ragnar's sons,
and Ivar Legless became king in his place. The Icelandic accounts of
Ragnar Lodbrokr or Lodbrok, and his sons, are mixed with legend, and
untrustworthy. See OlafTryggvi's son's Saga, cc. 61-64; Ragnar Lodbrok's
Saga ; the Tale of Ragnar's sons, in Hauksbok, ii, 462-465 ; and Ragnars-
drapa (composed in the 9th century by Bragi the Old, Boddi's son), in J.S.,
i, B 1-4. See also above, pp. 294-295, note.
Ragnar's Saga says that the blood-eagle was carved on file's back ;
see the Tale of Ragnar's sons (Fornaldar Sogur, i, 355), where the Knuts-
dr^pa of Sighvat Thord's son (of the first half of the nth century) is quoted
(see J.S., i, B 232 ; Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ii, 135). Cf below, p. 390.
^lle appears prominently in the unhistorical Hrolfs Saga Gautrekssonar
(ed. Detter, 1891), pp. 50, 53, etc. The sagas say that ^lle had put
Ragnar to death in a snake-pit ; but this is probably a literary fable.
Olaf's Saga, c. 63, F.S., i, 114-115 : "Ragnar Lodbrok's sons weie great
warriors ; they avenged their father, and slew king ^lle in England.
298 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Ivar the Legless became king over that part of England which his kinsmen
and relatives had had before. He increased his kingdom in many ways.
He caused the holy king Edmmid to be slain, and took his dominion
[East Anglia] under himself . . . Sigurd Worm-in-eye married Btejo,
king Mile's daughter ; their son was Hordaknut. . . ." Of Hauksb6k,'ii, 464.
Cf the story of file's dealings with Ragnar's sons, in Ragnar
Lodbrok's Saga, cc. 15-18, pp. 156-168.
Olaf's Saga, c. 64; F.S., i, 117 : '' Of Ivar Legless.
[After file's death] " Ivar the Legless was king in England for a long
time. He had no child, because [so it is said] he had not the desire nor
the faculty for that : but he had no lack of understanding or ferocity. He
died of old age in England, and was buried there. Then were all
Lodbrok's sons dead.
"After that, ^Ethelmund, Edgar's son, the brother's son of Edmund
the Holy, took the kingdom in England. And he christianized England
widely, and took taxes from Northumberland, which was heathen. . . ."
Similarly in FI., i, 106. Cf Hauksbok, ii, 465.
Ari says that in 870 Ivar, Ragnar Lodbrok's son, "caused the holy
Edmund, king of the English, to be slain" (see below, pp. 337-338)-
Sogubrot af Fornkonungum (Fornaldar Sogur, i, 387 - 388) says that
"Sigurd Ring was king over Sweden and Denmark, after king Harold
Hilditaunn ; and then his son Ragnar grew up in his father's court. . . .
But when king [Sigurd] Ring began to grow old and infirm, his kingdom
began to diminish, and especially he lost that part that was farthest away.
The king is named yEthelbeorht, that had come of the race of king ^lle,
whom Halfdan Ylfing had slain ; and [^thelbeorht] had taken under
himself the part of England that is called Northumberland. That part
king [Sigurd] Ring had had, and king Harold [Hilditaunn] before him.
King iEthelbeorht ruled over that dominion for a long time ; his sons were
called Ama and yElle, and they were kings in Northumberland after their
father." If not mythical, this yEthelbeorht, a descendant of yEUe Yffe's
son, may have ruled over Deira. According to Anglo-Saxon sources, an
yEthelbeorht was the great-grandfather of king Ida. See Searle, ii, 255.
Ynglinga Saga, c. 41, asserts that Ivar Wide-fathom, king of Denmark
and Sweden (Harold Hilditaunn's grandfather) had possessed Northumbria.
According to Langfedgatal, this Ivar was Ragnar Lodbrok's grandfather's
great-grandfather.
Adam of Bremen, Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Episcoporum, I,
39 ; M.G.H., Scriptores, vii, 298 : "What kings there were of the Danes,
in [archbishop Rimbert's] time [865-888], is not found in his Life. In the
History of the Franks, Sigfrith and his brother Halfdan are said to have
reigned : and also they sent gifts to emperor Louis [840-876], namely
a sword with a golden hilt, and other things, asking for peace ; and from
both sides intermediaries were sent to the river Eider ; and they swore
upon their arms, according to the custom of the nation, a steadfast peace.
" There were also other kings of the Danes or of the Norwegians, who
harassed France with piratical expeditions at that time. Chief among
IVAR, RAGNAR'S SON 299
these were the tyrants Eric, Orwic, Godfrey, Rudolf, and Inguar. The
most cruel of them all was Inguar, Lodparch's son, who put Christians
to death everywhere with torture. It is written in the Deeds of the
Franks."
The Annals of Lund copy Adam, but add the names of Ivar and Ubbi,
and name all the "princes" sons of Lodbrok ; M.G.H., Scriptores, xxix,
197 : "In those days" (the reign of Eric the Young, king of Denmark)
"the princes of the Danes were the most fierce and cruelisons of Lodbrok ;
they harassed France with piratical expeditions. Chief among these were
Eric, Orwic, Godfrey, Ivar, Rudolf, Inguar, and Ubbi. The most cruel
were Ivar and Inguar, Lodbrok's sons, who put Christians to death
everywhere with torture." So too the Annals of Roskild make Ivar and
Inguar two men (Langebek, Scriptores, i, 374). This may have been the
result of mixing different versions of the story of Lodbrok's sons. An
attempt is made in the Tale of Ragnar's sons (below) to reconcile different
versions.
According to the unhistorical Tale of Ragnar's sons (Fornaldar Sogur,
i, 345-346), Ragnar, king of Sweden and Denmark after the death of Sigurd
Ring, married Thora Borgarhiortr : " He had two sons by Thora ; one was
called Eric, and the other Agnar. . . . Afterwards Ragnar married Aslaug,
whom some call Randalin, daughter of Sigurd Fafni's-bane and Brynhild,
Budli's daughter. They had four sons : Ivar Legless was the eldest, then
Biorn Ironside, then Hvitserk, then Sigurd : he had a mark in his eye,
as if a worm lay about the pupil ; and therefore he was called Sigurd
Worm-in-eye." (In reality it appears that Worm-in-eye meant " of snake-
like eyes.")
After the death of ^lle (ibid., 354) : " Ivar became king over that part
of England that his relatives had had before. He had two brothers born
out of wedlock ; the one was called Ynguar, the other Husto. These
tortured king Edmund the holy at Ivar's command, and then [Ivar] laid
under himself [Edmund's] kingdom." See below, p. 300.
Icelandic Annals, version C, s.a. 861 : ^^ From the Chronicle of [fhe
archbishops] of Bremen. At this time Sigurd with his brother Halfdan
reigned in Denmark ; they sent gifts to the emperor Louis. And there
were other kings who harassed France greatly at this time, from Norway
and Denmark : Sigurd, Eric, Hiordung, Rudolf, and Inguar, Lodbrok's
son, who was the most cruel of all." Version D, s.a. 861: "In these
times, Sigurd reigned in Denmark with his brother Halfdan"; s.a. 862:
" [These] kings fought in France : Sigurd, Eric, Hiordung, Rudolf, Ivar,
sons of Ragnar Lodbrok." Version E, s.a. 861 : "Ivar the Legless came
to England."
Icelandic Annals (KBD) s.a. 884 : "The Danes proceeded inland along
the Rhine, and burned Cologne : the lords over them were Sigurd and
Godfrey."
Ragnar's sons are named in Gammeldanske Kroniker (MS. Holm.
B. Ti), p. 36: "Eric, Orwic, Godfrey, Rudolf, Inguar, Ubbi." Ryde-
aarbogen, I, ibid. p. 8g, says: "[Ragnar] had nine sons. . . . Inguar, his
300 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
son, was the most cruel among the brothers. Sigurd, his son, came
after him."
The number of Ragnar's sons was increased in course of tradition.
Inguar, Lodparch's son, appears to have been the same person as, or
else in the legends to have been confounded with, the Ivar, Ragnar
Lodbrok's son, of the Icelandic writers. " Originally a by-form of Ingvarr,
Ivarr has already in prehistoric times become an independent name " ;
E.H. Lind, Norsk-islandska Dopnamn, 663.
The slayer of Edmund is called Inguar by Abbo Floriacensis. Abbo
gives an account of the invasions of England by Inguar and Ubbi or
Hubba, and describes the manner in which Inguar put king Edmund to
death in 870 : Passio S. Eadmundi, R.S. 96, i, 8-16. Cf. i.a. B.S. in M.A.,
655, s.a. 867. See Matthew Paris's story of Inguar and Hubba ; Chronica
Majora, s.a. 870 (E.G., 61-62).
The Irish writers say that Olaf, Godfrey's son, was king in Ireland from
853 (with his brother Ivar, from 857) till 872. From 872, Ivar, Godfrey's
son, was king of the Norwegians and Danes in Ireland and Britain,' till
873, when he died. But the Icelandic writers say that Ivar, Ragnar's son,
was king over the same peoples, in York, for a long time after 867 ; Olaf
Tryggvi's son's Saga says that he survived the other sons of Lodbrok, and
died of age.
yEthelweard says that in the year of j^thelred's accession [866] "the
fleets of the tyrant Inguar \tyranni Igwares] arrived from the north in the
land of the Angles" (M.B.H., 512).
According to ^thelweard, king Edmund was killed, and " the barbarians
obtained the favour of victory, for the time, soon after the death of the
king ; but their own king, Ivar {^luuar\, also died in the same year." But
later, ^thelweard says also that Inguar fell in the battle of Woden's-field
(which he places in [909] ; the A.S.C., in 911 ; the Annals of St Neot's, in
910 — Stevenson's Asser, 144-145): "three of the kings of the Danes fell
there, . . . namely Halfdan, Eowils [Eyuuysl] also, and moreover Inguar
[7guuar\, leaving his tyranny, then hastened to the palace of hell ; and
along with them their aldermen, leaders, and nobles" (M.B.H., 513, 519).
A.S.C. (91 r, ABCD) and H.H. say that kings Eowils and Halfdan fell
in the battle of Woden's-field. F.W. (s.a. gii) says that the army of the
West-Saxons and Mercians killed "two kings of [the Danes], Eowils and
Halfdan, brothers of king Inguar. . . ." This was a full generation after
the time when Inguar and Halfdan, Ragnar's sons, flourished ; F.W. has
probably erred in thinking that the Halfdan who fell at Woden's-field was
the same who invaded England in 866.
Through reading "Inguar and Halfdan" instead of Asser's "brother of
Inguar and Halfdan," Simeon of Durham erroneously places these kings'
deaths in Devon, in 877 (M.B.H., 481, 681, 683 n.). See A.S.C., s.a. 878
(ABDE ; 879, C) ; Asser, c. 54, p. 43, s.a. 878 (c. 52, p. 40). Halfdan does
seem to have died in 877, but in Ireland ; and his father seems to have
been Ronald, not Ragnar.
The Historia de S. Cuthberto (R.S. 75, i, 202-203) g'ves a vague account
SCANDINAVIAN LEADERS 301
870
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 382, s.a. 869 = 870
Siege of Dumbarton ^ by the Northmen ; that is to say,
Olaf and Ivar, two kings of the Northmen, besieged that
fortress, and at the end of four months destroyed the fortress
and plundered it.^
of Halfdan's death ; S.D. (ibid., 56-58, 68) gives a similar account, but in
addition implies that Halfdan died in 882.
Of jEthelweard's statements of Ivar's or Inguar's death, the first
disagrees with the sagas, which say that Ivar reigned long in Northumbria ;
it may have been due to a sense of poetic justice, or to confusion with Ivar,
Godfrey's son (t 873). ^thelweard's second statement differs from his
first ; it differs from Olaf's Saga, which says that Ivar died of old age ; and
it is not supported by the other English chronicles.
There was much intercourse at this time between the invaders of Frajice
and of Britain, of Britain and of Ireland. Danes and Norwegians fought for
the command of the Scandinavian settlements in France and in Ireland.
Danish leaders mentioned in A.S.C. at this time were: — Inguar and
Hubba (insertion in F, 870) ; kings Bagsecg and Halfdan, earls Sidroc
the Old, and Sidroc the Young, Osbearn, Fr^na, and Harold (ABDEFG,
871; C, 872); kings Halfdan, Guthorm, Oscytel, and Anwynd (ABDE,
875 ; C, 876) ; and "the brother of Inguar and of Halfdan " (ABDE, 878 ;
C, 879). Halfdan's brother fell in 878. King Guthorm (^thelstan) died
in 890 (ABDEF, 891, C ; 890 in Annals of St. Neots). Halfdan fell at Loch
Cuan in Ireland in 877, according to the Irish annals (see below, p. 351).
For Inguar, see p. 300.
The " peace which king Alfred, and king Guthorm, and the whole
council of the English race, and all the people that are in East Anglia,
have all declared and with oaths confirmed" is to be found in Thorpe's
Ancient Laws and Institutes, i, 66-67 > 505- This treaty of Wedmore was
made in 878 (A.S.C., ABDEF ; 879, C).
Ivar Ragnar's son's half-sister is said to have come to Britain.
Landnamabok, c. 143, p. 58 : " Hunda-steinar was the name of an earl in
England. He married Alof, Ragnar Lodbrok's daughter. . . ." Their
son Biorn was the father of Audun SkokuU, who was a great-great-grand-
father of St. Olaf (born in 995). Audun Skokull went out to Iceland, and
settled in Vi'didalr.
Of Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 158 (F.S., ii, 23-24). See an account of
Ragnar's kindred, in Hauksbok, ii, 505-506. Cf also above, pp. 294-300 ;
and below, pp. 306-309. Very little trust can be placed upon any of the
Icelandic accounts of Ragnar and his kindred. Cf the genealogical table
in Searle's Onomasticon (1899), "> 378-379- See below, p. 307.
1 obsesio Ailech Chiathe.
2 This siege was probably the " plundering of Strathclyde " which
stands among the themes of Irish literary compositions ; L.L., 190.
302 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
870
Duald Mac-Pirbis, Fragment III, p. 192
In this year^ the kings of the Scandinavians besieged
Strathclyde,^ in Britain. They were for four months besieging
it ; and at last, after reducing^ the people who were inside by
hunger and thirst (after the well that they had in their midst
had dried up miraculously), they broke in upon them after-
wards. And firstly, all the riches that were in it were taken ;
[and also] a great host [was taken] out of it in captivity.*
870
Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 166, s.a. [870]^
The citadel of Dumbarton'' was broken by the gentiles.'^
871
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 382-384, s.a. 870 = 871
Olaf and Ivar came again to Dublin from Scotland, with
two hundred ships ; and a very great spoil of people — of
D.A.I., 35, s.a. 870 : "Plundering of Leinster by Aed, Niall's son, from
Dublin to Gowran, after Olaf and Ivar [Godfrey's sons] had gone with the
crews of 200 ships to assist the Scandinavians of Britain with the princes
of Scandinavia" {u7n a ttaoisicc Lochlannn, in O'Conor's text), " Inguar and
Hubba."
The plundering of Leinster is placed by A.U. before the invasion of
Scotland, but D.A.I, are probably right in placing it after the departure of
Olaf and Ivar.
For the invasion of Berwickshire by "Inguar and Hubba," and the
self-mutilation of abbess iEbbe and the nuns of Coldingham in 870, see
E.G., 61-62. The story is also told by R.W. Hubba (Ubbi) may have
given his name to Ubbanford, "Ubbi's ford," i.e. Norham (S.D., i, 361).
' I.e., the year of the battle of Dunbolg, 870.
^ do ronsad forbaisi for sraith Cluaide.
^ iar fforacJi.
* This is followed by the note : " ' Duald Mac-Firbis wrote this, 1643' '■
so said the first transcriber."
^ Placed 6 years after the "420th year" after 444. This is not in MS.
B or C ; Ab Ithel's ed., 14.
" arx Alt-clutj in B.S., twr Alclut.
' Cf. B.S. in IVI.A., 655, s.a. 670: "The fortress of Dumbarton was
broken." B.T. in R.B.H., 259: "870 years was the age of Christ, when
. . . the castle of Dumbarton was destroyed by the pagans." B.T. in
M.A., 687, s.a. 870: "The black-pagans broke down Caer-Alclud"
(similarly also in Brut leuan Brechfa, M.A., 716).
GODFREY'S SONS INVADE STRATHCLYDE 303
English, and Britons, and Picts — was brought with them to
Ireland in captivity.^
871
Duald Mac-Pirtais, Fragment III, p. 194^
Olaf went from Ireland to Scandinavia, to fight with the
Scandinavians^ and to assist his father, Godfrey; for the
Scandinavians were warring against [Godfrey] ; and [Godfrey]
his father had sent to him.* But since it would take long to tell
the cause of the war, and seeing that it concerns us so little,^
although we know about it, we shall abstain from writing about
it ; because it is our concern to write about what relates to
Ireland, and indeed not everything of that; since the Irish
suffer not only the evils of the Scandinavians,® but also many
evils from themselves/
1 D.M.F., Ill, 194 (in the year after the siege of Dumbarton): "Olaf
and Ivar came again from Scotland to Dublin, with a great spoil [brad mdr]
of Britons, Scots, and Saxons. Their number was 200 ships."
C.S., 162, Hennessy's year 871 : Olaf and Ivar came again to Dublin
from Scotland. They had 200 ships. A great spoil of people " {creach mor
daine, for which A.U. have preda maxima hominum) "of English and
Britons was brought to Ireland.
"Ailill, Dunlaing's son, king of Leinster, was killed by the Northmen."
D.A.I., 35-36, s.a. 871, have the same account as C.S., but conclude with
the words " by Scandinavians " {do Lochlaimaibh).
Ailill's death is noted in A.U., and in D.M.F., Ill, after the storming of
Dunseverick (in the same year). D.M.F,, u.s. : " Ailill, Dunlaing's son, king
of Leinster and the Northmen, was killed."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 141, s.a. 864: "Olaf and Audgisl \Awley
and Hushe\ the two princes of the Danes, with all their forces went to
Pictland, and there spoiled the country, and brought from thence hostages
in token of subjection, A.D. 871."
- The same year-section has Olaf and Ivar's return from Scotland,
corresponding to the Ulster Annals' 870 = 87 r. The next year in Duald's
Fragment is called the loth of Aed, i.e. 871 or 872 (see year 872).
5 i Locklainn . . . ar Lochlandaibh.
■* ar ttiachtain 6 a athair ar a chenn. Cf. year 853.
For Godfrey's death, see year 873.
^ ara laighed tremdhirges cugainn.
^ uilc na Lochlann (here evidently a generic term for all Scandinavians).
^ Olaf is mentioned for the last time in A.U. in 870 = 871. (In that year,
"Ailill, son of Dunlaing, king of the Leinstermen, was killed by the
Northmen.") The same Annals place the death of " Ivar, king of the North-
304 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
872
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 384, s.a. 871 =872 1
Artga[l], king of the Britons of Strathclyde, was slain by
counsel of Constantine, Kenneth's son.^
872
Duald Mac-Firlbis, Fragment III, p. 194
In this year, the tenth year^ of the reign of Aed Find-liath,
Ivar, son of Godfrey, son of Ronald,* son of Godfrey Conung,
son of Godfrey, and the son of the man who had gone from
Ireland — i.e., of Olaf ^ — , plundered Ireland from west to east,
and from south to north.
873
Duald Mac-Firtais, Fragment III, p. 196
In this year (the eleventh year of the reign of Aed"), Bard,
foster-father of the king's son,'' drew many ships westwards
from the sea to Lough Ree, and from [these ships] wasted the
men of all Ireland and Britain," in 872 = 873 : therefore Olaf had ceased to
be king then (871 x 873). According to the Chronicle of the Kings, he fell
in Scotland a short while before 875 (in 874, if we accept the simplest
emendation of the text). See below, year 877.
' With the marginal note " bissextile."
^ Similarly in C.S., 162, Hennessy's year 872 (but with the reading
" Ardgal ").
3 I.e., 871 or 872.
■* This appears to have been the Ronald, Halfdan's son, spoken of by
the same Fragment under 864 (above) ; therefore the words " son of
Halfdan " seem to have been omitted here. See above, pp. 293, 294.
^ I.e., Olaf Conung, Godfrey's son, and this Ivar's brother, according
to Duald's Fragment III. Conung is a nickname or title (Icelandic
konungr "king"). Olafs son was probably the Oistin or Eystein who
fell in 875.
There is nothing to indicate that Eystein was Thorstein the Red, or
that he was a son of Aud the Deep-minded. Thorsteinn became Torstan
in Irish. Thorstein and Eystein were certainly different men.
Halfdan had come to England (below, pp. 350, 351) and Ireland after
Olaf Godfrey's son's departure from Ireland, and death. Halfdan seems
to have wished to take Olafs place in Ireland.
" I.e., 872 or 873.
' Bard[/?arzV] was probably fosterer of Eystein, Olafs son ; see above.
KINGS ARTHGAL, GODFREY, AND IVAR 305
islands of Lough Ree, and the neighbouring farms, and
Mag-Luirg.
There God freed Columba's successor^ from the hands of
the Scandinavians ; and while he escaped from their hands,
they thought that he was a stone pillar.
873
Duald Mac-Pirbis, Fragment III, p. 198-
Death of the king of the Scandinavians, Godfrey,^ of a
sudden horrible pestilence*; for so it pleased God.
Harassings of the Welsh ^ in this year.
873
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 386, s.a 872 = 873 ^
Ivar, king of the Northmen of all Ireland and Britain, ended
his life.'^
873
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 386, s.a. 872 = 873^
Flaithbertach, Muirchertach's son, abbot of Dunkeld, died.^
ca. 853- ca. 874
Landnamabok, c. 82, p. 36^''
Olaf the White was the name of a war-king.^"^ He was the
1 I.e., Feradach (t J
2 Placed in the nth year of Aed, i.e., 872 or 873.
3 eg righ Lochlann, i. Gothfraidh. This Godfrey was apparently the son
of Ronald spoken of above. See years 872, 864. Godfrey may have
reigned over some district in Norway ; but the Icelandic writers do not
mention him.
■* do tedmeimm grdna opond.
^ imneda Breta7i.
^ With epact of 873.
' C.S., 164, Hennessy's year 873 : " Ivar, king of the Northmen of all
Ireland, reposed."
D.A.I., 36, s.a. 873: "The death of Ivar, king of the Foreigners of
Ireland."
8 With epact of 873.
1 So also in F.M., i, 516, s.a. 871=873 (and the "nth year of Aed").
w Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 122 (F.S., i, 246 ; Fl., i, 165).
" Eyrbyggia Saga says that Olaf the White was " the greatest war-king
in the west beyond the sea" when Ketil Flatnose came to the Hebrides :
but Olaf was probably not alive then.
U
306
EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
son of king Ingiald, the son of Helgi, the son of Olaf, the
son of Godfrey, the son of Halfdan White-leg, king of the
Uplanders>
1 I.e. the Uplanders in Norway.
Ari, Islendingabok, genealogies, p. 14 : "These are the names of the
pedigrees of the Ynglingar and Breidfirdingar : i. Yngve, king of the
Turks ; ii. Niord, king of the Swedes ; iii. Frey ; iiii. Fiolner, who died at
Frid-Froda ; v. Svegther ; vi. Vanlande ; vii. Visbur ; viii. Domald ;
ix. Domar ; x. Dyggve ; xi. Dag ; xii. Alrek ; xiii. Agne ; xiiii. Yngve ;
XV. lorund ; xvi. Aun the Old; xvii. Egil Vendil-kraka ; xviii. Ottar ;
xix. Adisl in Upsala ; xx. Eystein ; xxi. Ynguar ; xxii. Braut-Onund ;
xxiii. Ingiald the Wicked ; xxiiii. Olaf Tree-hewer ; xxv. Halfdan Whiteleg,
king of the Uplanders; xxvi. Godfrey; xxvii. Olaf; xxviii. Helgi; xxix.
Ingiald, daughter's son to Sigurd, Ragnar Lodbrok's son ; xxx. Olaf the
White ; xxxi. Thorstein the Red ; xxxii. Olaf Feilan, who first of them
lived in Iceland ; xxxiii. Thord Yeller ; xxxiiii. Eyiolf, who was baptized
in his old age, when Christianity came to Iceland ; xxxv. Thorkel ;
xxxvi. Gelli, father of Thorkel, and Brand, and Thorgils, my father ; and
I am called Ari."
With this pedigree cf the Heimskringla's Ynglinga Saga : for Adisl
(or Audgisl), also Hrolfs Saga Kraka, cc. 11, ff. Cf also Langfedgatal's
(12th-century) pedigree, in Langebek's Scriptores, i, 4-5 ; and the tract
Af Upplendinga Konungum, in Rafn's Fornaldar Sogur, ii, 103-105.
Nial's Saga, c. i : "A man was called Hauskuld ; he was the son of
Dales-Koll. His mother was called Thorgerd, and was the daughter of
Thorstein the Red, son of Olaf the White, son of Ingiald, son of Helgi.
Ingiald's mother was Thora, daughter of Sigurd Worm-in-eye, son of
Ragnar Lodbrok. . . ."
Cf Niil's Saga, c. 114: " Snorri [Godi's] father was called Thorgrim.
and was the son of Thorstein Codbiter. . . . Thorgrim's mother was called
Thora, a daughter of Olaf Feilan, son of Thorstein the Red, son of Olaf
the White, son of Ingiald, son of Helgi ; and Ingiald's mother was called
Thora, daughter of Sigurd Worm-in-eye, son of Ragnar Lodbrok."
Cf. the tract Af Upplendinga Konungum, in Rafn's Fornaldar Sogur,
ii, 104: "... Halfdan [Whiteleg] possessed Raumariki, and much of
Heidmark. He died of disease, at Thotn ; and he was carried to
Heidmark, and buried there.
" Godfrey, Halfdan's son, was king in Heidmark after his father. His
son was Helgi, father of Ingiald, father of Olaf the White, who married
Aud the Deep-minded, daughter of Ketil Flatnbse ; their son was
Thorstein Red, who was earl in Scotland, and fell there.
"Eystein, son of Halfdan Whiteleg, was king in Raumariki. He
married a daughter of Eric, Agnar's son, who was king in Vestfold. . . ."
Olaf s marriage with Aud took place before 860 ; therefore probably
before Olaf the White left Norway. Olaf seems to have succeeded Godfrey
(+ 853) as ruler of the Hebrides ; and he had almost certainly died before
Ketil made himself ruler of the Hebrides, not long after 874.
OLAF THE WHITE
307
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308 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Olaf the White went on a piratical expedition in the west,
and took Dublin in Ireland, and Dublin-shire, and was made
king over it.^
1 Landnamabok's statement seems to show that the writer identified
Olaf the White with the Olaf, king of the Norwegians of Dublin, who
appears in the Irish annals at the same time (853-872), and who is called
Olaf the Young by D.A.I. Cf. above, p. 304, note. But the pedigree of
Olaf the White given by Ari and other Icelandic writers differs from that
of Olaf the Young given by D.M.F. (see p. 307).
There is a very strong probability that Godfrey [tSio] and Halfdan
[+ 864] are the same in both pedigrees. (Cf. E. H. Lind, in the Historisk
Tidskrift, 1896, p. 251.) Godfrey Conung is almost certainly the Godfrey,
king of the Danes, who opposed Charlemagne, and died in 810. Godfrey,
Halfdan's son, was called " Godfrey the Proud ; and some called him
the Hunter-king," according to the Heimskringla's Ynglinga Saga, c. 48.
He is elsewhere called " Godfrey the Noble." This Godfrey was king of
Vestfold, Raumariki, Vestmarar, and one half of Vingulmark ; he probably
inherited also Soleyiar, and much of Heidmark, and Thotn, and Hadaland.
He annexed Agdir. (See Ynglinga Saga, and Af Upplendinga Konungum.)
Godfrey's son, Olaf Geirstada-Alf, ruled over Vestfold (Ynglinga Saga,
c. 49) ; "over the wide land of Ofsi, and over Vestmar ; also over the shire
of Grenland" (Ynglingatal, quoted ibid.; see J.S., i, A 14-15, B 13; cf
Corpus Poeticum Boreale, i, 250. Over Grenland, also Af Upplendinga
Konungum).
Godfrey's son, Halfdan the Black, was one year old when Godfrey died
17 years afterwards, Halfdan the Black became king of Agdir, and
obtained a share of Olafs kingdom of Vestfold, and half of Vingulmark ;
he afterwards annexed Sogn, and the remainder of Vingulmark
(Heimskringla's Halfdan the Black). (See Spruner-Menke, Hand-Atlas
fur die Geschichte des Mittel-alters, map no. 64 ; Storm's H., s.f.)
Halfdan's son was Harold Fairhair, who succeeded him, and became
king of Norway.
Olafs son was Ronald Higher-than-the-Hills, in whose honour
Thiodolf wrote the Ynglingatal. But Thiodolf calls Ronald "the
Highly-Honoured."
The Icelandic writers' account of Ragnar and his kindred is vitiated by
a large admixture of fable. According to these, Ragnar was put to death
in a snake-pit, by MUe, in Northumbria ; but this story is probably
a literary invention, leading up to the killing of ^Ue by Ragnar's sons.
According to chronicles of France and Germany, Reginhere invaded
Paris in 845, and died in that year. This historical Ragnar was probably
the hero of the saga. But according to the Icelandic pedigrees, Olaf the
White was descended from Ragnar Lodbrok by 4 generations ; Harold
Fairhair, by 5 ; Olaf Tryggvi's son, by 7 ; St Olaf, by 7 (cf. Hauksbok,
505-506). It is obvious that the Ragnar who probably flourished and died
in 845, and whose sons flourished in 867 and 870, could not have been the
OLAF THE YOUNG. DANISH KINGS 309
grandfather's great-grandfather of Thorstein the Red, who was old enough
for warfare before 890 ; nor of Harold Fairhair, who was born in 854.
Sons of Ronald have perhaps been added to the number of Ragnar's sons.
Duald's account of Ronald and his sons is consistent, except that in the
pedigree of Ivar (above, year 872) the name of Halfdan has been omitted.
Another son of Ronald was Halfdan, who fell in 877 (Wars of the Irish
with the Foreigners).
Ronald's son fell in Ireland. Halfdan was endeavouring to claim
authority over the Scandinavian inhabitants of Ireland. He may have
been the same Halfdan who reigned over the Danes at this time, along
with his brother Sigfrith ; in that case, Sigfrith also would have been a
son of Ronald.
Olaf the White's grandfather, called Helgi in Landnamabok, is called
Frodi in Fostbroedra Saga (Origines Islandicae, i, 249). Olaf the White's
great-grandfather, Olaf Godfrey's son, is omitted by the tract Af Upplend-
inga Konungum. Olaf the White was a descendant of Aun (cf p. 292).
We cannot identify the two Olafs (Olaf the White and Olaf the Young)
without rejecting Ari's pedigree where his evidence is strongest, at the
bottom of the tree. There are other difficulties in the way of identification.
According to D.M.F., III, 150, Olaf Godfrey's son married the daughter
of Aed, Niall's son {ingen Aodha), afterwards king of Ireland [862 or 863-
879] ; and (pp. 170-172) in the 6th year of Aed's reign (i.e. 867) Olaf killed
his brother Audgisl, because Audgisl proposed to relieve him of his wife :
but she is there called the daughter of Kenneth {inghen Cinaoth), which is
probably the true reading in the previous place also. Kenneth, Conaing's
son, king of the Ciannachta in eastern Meath, was put to death by Mael-
sechlaind in Maelsechlaind's 5th year (i.e. 851 or 852), because he had
with the Norwegians destroyed sacred buildings (D.IVI.F., Ill, n6-ii8).
Cf. A.U., s.aa. 849, 850.
Olafs killing of Audgisl is regarded as a miracle of Mochuta, in the
Wars of the Irish with the Foreigners, p. 32.
Olaf, Godfrey's son, is therefore said to have married a daughter of
Aed or of Kenneth, at a time when Aud, Ketil Flatnose's daughter, was
Olaf the White's wife. The statement of Olaf Godfrey's son's marriage
(though late, inconsistent, and fabulous) inclines to prove that Olaf
Godfrey's son was not Olaf the White ; unless, indeed, a second marriage
might have been a cause of warfare between Olaf the White and Ketil
Flatnose, in Ireland, in 857 — a conjecture which cannot be entertained
without more evidence. Olaf and Godfrey were very common names.
Aud is said to have been in Norway before Ketil Flatnose set out for
the Hebrides ; Ketil made himself ruler over the Hebrides, and Olaf the
White's son invaded Scotland from there with the earl of Orkney (874 x
894).
The history of the Scandinavians in Denmark and France is very
obscure at this time. Godfrey, king of the Danes — apparently the Godfrey
Conung in Duald's pedigree of Ivar — invaded Saxony in 804, and the
Abodriti in Wendland in 808 (Annales S. Amandi ; M.G.H., Scriptores,
310 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
i, 14. Einliard, Annales, ibid., i, 191, 195. Chronicon Moissiacense, ibid.,
i, 308. Cf. Einhard's Vita Karoli, ibid, ii, 450). Godfrey died in 810
(Einhard, and Chronicon Moissiacense ; ibid., i, 197, 309). His brother's
son was called Ronald (t 808 ; cf. Annales S. Amandi, ibid, i, 14). A Ronald,
count of Herbauges (in the north-west of Poitou), died in 843. (See
Prudentius of Troyes ; Fragmentum Chronici Fontanellensis ; Chronicon
Aquitanicum ; and Ademar, Historiae, III, 17 : in M.G.H., Scriptores, i, 439'
ii, 302 ; ii, 253 ; iv, 121.) This Ronald had been beaten, in conflict with
Northmen, in 835; Ademar, u.s., 120. Prudentius calls him "duke of Nantes."
There is no evidence to suggest that this Ronald was a relative of Godfrey.
Godfrey was succeeded (according to Einhard) by his brother's son
Hemming, who died in 812 (a year indicated also by the record of an
eclipse of the sun).
Sigfrith, Godfrey's grandson {nepos\ and Anulo, Heriold's grandson
inepos), fought for the kingship, and both fell (Einhard, Annales). There
was a long struggle between the sons of Godfrey and the grandsons of
Heriold, until Heriold the Dane, Heriold's grandson, died in 852 (Ruodolf
of Fulda).
The 13th-century list of Danish kings, the Brevior Historia Regum
Daniae, in Langebek's Scriptores, i, 16, places Godfrey or Gautrek's reign
after Gorm the Old : " Gautrek the Generous. He, after subduing the
Frisians, and the Nordalbingi, and the peoples of the Slavs, threatened
Charlemagne with war.
" Olaf, [Gautrek's] son.
" Hemming, OlaPs son. He, a grandson of Gautrek, succeeding to the
kingdom made peace with Charles. He accepted the river Eider as the
boundary of his kingdom.
" Syward and Syward Ring, grandsons of Gautrek. These both entered
battle for the sceptre ; but both fell on the field, with eleven thousand.
" Lodbrok \Lothbroki\ son of Syward Ring.
" Harold Klak, who was also called Herioldus. He was expelled by
the sons of Gautrek, who is also called Godfrey [Godefrtd]. And fleeing
he came to emperor Louis, the son of Charlemagne ; and from him he
received the Christian faith. He returned to Denmark, accompanied by
the holy bishop Anskarius."
A Godfrey, son of Heriold the Dane, was a leader of Northmen in
France from 849 to 855 (Ruodolf of Fulda, M.G.H., Scriptores, i, 366 ;
Prudentius of Troyes).
Eric, sole king of the Danes [and of the Northmen of France] (Vita
S. Anskarii, c. 24; M.G.H., Scriptores, ii, 709), divided his kingdom with
his two nephews, in 850 (Prudentius of Troyes). (Cf. Einhard's Annales,
U.S., 216, s.a. 827.) In 854, "the Danes fought among themselves in
intestine warfare, and raged in a three days' most obstinate struggle ; so
that king Eric and the other kings with him were killed, and almost all
the nobility perished" (Prudentius of Troyes, Annales, s.a. 854; M.G.H.,
Scriptores, i, 448-449. Cf. Vita S. Anskarii, c. 32 ; ibid, ii, 715). Eric was
succeeded by Eric the Young.
AUD AND THORSTEIN 311
He married Aud the Deep-minded,^ the daughter of Ketil
Flatnose. Their son was called Thorstein the Red.
Olaf fell in Ireland in battle.^ Then Aud and Thorstein
sailed to the Hebrides. There Thorstein married Thurid, the
It is possible that Godfrey, Ronald's son, might have reigned over
Northmen in France between the years 854 and 873 ; but Duald's Fragment
seems to be the only evidence of this, and its evidence is uncertain.
Duald's Fragment says that Godfrey sent Olaf to collect tribute from
Ireland in 853, and afterwards Ivar, for the same purpose ; and that
Godfrey himself was in Ireland in 854. But in 872 Olaf left Ireland, to
defend Godfrey from a rebellion of his subjects; and in 873 Godfrey died
of disease.
Sigfrith was king of the Danes in 873 (Annales Fuldenses ; M.G.H.,
Scriptores, i, 386) ; he and another Godfrey were kings of the Northmen
in France, in 880 (Annales Vedastini ; M.G.H., Scriptores, ii, 198), and in
881 (Regino's Chronicon, ibid., i, 592), in 882, and until 891, when they
fell (Annales Fuldenses, ibid, i, 396, 408).
Sigfrith had a brother, Halfdan, who reigned with him, according to
Adam of Bremen (see years 867-868, note).
There was also one "Rudolf, a certain Northman of royal race," in
873 (Annales Fuldenses ; M.G.H., Scriptores, i, 386).
^ Diiipudgaj usually (but incorrectly) diupaitdga " the deeply -wealthy."
Eyrbyggia Saga, c. i, pp. 3-4, after describing Ketil's expedition to the
Hebrides, says : " Ketil Flatnose gave " {gipti; perhaps " had given ")
" his daughter Aud in marriage to Olaf White, who was then the greatest
war-king in the west beyond the sea. He was a son of Ingiald, Helgi's
son ; and Ingiald's mother was Thora, daughter of Sigurd Worm-in-eye,
Ragnar Lodbrok's son.
" Thoruim Hyrna he gave " (u.s.) " to Helgi the Lean, son of Eyvind
Eastman and Raforta, daughter of Kiarval the Irish king."
Eyrbyggia Saga seems to put both these marriages after Ketil's arrival
in the Hebrides ; but this is certainly untrue of Aud's marriage : the
grand-daughters of Aud and Olaf were of marriageable age some years
before 900, probably before 895.
° Olaf, Godfrey's son, died after 871, and perhaps in 874 (see years 871,
877, notes).
Although Olaf the White seems to have died about the same time, the
statement that he fell in Ireland is one of the facts that oppose the identifi-
cation of Olaf Godfrey's son with Olaf the White. See above, p. 309. Olaf
of Dublin fell in Scotland ; Olaf of the Hebrides is said to have fallen in
Ireland.
Asmund, a "son of Olaf, king of the Scots," and foster-brother of
Hrolf Gautrek's son, king of the Goths, is a prominent figure in Hrolf
Gautrek's son's Saga. Hrolf and Asmund with help from ^Ue, king of
the Northumbrians (.-. x 867), invaded Ireland (ibid., p. 59) ; after many
adventures, Hrolf married Ingibiorg, daughter of Hrolf, king of the
312 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
daughter of Eyvind the Eastman, and sister of Helgi the Lean.^
They had many children.^ Olaf Feilan was the name of their
son, and their daughters were Gro and Alof, Osk and Thorhild,
Thorgerd and Vigdis.
Irish. The whole story is quite unhistorical. It proceeds (c. 45, pp. 75-
76) : " Departure of king HrSlf from England; and death of Olaf, king of
the Scots.
" And after that, king Hrolf went away from England, with his army.
He and king JE\\& exchanged gifts, and parted the best of friends.
"The king proceeded thence to Scotland, and as soon as king Olaf
learned the arrival of king Hrolf and Asmund, his son, and all the foster-
brothers together, with a great army, he made at once the noblest feast for
them, and invited king Hrolf to him with all his army. The king himself
went to meet them, with honour and the greatest friendliness ; and enter-
tained them handsomely. And with king Hrolfs advice Ingiald began his
suit, and asked for the daughter of Olaf, king of the Scots, to be given to
him. With Asmund's pleading and king Hrolfs support this suit was
easily won ; and at this banquet so prepared they both drank their wedding
feast, Ingiald with Margaret, king Olaf's daughter, and Asmund with
Ingibiorg, the Irish king's daughter. There was the greatest gladness and
good cheer, and they amused themselves gladly and merrily, without grief
or sorrow.
"And at the end of the feast, king Olaf lodged king Hrolfs army there
in Scotland ; and these lords sat there for the winter with king Olaf, in
great esteem and honour, and they agreed all together exceedingly well.
"And the same winter Olaf, king of the Scots, died ; he was then very
old, and was thought to have been a noble lord. Then Asmund took the
dominion and kingship in Scotland, and became a good lord and well-
liked. And at midsummer the kings prepared their ships and armies ;
Asmund remained there behind. He offered to Gautrek, king Hrolfs son,
to be with him, and [Gautrek] accepted that, by advice of the king, his
father. He was long with king Asmund after that ; [Asmund] gave him
ships, and he took to warfare, and was the most famous man. . . ."
This is probably pure fable. Ingiald was a son of Hring, king of
Denmark.
' If Laxdcela Saga's account is to be trusted, Aud and Helgi the Lean
would seem to have sailed from the Hebrides to Ketil Flatnose in Norway
before Ketil set out from Norway to the Hebrides. But see below, p. 350,
note.
2 So far, this passage is copied almost exactly in Eric the Red's Saga ,
c. I, p. 3.
PART X
Harold Fairhair. Orkney and the Hebrides
Middle of 9th century
Landnamabok, c. 184, pp. 71-72 ^
A famous man in Gothland ^ was called Biorn, the son of
Hrolf of Am. He married Hh'f, daughter of Hrolf, son of
Ingiald, son of Frodi the king. Starkad the Old was the poet
of them both. Eyvind was the name of their son.^
Biorn disputed about land with Sigfast, a relative of Solvar,
the king of the Goths. Sigfast had given his daughter to earl
Solvar: [Solvar] was so attached to the earr Sigfast that he
took possession by tyranny of all the lands of Biorn. Then
Biorn put all his possessions in Gothland into the hands of
Hh'f, his wife, and of Eyvind, his son ; but Biorn carried from
the east twelve horse-loads of silver. Then he burned Sigfast
in his house with thirty men, on the last night before he sailed
from land ; then he sailed to Norway.
He came west to Agdir in Hvinir,* to the baron Grim, the
son of Kolbiorn Snipper, and brother of Ingiald the Faithful,
a relative of Arinbiorn of Firdir; and [Grim] received him very
well. Biorn and his party remained for the winter with Grim.
But one night on the approach of spring [Biorn saw] that a
man stood over him with a drawn sword, and was intending
to strike him. [Biorn] seized him ; and although he had taken
a price from Grim to kill Biorn, [Biorn] did not kill him. Grim
had wished to betray him for his money. Therefore Biorn
1 Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 124 (and FI., i, 266-267).
^ In the south of Sweden.
^ Eyvind's son Helgi married Thorunn Hyrna, the daughter of Ketil
Flatnose (872 x 883 ; probably ca. 875) : therefore Helgi was probably born
before 860, Eyvind before 840.
* In Norway.
318
314 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
sailed out to Ondott Crow, who lived in Hvinis-fiordri; the son
of Erling Purse. Ondott had married Signy, the daughter of
Sighvat from Hlidar^ in easter Vik.^
Biorn sailed on western piracy in the summers, and was
with Ondott for the winters.
Then Hh'f died in Gothland ; and Biorn married Helga,
Ondott's sister. Their son was Thrond the Voyager.
After that, Ey vind came from the east to his father Biorn ;
he was the son of Hh'f He succeeded to his father's warships
and way of life, when [Biorn] wearied of warfare.*
Afterwards Eyvind married in Ireland Raforta, daughter of
king Kiarval.^ She bore a son in the Hebrides, and gave him
into fosterage there.
Eyvind was called Eastman because he had come from the
east, from Sweden, to the west beyond the sea.
Two winters after that, they came to the islands again, to
visit the boy, and found him a boy with fine eyes but without
flesh, because he was starved. Therefore they called the boy
Helgi the Lean. He was fostered in Ireland afterwards."
874 X
Landnamabok, c. 342, p. 121
Vethorm, the son of Vemund the Old, was a powerful baron.
He fled from king Harold to the east, to lamtaland.^ He
cleared there marks in the forest, to live in.
Holmfast was the name of his son, and Grim of his sister's
son. These were in western piracy, and in the Hebrides they
slew earl Asbiorn Skeria-blesi ; and they took there in the
spoils his wife Alof, and his daughter Arneid, whom Holmfast
got by lot and gave to his father, and made a bondwoman.
^ In Agdir, Norway ; Sturlubok version, c. 217, p. 192.
2 Now Lier, on Vestfold (Jonsson).
5 The Vik ( Vikin) was the country round Kristianiafjord.
* Cf. Gretti's Saga, c. 3, pp. 6-7.
'" Cf. below, p. 325.
° Cf. an addition to Svarfdoela Saga, c. 13 (Islendinga Sogur, 1829-30,
ii, 196-197), where it is said that Helgi was "fostered in the Hebrides, and
afterwards in Ireland, by his mother's father Kiarval, king of the Irish."
Cf. also an addition to Vi'ga-GIums Saga (Islendinga Sogur, u.s., 323).
" In Sweden ; probably 872 x.
ASBIORN, EARL OF THE HEBRIDES
315
Grim married Alof, Thord Vagagdi's daughter, whom earl
[Asbiorn] had had as wife.^ Grim sailed to Iceland and took
Grimsnes. . . .
^ But Droplaugarsona Saga (of less authority) implies that Asbiorn's
wife was named Sigrid. The same saga says that a Tryggvi was ruler of
the Hebrides, and when he fell was succeeded by Asbiorn Skeria-blesi ;
and that Guthorm took the rule of the Hebrides after Asbiorn.
For the date of Asbiorn Skeria-blesi cf. this table, drawn from Land-
nimabok, cc. 1 1, 240, 323. (The children are not placed in order of age.)
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316 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
874 X
Landnamabok, Hauksbok version, c. 240, p. 89
Ketil Thrymr and Porridge-Atli, sons of Thori Cock-
partridge, sailed from Veradalr to Iceland, and took land in
Fliotsdalr. . . . Ketil sailed out, and was with Vethorm, the son
of Vemund the Old. Then he bought from Vethorm Arneid,
the daughter of earl Asbiorn Skeria-blesi. Holmfast, Vethorm's
son, had taken her in the spoils when he and Grim, Vethorm's
sister's son, had slain earl Asbiorn in the Hebrides. Ketil
Thrymr paid for Arneid twice as much as Vethorm would
have asked for her at first.^ But before Ketil and she went
to Iceland, Arneid found much silver under the roots of a tree ;
and she had hidden it from Ketil until he married her.^
They sailed out, and lived in Arneid's-stead. Their son
was Thidrandi, the father of Ketil of Niardvik.^
Ketil Flatnose's son-in-law Helgi the Lean was the grandson of king
Cerball, who died in 888 (A.U., s.a. 887 = 888).
Asbiorn was probably younger than Ketil. The rule in the Hebrides
remained in Ketil's family for some time after his death ; and therefore
Asbiorn's rule in the Hebrides (and also, according to Droplaugarsona
Saga, that of Guthorm) would seem to have preceded Ketil's ; but this is
uncertain.
King Harold may have sent Ketil to the Hebrides to avenge Asbiorn's
death, and take over the rule of the islands. Eyrbyggia Saga says that
Ketil was unwilling to go ; this unwillingness would be accounted for if he
had not wished to fight against his own first-cousin, Guthorm. When he
did go, he aided the Hebrideans against Harold.
1 " And after she had been bought, Ketil made for Arneid the wedding-
feast" Sturla's version, c. 278, p. 204.
^ Sturla's version, c. 278, pp. 204-205, says : " Then Ketil offered to
convey her to her relatives, but she chose now to follow him."
2 More of their descendants are named in Melabok ; ibid., p. 255.
Similarly in Grims Saga Lodinkinna, Fornaldar Sogur, ii, 156-157:
" Vedrorm the son of Vemund the Old, was a powerful baron. He asked
for Brynhild, Grim Lodinkinni's daughter ; she went with him. Their son
was Vemund father of Vedrorm, who fled before king Harold east to
lamtaland, and cleared there a mark to dwell in. His son was Holmfast.
And Vedrorm's sister was Brynhild, [and] her son [was] Grim, who was
named after Grim Lodinkinni.
" These relatives. Grim and Holmfast, went upon western piracy, and
slew in the Hebrides earl Asbiorn Skeria-blesi ; and they took captive his
wife Alof, and his daughter Arneid. And Holmfast got [Arneid] by lot,
and sold her to Vedrorm, his relative ; and she was a slave there until
VETHORM AND GUTHORM TAKE THE HEBRIDES 317
874 X
Droplaugarsona Saga, cc. 1-2 ; Jakobsen's AustfirSinga Sogur,
pp. 141-144I
Ketil was the name of a man, who was called Thrymr. He
lived [in Iceland] in Skrido-dalr, at Husa-stadir.
Atli was the name of a man who was Ketil's brother. He
was called Atli Porridge. They had a dwelling both together,
and were very wealthy men. They went constantly to other
lands with merchandise, and became very rich. They were
sons of Thidrandi.
One spring, Ketil prepared his ship in Reydar-fiordr,
because it was drawn up there ; and then they sailed to sea.
They were long out, and they made Konunga-hella^ in autumn,
and drew up their ship there. And then [Ketil] bought a
horse, and rode east with twelve men into lamtaland, to the
man who was called Vethorm. He was a great lord, and there
was good friendship between Ketil and him. Vethorm was son
of Ronald, son of Ketil Raumr.^ Vethorm had three brothers ;
one was called Grim, another Guthorm, a third Orm. All these
brothers were great warriors, and were with Vethorm in the
winters, but in the summers on warfare.
Ketil Thrymr married her, and took her out to Iceland. After her are
named the Arneidar-stadir in Austfirdir. Grim married Alof, Thord
Vagalldi's daughter, whom earl [Asbiorn] had had as wife. Grim went to
Iceland. . . ."
Evidently Vemund, son of Vedrorm, son of Vemund the Old, is the same
person as Landnamabok names Vemund the Old ; and his son Vedrorm is
the same as Landnamabok's Vethorm, the fugitive from king Harold.
Fliotsdcela Saga hin Meiri (Samfund 11, 9, 13) says that Ketil Thrym's
younger brother Thorvald went to Shetland. " Over Shetland then ruled
a certain earl who was called Biorgolf. He was then an old man." He
was the father of Droplaug, whom Thorvald married, the mother of
Droplaug's sons, according to this later and fabulous saga ; but with regard
to her descent, Droplaugarsona Saga is more likely to be correct. It says
that Thorvald's wife, Droplaug, was the only daughter of Thorgrim, of Gil
in lokulsdalr. Her sons were Helgi and Grim.
For Ketil Thrymr, cf. Brandkrossa Thattr (Origines, ii, 533) ; and the
Saga of Gunnar Thidrandi's-bane (AustfirSinga Sogur, 183, 195 ff.).
' Also in Origines Islandicae, ii, 536-537.
^ Kongelf, Sweden (Origines).
■'' This account gives Vethorm a different pedigree, but evidently refers to
the same Vethorm as does Grims Saga Lodinkinna, above.
318 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Ketil was there for the winter with his men. There with
Vethorm were two foreign women ; one did all the work she
could, the other sat sewing, and was the older. The younger
woman worked well, but it was ill received from her : she often
wept. Ketil took notice of this.
One day when Ketil had been there a little while, it
happened that this woman went to the river with clothes, and
washed them, and then she washed her head ; and her hair was
long and fair, and became her well. Ketil knew who she was,
and went there and spoke to her : " What woman art thou ? "
he said. " I am called Arneid," said she. Ketil said : " What
is thy kin ? " She answered, " I think that concerns thee not."
He pressed his inquiry, and asked her to tell him. She said
then, with weeping : " My father's name was Asbiorn, and he
was called Skeria-blesi. He ruled over the Hebrides, and was
earl over the islands after the fall of Tryggvi ; then Vethorm
plundered thither, with all his brothers, and eighteen ships ;
they came by night to my father's farmstead, and burned him
in it, and all the men-folk ; but the women went out, and then
they brought here me and my mother, who is called Sigrid.
But they sold all the other women as slaves. Guthorm
[Vethorm's brother] is now the leader ^ of the islands."
So they parted. But next day Ketil said to Vethorm :
" Wilt thou sell me Arneid ? " Vethorm said, " Thou shalt
have her for half a hundred of silver,^ for the sake of our
friendship." Then Ketil offered money for her keep, " because
she must not work." But Vethorm declared that he would
allow her board like the rest of his company.
That summer Vethorm's brothers Grim and Orm came
home ; they had been plundering in Sweden during the
summer. Each of them had [captured] his merchant-ship, and
they were laden with treasure. [Grim and Orm] were with
Vethorm for the winter. But in spring the brothers prepared
their ship for Iceland, and Ketil and they intended to sail
together.
And when they lay off the Vik, Arneid asked Ketil for
leave to go up ashore to gather nuts, along with another
^ for-md&r. Guthorm may have been a son of Vemund ; but this saga
implies that he was a son of Ronald, son of Ketil Raumr.
'" I.e. 60 ells' value in silver : 10 ounces of silver.
ARNEID AND KETIL THRYMR 319
woman who was there in the ship. He gave her leave, but
bade her not go far. So they went ashore, and came under a
certain bank ; there a river made great rain. Arneid said :
" Go to the ship, and say to Ketil that he must come to me
because I am ill." [The woman] did so, and Ketil went alone
to Arneid. She greeted him, and said, " I have found coal
here." They dug there in the sand, and found a box full of
silver ; and then they went to the ship. Then Ketil offered
to convey her to her relatives with this treasure, but she chose
to follow him.
Then they put out to sea, and parted with [Grim and Orm].
Ketil came with his ship to Reydar-fiordr, and beached his ship,
and then went home to his dwelling in Husa-stadr. . . .
[c. 2] Now it is to be told how Ketil Thrymr bought land
to the west of the water that is called Lagar-fliot : this
farmstead is called At Arneid's-stead. And he lived there
afterwards. . . .
. . . After this, Ketil made his wedding with Arneid,
because she was the most stately lady. They had a son, who
was called Thidrandi ; he was a big man, and promising.
Ketil lived a short time, and Thidrandi took the treasures
and priesthood after his father. . . .
874 X
Landnamabok, c. 334, p. 119
Olvi Barnakarl was the name of a famous man in Norway.
He was a great viking. He would not let children be thrown
upon the spear-points, as was then the custom of vikings.
Therefore he was called Barna-karl.^
His sons were Steinolf, father of Una, whom Thorbiorn
Laxa-karl married ; and Einar, father of Ofeig Grettir, and of
Olaf Broad, the father of Thormod Skapti. Steinmod was the
third son of Olvi ; [he was] the father of Konal, the father of
Alfdis the Barra-woman, whom Olaf Feilan married. Konal's
' His nickname would perhaps more naturally mean that he had many
children.
Abbo Floriacensis (Passio S. Edmundi ; R.S. 96, i, 9) speaks bitterly of
the barbarity of the Northmen and Danes ; he accuses them of eating
human flesh.
320 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
son was Steinmod, the father of Alfdora, who was married to
Eilif, son of Ketil the One-handed.
These relatives, Ofeig Grettir and Thormod Skapti, went to
Iceland, and were the first winter with Thorbiorn Laxa-karj,
their kinsman-in-law.
874 X
Landnamabok, c. 1 30, p. 5 2
Onund Wooden-leg [was the name of] a son of Ofeig
Burlufotr, son of Ivar Beytill. Onund was against king
Harold in Hafrsfiordr, and left his foot there. After that, he
went to Iceland, and took land from Kleifar to Ofjera :—
Kallbaks-vik, Kolbeins-vik, Byrgis-vik ; and he lived in Kallbak
till he was old. He was the brother of Gudbiorg, mother of
Gudbrand Kula, father of Asta, mother of king Olaf the
Holy. . . .
871-874
Gretti's Saga, c. i, p. i
A man was called Onund. He was the son of Ofeig
Burlufotr, the son of Ivar Beytill. Onund was the brother of
Gudbiorg, the mother of Gudbrand Kula, the father of Asta,
the mother of king Olaf the Holy. Onund was an Uplander^
by his mother's kindred, but his father's kindred was principally
about Rogaland and Hordaland. Onund was a great viking,
and plundered west beyond the sea. With him in warfare
were Balki, Blueing's son, of S6tanes,^ and Orm the Rich.^
Hallvard * was the name of the third of his companions. They
had five ships, and all well manned.
They plundered in the Hebrides ; and when they came to
the Barra isles,^ they found a king there, who was called
Kiarval : he also had five ships. They opened battle with
him, and there was a hard fight. Onund's men were the most
vigorous people. Many fell there on both sides ; and it ended
' I.e. of "the district between the Vik and the Swedish boundary, as far
as Romsdalsfiord " (Boer).
" See below, p. 328, note.
^ Cf. Landnamabok, c. 302, p. 115 : Sturlubok version, c. 351, p. 220.
* See below, p. 328, note.
" I Barreyjar.
ONUND AND KING KIARVAL 32l
so, that the king fled with one ship. There Onund and his
men took the ships and much treasure as well, and they stayed
there for the winter. For three summers they plundered in
Ireland and Scotland ; then they went to Norway.^
874 or 872
Gretti's Saga, c. 2, pp. 2-5
At this time there was great dispeace in Norway : Harold
Thick-hair, Halfdan Black's son, was striving for sovereignty
there. He was formerly king in the Uplands ; then he went
to the north of the land, and fought there many battles. He
plundered thus southwards through the land, and subdued to
himself every place he came to.
But when he came to Hordaland, there came against him
a multitude and many men. The leaders there were Kiotvi
the Rich, and Thori Long-chin, and the South-Rogalanders
[Soti and] king Sulki.^ Geirmund Hellskin was then west
beyond the sea; and he was not in this battle; and yet he
was king in Hordaland.'
This autumn Onund and his fellows came from west beyond
the sea ; and when Thori Long-chin and king Kiotvi heard of
that, they sent men to meet them, and bade them come to the
army, and promised them honours. So they made common
cause with Thori and his men, because they were very eager to
prove themselves, and declared that they would be wherever
the battle was most severe.
Their encounter with king Harold took place in Rogaland,
in the fiord that is called In Hafrsfiordr.* They had on each
side a great force. This battle has been the greatest fought in
Norway. And most sagas tell of it, because most is said of
those [things] from which history chiefly springs.
1 In the same autumn in which they returned to Norway, they fought in
the battle of Hafrsfiordr. See c. 2, pp. 2-4.
^ Heimskringia, Harold Fairhair, c. 18 : "These were the instigators :
Eric, king of Hordaland ; Sulki, king of Rogaland, and earl Soti, his
brother ; Kiotvi the Rich, king of Agdir, and Thori Long-chin, his son ;
two brothers of Thelamark, Hroald Hryggr and Hadd the Hard."
^ Wrongly "king of Rogaland" in Landnd.mab6k.
* The battle of Hafrsfiordr is described in EgiPs Saga, c. 9 ; H.,
Harold Fairhair, c. 18 ; Fr., pp. 48-49. Cf. Upphaf Rikis Haraldar
Harfagra, F.S., x, 189-193. F., 15-19.
X
322 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Forces came there also from all the land ; and many from
other lands, and many vikings.
Onund laid his ship aboard Thori Long-chin's ship ; that
was quite in the middle of the battle. King Harold lay to
beside Thori Long-chin's ship, because Thori was the greatest
berserkr, and dauntless. There was the hardest battle on both
sides. Then the king bade his berserks go forward ; they were
called Wolf-skins, and iron would not bite them : and when
they rushed on, nothing could stop them. Thori fought very
doggedly, and fell in his ship with great valour. Then the
ship was cleared from stem to stern, and cut from the lashings ;
and it drifted off between the ships. Then the king's men lay
to by Onund 's ship. [Onund] was in the front of the ship, and
fought manfully. Then the king's men said : " This man in
the prow goes forward hard; let him have some memorial of
us, to show that he has been in the battle." Onund had
stepped out upon the gunwale with one foot ; and just then
[a spear] was thrust at him. And as he warded off the thrust,
he bent backwards; and one of the king's forecastle-men hewed
at Onund, and struck his leg below the knee, and cut off his
leg. Onund was at once disabled ; and the greater part of his
force fell. Onund was taken on board the ship of the man that
was called Thrond ^ ; he was Biorn's son, the brother of Eyvind
Eastman. He was fighting against king Harold, and lay on
the other side of Onund's ship. Immediately afterwards the
general flight began.
874 or 872
Heimskringla, Harold Fairhair's Saga, c. 19^
Harold Fairhair becomes the sole ruler in Norway.
After this battle [of Hafrsfiordr]^ king Harold met with no
resistance in Norway ; all his greatest enemies had fallen there :
^ See below, p. 329, note.
2 Cf. Frisbok, 49.
2 Ari's Islendingabok implies that Harold was born in 854 (see below,
p. 338), lived 80 years, reigned 70 winters, and died "a winter or two"
after 930 (below, p. 322). The Landnimabok (below, p. 335) implies that
Harold became king in 862, a date that is accepted by the earliest version
of the annals (K), and is counted from for the date of Hafrsfiordr (872)
given in OlaPs Saga (c. 116).
Theoderic puts Harold's accession, doubtfully, in 858 ; and this date is
BATTLE OF HAFRSFIORDR 323
but some fled from the land, and they were very numerous,
because then the great waste-lands were peopled. . . .
In this warfare, when Harold came to the land in Norway,
foreign lands were found and peopled [by Norwegians] : the
accepted and built upon by the Annales Regii (version C of the Icelandic
Annals). But this date is inconsistent with the reign-lengths given by
Theoderic himself.
The battle of Hafrsfiordr was fought lo years after Harold's accession ;
Agrip, c. 4 ; F., p. ig ; H., Harold Fairhair, cc. 4, 23 ; and when it was
fought he had passed the 20th year of his age ; Upphaf Rikis Haraldar
Harfagra, F.S., x, 193 (Fl., i, 575) ; Mantissa, c. 5 (Origines, i, 271-272) ;
and F., ig. Cf. Hauksbok, 506.
It is to be noticed that the Landndmabok implies that Harold became
king at the age of eight ; while the Islendingabok and the sagas (cf Fr.,
38) say, at the age of ten. In writing Islendingabok, Ari has corrected his
account in Landnamabok. But whether Harold became king in 862 at the
age of eight (as is implied in Landnamabok), or in 864 at the age of ten
(as we deduce from Islendingabok), the date of his birth would have been
the same, namely 854.
His birth-date would naturally have been found by subtracting 80
years from his death-date ; therefore we may conclude that he died in
934-
Since the battle of Hafrsfiordr was fought 10 years after Harold's
accession (probably 864 ; see above, pp. cxii-cxiv), and when Harold was 20
years old (reckoning his birth in 854), it was probably fought in 874.
The Icelandic Annals draw different conclusions from the same sources.
They place Harold Fairhair's birth in 852- (KBODE ; 848, CA) ; his
accession in 862 (KE ; 863, BOD ; 858, CA) ; his sole sovereignty (i.e. the
battle of Hafrsfiordr) in 868 (CDA) ; his division of the kingdom among
his sons in 892 (KBOD ; 898, CA) ; his abdication in favour of Eric in
930 (KBOD ; g28, CA ; 929, E) ; and his death in 933 (KBOD ; 931, CA ;
932, E).
Y. Nielsen (Slaget i Hafrsfjorden 872 (Stavanger, 1906), pp. 11-16,
29-33) argues that the warfare in Scandinavia in 871, when Olaf left Ireland
to assist his father Godfrey, culminated in the battle of Hafrsfiordr in 872 ;
and that after the loss of that battle, Ivar, Godfrey's son, and Olaf,
Godfrey's son, returned to Ireland, and plundered it in 873. See year 871,
above.
He would therefore identify Godfrey with Kiotvi, ?king of Agdir ; and
Olaf with Haklang, ?king of Dublin. These identifications are highly
conjectural. If Olaf Godfrey's son did go to the battle of Hafrsfiordr, the
Irish dates are not sufficiently trustworthy to fix the year of the battle with
exactitude.
The commander of Harold's forces was his uncle Guthorm, Sigurd
Hart's son ; who was 26 winters old at the time of the battle. H., Harold
Fairhair, cc. 1-2 ; Egil's Saga, c. 26 ; Upphaf, F.S., x, 177.
324 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Faroes and Iceland ^ ; and there was then too a great going to
Shetland. And many powerful men of Norway fled as outlaws
before king Harold, and sailed into western piracy; they were
in the Orkneys and the Hebrides in the winters, and in the
summers they plundered in Norway, and did there great
injury to the land. There were many men and powerful who
submitted to king Harold, and became his liege-men, and
inhabited the land with him.
ca. 874 X
Gretti's Saga, cc. 2-5, pp. 5-13
Thrond and his men, and the other vikings, took themselves
away, each as he could ; and they sailed afterwards to west
beyond the sea. Onund went with [Thrond] ; also Balki and
Hallvard Siigandi. Onund was healed, and all his life after-
wards he went with a wooden leg; he was therefore called
Onund Wooden-leg, as long as he lived.
[c. 3] Many famous men were then west beyond the sea,
who had fled from their lands in Norway before king Harold ;
because he made all men outlaws that had fought against him,
and took into his own hand their possessions.
When Onund was healed of his wound Thrond and he went
to join Geirmund Hellskin, because he was then the most
famous of the vikings in the west beyond the sea; and they
asked whether he would not attempt to recover the kingdom
that he possessed in Hordaland, and they offered him their
' Of. the passages in Landnamabok, cc, 45, 114, 130, 347 ; pp. 21, 46,
52, 123 : and the instances of Geirmund Hellskin, Thrond Biorn's son, and
Ssemund the Hebridean.
Egil's Saga, c. 4; pp. 14-15: ". . . King Harold took possession of
all the odal-lands in every district, and all the land, occupied and un-
occupied. . . . But many men fled away from the land to escape from
this oppression, and then many great wildernesses were peopled ; both
east in lamtalandand Helsingialand, and the western lands : the Hebrides,
Dublin county [Dyfliiniar sh'^i], Ireland, Normandy in France, Caithness
in Scotland, the Orkneys and Shetland, the Faroes ; and at that time
Iceland was found."
Cf. Eyrbyggia Saga, 2, c. i ; Laxdoela, 4, c. 2. Svarfdosla Saga, c. 12
(Islendinga Sdgur, 1829-1830, ii, 195) : "Then many noble men in Norway
had fled from their odal-lands, and some went west beyond the sea to
Shetland and Orkney, and settled there ; and many went to Iceland, and
that [island] began now to be very fully inhabited."
SETTLERS IN THE SCOTTISH ISLANDS 325
support. They thought that they must look after their own
possessions, because Onund was of high family, and rich. Then
Geirmund said that king Harold's power had grown so great
that he thought there was little hope of their getting redress
by warfare, where men had been defeated, although the whole
people of the land had been collected. He said too that he
was not inclined to become the king's thrall, and to beg for
that which he had formerly owned himself; he said that he
would rather seek for himself other fortunes ; he had then
moreover left behind him his youth. Onund and Thrond
went back to the Hebrides, and met there many of their
friends.
A man was named Ofeig, and was called Grettir^; he was
a son of Einar, son of Olvi Barnakarl ; he was a brother of
Oleif Broad, the father of Thormod Skapti.
Also a son of Olvi Barnakarl was Steinolf, the father of Una,
whom Thorbiorn Laxakarl married.
Another son of Olvi Barnakarl was Steinmod, the father ot
Konal, the father of Alfdis the Barra-woman. Konal's son
was Steinmod, the father of Halldora, who was married to
Eilif, son of Ketil the One-handed.
Ofeig Grettir married Asny, daughter of Vestar, son of
[Ketil] Hsengr. Asmund Beardless and Asbiorn were sons of
Ofeig Grettir ; and his daughters were Aldis, ^sa, and Asvor.
Ofeig had fled west beyond the sea from the hostility of
king Harold, as also had Thormod Skapti, his relative : they
had brought with them all their household. They plundered
widely, to the west of the sea.
Thrond and Onund Wooden-leg intended to go west to
Ireland to meet Eyvind Eastman, Thrond's brother : [Eyvind]
had the land-defence of Ireland. . . .
Eyvind had then taken over his father's warship, and had
now become a great chief in the west beyond the sea. He
married Raforta, daughter of Kiarval the Irish king ; their
sons were Helgi the Lean and Snsebiorn.
And when Thrond and Onund came to the Hebrides, they
found there Ofeig Grettir and Thormod Skapti ; and great
friendship arose between them, because every one thought that
he had a man restored to him from hell, when he met one
^ I.e. "Grimacer."
326 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
who had remained behind in Norway while the dispeace was
greatest. . . .^
Then they went on warfare in the summers, but were in
the Barra isles in the winters.
[c. 4] Vikings were called Vigbiod and Vestmar ; they were
Hebrideans, and lay out both winter and summer. They had
eight 2 ships, and they plundered in Ireland, and did many evil
deeds, until Eyvind Eastman took the land-defence there.
Thereafter they fled to the Hebrides, and plundered there
and everywhere in Scotland's firths.
Thrond and Onund went to oppose them, and learned that
they had sailed in to the island which is called Bute. Now
Onund and Thrond came there with five ships. And when
the vikings saw their ships, and knew how many they were,
they thought they had numbers enough, and they took their
weapons and lay waiting for the ships. Then Onund bade
lay his ships between two clifiTs ; there was a great channel
there and deep, and ships could sail one way only, and not
more than five at a time. Onund was a wise man ; and he
made the five ships go forward into the strait in such a manner
that they could immediately let themselves drift, with hanging
oars, when they wished, because there was much sea-room
behind them. There was also a certain island on one side.
Under it he made one ship lie ; and they carried many stones
to the edge of the cliff, where they could not be seen from
the ships.
The vikings attacked very boldly, and believed that [their
opponents] had got into a strait. Vigbiod asked who these
were that were so hemmed in. Thrond said that he was the
brother of Eyvind Eastman ; and then, " Here is my comrade,
Onund Wooden-leg." Then the vikings laughed, and said,
" May the trolls take the whole of Wooden-leg ! The trolls
confound him all ! And seldom has it happened to us that
those men come to battle who have not might over themselves."
Onund said that they could not know, until it was proved.
After that they laid their ships together. There began a
1 Marriages were arranged, to take place after three years, between
Onund and Ofeig's daughter ^^sa, and between Thrond and Thormod
Skapti's daughter.
^ "Thirteen" in Magnusson and Thordarson's text.
THROND AND ONUND 327
great battle, and both sides fought well. And when the battle
was in full swing, Onund let [his ship] drift by the cliff; and
when the vikings saw that, they thought that he wished to
escape ; and they advanced against his ship, and under the
cliff, so as to come up with him. At the same moment those
men came to the precipice that had been appointed to this ;
they cast upon the vikings so great stones as nothing could
resist. Many of the viking's crew fell there, and some were
hurt so that they could not bear weapons. Then the vikings
wished to draw back, but they could not, because their ships
had then come where the strait was narrowest ; both the ships
and the current impeded them. Then Onund and his men fell
on with vigour, where Vigbiod was the leader : and Thrond
attacked Vestmar, and gained but little advantage. Since the
people on Vigbiod's ship were reduced in number, Onund's
men and [Onund] himself determined to board her. This
Vigbiod saw, and urged on his men with ardour. Then he
turned against Onund, and most [of the others] sprang aside.
Onund bade his men observe how it went with [him and
Vigbiod] ; for Onund was of great strength. They pushed a
log under Onund's knee, and he stood quite firmly. The
viking came forward along the ship until he reached Onund,
and hewed at him with his sword, and struck his shield and
cut off what he touched : then his sword struck into the log
that Onund had under his knee, and the sword stuck fast.
Vigbiod stooped as he pulled his sword to him ; upon this,
Onund struck him on the shoulder, and took off his arm.
Then the viking was out of the battle.
When Vestmar knew that his companion had fallen, he
leapt into the ship that lay farthest out, and fled ; so did all
they that could.
After that, [Onund's men] searched the fallen. Vigbiod
had then come near to his death. Onund went to him, and
said : " Look whether thy wounds are bleeding. Didst thou
see me giving way? The one-legged warrior got from thee
no scratch. To many a fighter is more boastfulness given
than wisdom : the warrior is without strength in danger."
They took much spoil there, and sailed back to Barra in
autumn.
[c. 5] Next summer they prepared to go west to Ireland.
328 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Then Balki and Hallvard determined to go west beyond
the sea ; and they sailed out to Iceland, because there was said
to be good choice of land there.^ . . .
Thrond and Onund came to meet Eyvind Eastman,
and he received his brother well. But when he knew that
Onund had come there, he was angry, and wished to attack
him. Thrond begged him not to do this ; he said that
it was not fitting to make war upon Norwegian men, least
of all with those that used no violence. Eyvind said that
[Onund] had used violence before, and made war upon king
Kiarval ; he said that now he must suffer for it. The
brothers discussed this long, until Thrond said that one fate
should befal Onund and him. Then Eyvind let himself be
appeased.^
They abode there for a long time in the summer, and they
went on campaigns with Eyvind. [Eyvind] thought Onund
the most valiant man.
They went to the Hebrides in the autumn. Eyvind gave
Thrond all the inheritance from their father, if Biorn died
' Cf. above, p. 324, note.
Landnamabok, c. 45, p. 21 : "Balki was the name of a man, the son
of Bteing, the son of Soti of Sota-nes. He fought against king Harold in
Hafrsfiordr. Therefore he went to Iceland, and took all Hrutafiordr, and
lived in Baer. . . ." Cf. LandnEimabok, c. 135, p. 52 : "A man was called
Balki, son of Blseing, son of Soti of Sota-nes. He went to Iceland from the
tyranny of king Harold, and took all Rutafiordr. . . ."
Cf. Sturlubok version, c. 167, p. 176 (". . . he was against king Harold
in Hafrsfiordr. . . .")
Landndmabok, c. 114, p. 46: "Hallvard Sugandi was in the battle in
Hafrsfiordr, against king Harold. He went from Ssetr in Hordaland to
Iceland, and took Suganda-fiordr and Skala-vik."
2 It is clear from this that the Kiarval who is said to have been
attacked in the Barra Islands in 871 was the Irish king Cerball ; but the
story of Kiarval is probably false.
Cerball was king of Ossory : his father, Dungal, king of Ossory, fell in
842. Cerball defeated the Norwegians of Dublin with slaughter in 846,
supported the Gall-Gaidil 859-860, but fought against the Norwegians in
860, 861, and 862. He invaded Leinster in 853, 864, 870, and 871 ; Meath
in 859 ; Munster in 864, 871, 879 ; Connaught in 871 and 873 ; Decies in
874 ; and he died in 888. (A.U., s.aa. 841, 845, 852, 858, 869, 887.
C.S., Hennessy's years 858, 859, 873, 888. A.I., O'Conor's years 845 = 859,
874 = 888. F.M., s.aa. 841, 845, 851, 857, 858, 859, 862, 868, 869, 871, 872.
876, 885.)
BIORN AND HIS SONS 329
before Thrond. They remained now in the Hebrides until
they married/ and for some winters afterwards.^
After 879
Landnamalbok, c. 184, p. 72
Biorn died in the house of Ondott, his relative ; but Grim
said that the king [Harold] must take all [Biorn's] possessions,
because he was a foreigner, and his sons were west beyond the
sea. Ondott kept the money for Thrond, his sister's son.^
^ I.e. until the end of their three years' matrimonial engagements.
^ Therefore until after 879.
Thrond's father, Biorn, died in Norway. Gretti's Saga c. 6, p. 14 :
" Now Thrond heard of the death of his father, and prepared at once to
start from the Hebrides, and Onund Wooden-leg with him. But Ofeig
Grettir and Thormod Skapti sailed out [879 x] to Iceland with their
household ; and they landed in the south of the land at Eyrar, and were
the first winter with Thorbiorn Laxakarl. Then they took Gnupveria-hreppr.
Ofeig took the farther part, between Thvera and Kalfd ; he lived in
Ofeig's-steads, by Steinsholt. And Thormod took the eastern part, and he
lived in Skapta-holt. . . ."
Thrond went to Iceland from Norway after Biorn's death (see below).
" Ofeig and Thormod Skapti received [Thrond] well. Thrond lived in
Thrond's-holt ; it is west of Thiorsa" (c. 6, pp. 15-16).
Landnamabok, c. 333, p. 119: "Thrond the Voyager \i7iiok siglai7di\
Biorn's son, and brother of Eyvind Eastman, as has been said before, was
in Hafrsfiordr against king Harold, and afterwards escaped to Iceland, late
in the settling time" [870-930]. " He took land between Thiorsa and Laxa,
and inland to Kalfa and to Sand-lcekr. He Uved in Thrandar-holt. His
daughter was Helga, whom Thormod Skapti married."
Landndmabok, c. 334, p. 119: "The relatives Ofeig Grettir and
Thormod Skapti went to Iceland, and were the first winter with Thorbiorn
La.xa-karl, their kinsman-in-law. And in spring he gave them Gnupveria-
hreppr. To Ofeig he gave the shore-ward part between Thvera and
Kalfa ; and [Ofeig] lived at Ofeigs-stadir, near Steins-holt ; and to
Thormod he gave the eastern part, and he lived in Skapta-holt. . . . Ofeig
fell before Thorbiorn Earl's-champion, in Grettis-geil, near HebIL . . ."
Onund went to Iceland after avenging Ondott. He received lands
from Eric Snare, and " Onund made a dwelling in Kaldbak, and had
many men ; but when his treasure began to increase, he had another
dwelling in Reykiafiordr" (Gretti's Saga, c. 6, p. 16).
^ Landnamabok, c. 195, p. 76 : "Ondott held the money for the hands
of Thrond, his sister's son. And when Thrond heard of the death of his
father, he sailed from the Hebrides by [rapid] voyaging, from which he was
called the Voyager ; and then he received his father's possessions, and
sailed to Iceland. . . ." Cf Gretti's Saga, 14-16, cc. 6, 7.
330 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Helgi [the Lean] was brought up in Ireland. He married
Thorunn Hyrna, the daughter of Ketil Flatnose of the Hebrides,
and of Yngvild, daughter of Ketil Wether of Hringa-n'ki.i
Afterwards Helgi went to Iceland, with his wife and children :
Hr61f, and Ingiald, and Ingunn, whom Hamund Hellskin ^
married. [Hamund] followed Helgi out. . . .
?874
Historia Norwegiae ; Storm's Monumenta Historica
Norvegiae, pp. 87-90
Of the tributary islands.
Certain islands lie before Gulacia,^ and are named Solundae*
by the inhabitants : from them is named the Solundic sea,
which flows between Norway and Ireland. In it are the
Orchades islands, more than thirty in number, named after
an earl Orchanus. These, occupied by different inhabitants,
are now divided into two dominions^; the southern islands^
are elevated to [being ruled by] kinglets, while the northern^
are adorned by the protection of earls : and both [kinglets and
earls] pay large tribute to the kings of Norway.*
Of the Orchades islands.
These islands were at first inhabited by the Picts^ and
It would seem more reasonable to account for his nickname by the
number or extent of his voyages.
According to Gretti's Saga, Biorn died "some winters" more than
three winters after the battle of Hafrsfiordr (.-. 879 x /S;; x ).
Grim killed Ondott (Landnamabok, u.s.) ; and Onund and Ondott's
sons avenged Ondott and sailed for Iceland (Gretti's Saga, cc. 6-9).
^ According to Laxdoela Saga, Helgi's marriage took place in Norway,
immediately before Ketil Flatnose set out for the Hebrides ; but Eyrbyggia
Saga implies that the marriage took place in the Hebrides, during Ketil's
life-time (.-. 874x884). For Helgi, cf. p. 314.
^ Twin-brother of Geirmund Hellskin, and son of king Hior.
■* I.e. Gulathingslog.
* I.e. Sulendoerne.
'' regna.
^ I.e. the Hebrides.
'' I.e. Orkney and Shetland.
^ This must have been written before 1266. It was written, according
to Storm, towards the end of the 12th century.
° Peti. These were perhaps the original people of that name, from
whom the other inhabitants of non-Roman Scotland took their name.
HELGI. INHABITANTS OF ORKNEY 331
Papae. Of these, the one race, the Picts, little exceeded
pigmies in stature ; they did marvels, in the morning and in
the evening, in building [walled] towns,^ but at mid-day they
entirely lost all their strength, and lurked, through fear, in
little underground houses.
But at that time [the islands] were not called Orchades, but
Pictland ; whence still the Pictland Sea^ is [so] named by the
inhabitants, because it divides the [Orkney] islands from
Scotland ; and there [is] the greatest of all whirlpools, which
draws in and swallows down in the ebb the strongest ships,
and vomits and casts up their fragments in the flood. Whence
the people came there, we are entirely ignorant.
And the Papae have been named from their white robes,
which they wore like priests ; whence priests are all called
papae in the Teutonic tongue. An island is still called, after
them, Papey. But, as is observed from their habit and the
writings of their books ^ abandoned there, they were Africans,
adhering to Judaism.
In the days of Harold Fairhair, king of Norway, certain
pirates, of the family of the most vigorous prince Ronald, set
out with a great fleet, and crossed the Solundic sea; and
stripped these races of their ancient settlements, destroyed
them wholly, and subdued the islands to themselves. And
being there provided with safe winter seats, they went in
summer-time working tyranny upon the English and the
Scots, sometimes also upon the Irish, so that they took
under their rule, from England, Northumbria ; from Scotland,
Caithness ; from Ireland, Dublin, and the other sea-side towns.*
^ In structuris [s.l.] tirbiwn vespere etma?ie mira operantes. The "towns"
meant are probably brochs ; the "houses," earth-houses or Picts' Houses.
It is noteworthy that these types of structure should be coupled at this date.
For Irish earth-houses, cf. the Wars, below, years 875-877.
^ Petlandicum mare: the Pentland Firth. Cf. Theoderic, in Storm's
Monumenta, 31 (Perla?iisfiorih).
^ apices Ubrorum.
* This account is interesting because it shows an early form of the
fabulous tradition (which survives still in Shetland) that the Picts were of
diminutive stature, and because its description of ^Cae^ papae is independent
of Ari (see year 874). It gives also what is perhaps a true account of the
establishment of the Norwegians' power in Orkney : Orkney was first
annexed by " certain pirates of the family of Ronald," not by king Harold
332 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
?874
Heimskringla, Harold Fairhair's Saga, c. 22 ^
King Harold's western expedition.
King Harold learned that vikings who passed the winters
in the west beyond the sea were plundering widely about the
middle-land.^ Then he took out a levy every summer, and
searched the islands and distant rocks ; but as soon as the
vikings were aware of his army, they all fled, and most of
them out to sea.
And when the king wearied of this, it happened one
summer that king Harold sailed with his army to west beyond
the sea.^ He came first to Shetland, and slew there all the
vikings who did not flee thence. Then he sailed south to the
Orkneys, and everywhere there cleaned out the vikings. After
that, he sailed as far as the Hebrides, and plundered there ; he
after his invasion of Scotland. The annexation took place " in the days of
Harold Fairhair, king of Norway" ; strictly, this ought to mean after the
battle of Hafrsfiordr ; but that is uncertain. If the sagas and the Upphaf
are to be believed, and Orkney was given to Ronald's family in compensation
for the death of Ronald's son, Ivar, that gift was probably a confirmation
of the earlier seizure.
A later account of the islands is in Saga-Fragment I, F.S., x, 416 :
"... The Hebrides {Su^reyjar\ lie near to Ireland ; ten of the Hebrides
are inhabited. Twenty-five of the Orkneys are inhabited : in them is a
bishop's see, which is called Kirkwall [/ Kyrkjuvdgi\ ; there lies the holy
earl Magnus. Shetland is next to the Orkneys ; in it is an archdeacon.
Near there are the Faroes ; they are eighteen in all ; in them is a bishop's
see, which is called Kirkiubjer [z Kyrkjubcei]."
1 The same passage is in Olaf's Saga, c. 95 (c. 179 in Fl., i, 22 r). Of
ibid., cc. 98, 214. A shorter account is in the Orkneyinga Saga, c. 4 ;
i, 4-5. Of Fr., 50.
2 Instead of this beginning, Olaf s Saga (c. 95) says : " In the dispeace
when king Harold went to the kingdom in Norway, many of his outlaws
fled west beyond the sea, and became vikings. They sat in the winters in
the Orkneys and the Hebrides, and in the summers plundered in Norway,
and did there great injury to the country."
^ The Heimskringla and Olafs Saga imply that Harold's expedition to
the Hebrides took place several years after the battle of Hafrsfiordr. But,
if the sagas' story is true, Sigurd was made earl of Orkney on Harold's
return ; and Ari says that Sigurd was earl of Orkney in 874. These accounts
can scarcely agree, even if we accept the earlier date of the battle of
Hafrsfiordr.
The larla Saga in Heimskringla's St. Olaf's Saga (perhaps the most
HAROLD'S FIRST EXPEDITION 333
slew there many vikings, such as had been the leaders of a
company before.^ He fought many battles there, and always-
had the victory.
Then he plundered in Scotland, and fought a battle there.
And when he came west to Man, they had learned already
what warfare king Harold had been making before, there in
the land^; so all the people had fled into Scotland, and Man
was desolate, and all the possessions they could they had
carried away. And when king Harold and his men went on
land, they took no spoils there.*
Thus says Hornklofi : " The very wise necklace-giver bore
many shields into the town of the sand-necklace ^ ; the grove
of the wolves of Nid ^ succeeded in the attack on the sand, ere
all the more stubborn army of the Scots fled by the bane-roads ^
before the long-sustainers, from the land of the fish-spear."*
trustworthy version of larla Saga) refers to Hornklofi's Glymdrapa (quoted
here) for a description of Harold's invasion of Scotland (894 x ) after the
death of Halfdan Longleg ; this is one of the points of difference between
the two versions of larla Saga used by Snorri in the Heimskringla. This
reference to Hornklofi tends to show that Harold's great expedition, in
which he went as far as Man, was made at the later date ; but it is not
decisive, because the Glymdrapa might have described two invasions.
The only thing in the account of the earlier invasion that cannot belong
to the later is the story of the appointment of Sigurd.
The sagas almost certainly confuse two expeditions to the west. The
first placed Sigurd over Orkney, in 874 or earlier ; the second was the
great expedition of Harold through the islands as far as to Man, and took
place after 894, but probably before 900.
' iM erfyrir It^i re'Su SSr.
2 " Most frequently " Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga.
3 "they . . . land" omitted in Olaf's Saga (F.S., i, 193).
* Cf. the Orkneyinga Saga, c. 4 : " He subdued to himself Shetland,
and the Orkneys, and the Hebrides : he sailed as far west as to Man, and
laid waste the inhabited land of Man. He fought there many battles, and
took possession of lands so far west that no king of Norway has [ruled]
farther since then."
^ I.e., an island town : Man, or a town in Man ?
^ I.e., the protector of the warriors from the river Nid in Norway (cf.
Nidardss "mouth of the Nid," now Trondhjem).
' I.e. "were slaughtered in their flight." Instead of "ere . . . bane-
roads," J.S. translates: "The whole Scottish force had previously been
forced to flee from the land."
* Literally " saithe-stabber," a metaphor for the sword. " The land of
the saithe-stabber" is probably the battle-field.
334 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
In this battle^ fell Ivar, the son of Ronald, earl of M^rr;
but in compensation for this, king Harold when he sailed from
the west gave to earl Ronald the Orkneys and Shetland.^ But
Ronald gave both lands immediately to his brother, Sigurd ;
and [Sigurd] remained behind in the west. When the king
sailed east, he gave earldom to Sigurd.^
For the text and a translation of this stanza see J.S., i, A 23-24, B 21.
The meaning of these lines is too uncertain to be built upon as historical
evidence. See the conjectures in Gislason and Jonsson's Njala, ii, 388 ;
F. Jonsson's Kritiske Studier, 79 ; Morris and Magnusson's Heimskringla,
i, 389. Cf. Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ii, 30.
Probably the same verses of Glymdripa are referred to for a description
of Harold's later invasion. It seems almost certain that the lines quoted
here describe the later invasion.
1 "in one battle" O.S.
Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 95 : "In this warfare was Ronald, earl of
Mffirr, and his brother, who was called Sigurd. There also with king
Harold was Ivar, earl Ronald's son ; and he fell there in a battle. . . ."
But the Upphaf states that Ivar fell in the battle of Hafrsfiordr (F.S., x,
193 ; Fl., i, S75).
The Irish annals place the death of a king Ivar in 873 (above) ; probably
Godfrey's son.
Ronald had joined Harold before the battle of Solskel, and had been
made earl of north and south Masrr and of Romsdal, in return for his
support: see Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 95 (c. 179 in Fl.); H., Harold
Fairhair, cc. 10, 12 (cf c. 24) ; O.S., c. 4.
2 Cf Vatnsdcela Saga, c. 9 (Fornsogur, 17).
^ "[Sigurd] was a forecastle man of king Harold," O.S.
It seems to me that the last paragraph translated above from Heims-
kringla must be rejected as inconsistent with other authorities, and all
that precedes must be taken to describe the later invasion. See below,
pp. 392-393-
PART XI
Iceland and the Hebrides
ca. 870-ca. 873
Landnamabok, c. 6, p. 6 ^
[Ingolf and Leif] were one winter ^ in the land [of Iceland],
and afterwards sailed to Norway. After that, Ingolf took
charge of their wealth for an expedition to Iceland, while Leif
sailed upon a western expedition.^ He harried in Ireland, and
found there a great house underground : he went in, and it was
quite dark there till [he came to a place] where there was light
from a weapon which a man was holding. Leif killed the man
and took the sword, and much other treasure. Thereafter he
was called Hior-leif*
Hiorleif harried far in Ireland, and took much spoil there.
He took there ten slaves, named Dubthach, and Geirrod,
Skaldbiorn, Halldor, and Drafdrit ; more are not named.
After that, Hiorleif went to Norway, and met there his
foster-brother, Ingolf. He had before then married Helga,
Orn's daughter, Ingolf's sister. . . .^
1 Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 116.
- I.e., ? 870-871. For Ingolf, Orn's son, and Leif his foster-brother, cf.
Floamanna Saga ; Fornsogur, 120-122.
3 I.e. in? 873.
■* I.e. " Leif of the Sword."
^ Next summer (the Landnamabok says) Leif with his booty, and
Ingolf with the wealth of both, set out for Iceland, after Harold Fairhair
had been king of Norway for 12 winters ; 6073 winters after the creation
of Adam, and A.D. 874. (The Landnamabok therefore places Harold's
accession in 862.)
The Irish captives killed Leif the next spring [875], and were killed by
Ingolf.
After passing three winters in Iceland, Ingolf settled in Reykjavik [877].
According to the Historia Norwegiae, in Storm's Monumenta, 92-93,
Ingolf and Hiorleif when they went to Iceland were "fleeing from their
land because of the offence of man-slaughters."
385
336 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Geirmund Hell-skin, son of king Hior, also had sailed as pirate to the
British Isles before the battle of Hafrsfiordr. Landnamabok, c. 86, p. 38 :
" Geirmund Hellskin was a war-king. He led a plundering expedition to
the west" {hann heriadi i vestr vtkinng, literally "he harried into west-
viking" or western piracy), "but had his kingdom in Rogaland" (read
"Hordaland" ; see Gretti's Saga, cc. 2, 3) in Norway. Geirmund returned
after the battle ; his lands had been confiscated, and he had to go to
Iceland. Cf. the Tale of Geirmund Hellskin, Vigfusson's Sturlunga Saga,
i, 1-5 ; Origines Islandicae, i, 274-277.
Landnamabok, c. 107, p. 45 : "An Red-cloak, son of Grim Shaggy-
cheek from Rafnista, and son of Helga, daughter of An Bow-wielder, fell
into disfavour with king Harold, and therefore sailed from the country
upon western piracy. He plundered in Ireland, and married there Grelod,
the daughter of earl Biartmar. They sailed to Iceland. . . ."
Landnamabok, c. 145, p. 59 : ". . . Ingimund was a great viking, and
he plundered in western piracy. His comrade was called Saemund the
Hebridean. They came back from plundering in the time when king
Harold was encamped in Hafrsfiordr for battle against Thori Longchin.
Ingimund wished to support the king, but Ssemund would not, and he
broke off their fellowship there. After the battle king Harold gave to
Ingimund as wife Vigdis, the daughter of earl Thori the Silent. . . ."
Ingimund became a great man in Iceland.
Landndmabok, c. 155, p. 63: "Ssemund the Hebridean [was] the
comrade of Ingimund the Old, as has been written. He came with his
ship to the mouth of Gonguskard river [in Iceland]. Sasmund took all
Saemund's-side to Vatsskard, above Sffimund's stream ; and he lived in
Geirmund's-stead. His son was Geirmund, and he lived there after-
wards. . . ."
Saemund's daughter Thorlaug married Eilif Orn, who took land
beside Lax-river-dale; Landnamabok, c. 154, p. 63 (Olaf Tryggvi's son's
Saga, c. 130).
For SKmund, cf. Nial's Saga, c. 114 (Origines Islandicae, i, 243).
Further communications with the west appear in Landnamabok, c. 175,
p. 68 : " Thord was the name of a famous man. He was the son of Biorn
Bulter-keg, son of Hroald the Sad, son of Asleik, son of Biorn Ironside,
son of Ragnar Lodbrok. Thord sailed to Iceland and took Hofda-strand
in Skagafiordr. . . . Hofda-Thord married Fridgerd, the daughter of
Fridgerd, daughter of Kiarval, king of the Irish. [Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's
Saga, c. 226.] They had nineteen children.
" Biorn was their son : he married Thurid, daughter of Ref of Bard,
and their children were Arnor Hag's-nose, and Thordis, mother of Orm,
father of Thordis, mother of Botolf, father of Thordis, mother of Helga,
mother of Gudny, mother of Sturla's sons.
"The second son of Thord was called Thorgeir. He married Riupa,
the daughter of Arnald, Saemund [the Hebridean's] son. Their son was
Halldor of Hof.
" Snorri was the third son. He married Thorhild Riupa, the daughter
FIRST SETTLERS IN ICELAND 337
ca. 870 and ca. 874
Ari, Islendingabok, c. i, pp. 3-4
Iceland was first settled from Norway in the days of Harold
Fairhair, the son of Halfdan the Black.^ According to the
meaning and telling of Teit, my foster-brother, bishop Isleifs
son, the wisest man I know,^ and of Thorkel, my father's
brother and Gelli's son, who was of great age ; and of Thorid,
daughter of Snorri Godi,^ a woman both learned and sincere,
this was at the time when Ivar, Ragnar Lodbrok's son, caused
of Thord Yeller. Their son was Thord Horse-head, the father of [Thorfinn]
Karlsefni, who found Vinland the Good . . ," — some part of North America,
probably Nova Scotia. See below, year 986.
Landnimabok, c. 94, p. 41; " Ulf the Squinter, son of Hogni the
White, took all Reykianes between Thorskafiordr and Hafrafell. He had
as wife Biorg, the daughter of Eyvind the Eastman, and sister of Helgi
the Lean. Their son was Atli the Red, who married Thorbiorg, sister of
Steinolf the Short. Their son was Mi. of Reykiaholar, who married
Thorkatla, the daughter of Hergils Hnapprass. Their son was Ari.
" [Ari, Mi's son,] was driven from his course to White-men's-land,
which some men call Ireland the Great. It lies to the west in the sea,
near Vinland the Good. It is called six days' sailing west from Ireland.
From there Ari could not sail forth, and he was baptized there.
" This was first told of by Hrafn, a Limerick trader, who had long been
in Limerick in Ireland. Thorkel Gelli's son said that Icelanders who
have heard it from Thorfinn, earl of the Orkneys, say that Ari had been
recognized in White-men's-land, and he could not sail away, but was
highly esteemed.
"Ari had married Thorgerd, daughter of Alf of Dales. . . ." Dales-Alf
was a grandson of Thorstein Red. Thorgerd's mother was Halldis,
daughter of Erp, son of earl Maelduin. (Sturlubok version, c. 107, p. 159.)
Iceland was said to be six days' sailing from Britain (ibid., c. i, p. 3) ;
but there is no land as near to the west of Ireland as Iceland is to the
north of Britain. White-men's-land is placed somewhere in north
America, in Eric the Red's Saga, c. 12, p. 45. It may be fabulous.
According to Giraldus Cambrensis (v, 95), Iceland was only three
days' sailing from Ireland.
' Halfdan was king of the Uplanders in Norway. See the Land-
ndmabok, c. 326, pp. 114-115 ; and Heimskringla, Halfdan the Black's
Saga.
2 For Teit and Ari, see Snorri's Prologus to the Heimskringla. Cf.
Origines Islandicae, i, 241, 247, 427.
^ That Snorri Godi was bom in 963 is deducible from Kristni Saga,
c. I, p. 3.
y
338 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
to be slain the holy Edmund, king of the English ; 870 winters
after the birth of Christ, as is written in [Edmund's] Saga.^
Ingolf was the name of the Norwegian who is truthfully
said to have been the first to sail from [Norway] to Iceland,^
when Harold Fairhair was sixteen winters old^; and the
second time, four winters later.* He dwelt in the south [of
Iceland], in Reykjavik. . . .
' Edmund's death is placed in 870 by A.S.C. (ABDEFG ; 871, C).
See Abbo Floriacensis' account of his martyrdom: R.S. 96, i, 15-16. Cf.
the Annals of St Neots, s.a. 870 (Stevenson's Asser, 132-133).
For Ivar, see above, year 867, note.
^ What is meant seems to be that Ingolf was the first Norwegian
settler.
Landncimabok, c. 3, p. 4 : "A man was called Card, the son of Svavar
the Swede. [Gard] had lands in Sioland" (i.e. Sselland in Denmark;
Jdnsson), "but was born in Sweden. He sailed to the Hebrides, to claim
his wife's inheritance ; but when he had sailed through the Pentland Firth
a storm carried him away, and he went westward into the ocean. He
landed [in Iceland] to the east of Horn. There was a haven there at that
time. Gard sailed round the land, and found that it was an island. . . ."
Gard was one of the first Scandinavians to land in Iceland. The
Landndmabok says that Floki was the first to sail out on purpose to
explore Iceland (c. 5, p. 5) : " Floki, Vilgerd's son, was the name of a great
viking. He set out from Rogaland to search for Iceland. . . . He sailed
first to Shetland, and lay in Floki's Bay ; there his daughter Geirhild was
lost, in Geirhild's Water. In the ship with Floki was a farmer called
Thorolf, and another Heriolf, and Faxi, a Hebridean. . . ."
Naddodd of the Faroes is named as perhaps the first Norwegian to
discover Iceland, in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 113 (c. 199 in Fl., i, 248).
Landnamabok, 4, c. 4 : "A man was called Naddodd ["of the Faroes"
ibid., 26, c. 63] ; he was a brother of Exna-Thori, kinsman-in-law of
Barna-Karl. He was a great viking. . . ." On his way to the [Orkney]
islands, he was carried from his course to Iceland ; he called it
" Snow-land."
3 If Harold was sixteen winters old in 870, he must have been born in
854. See above, p. 323.
'^ I.e. in 874 ; the second expedition is the one dated in the
Landnimabok.
Theoderic, c. 3 ; Storm's Monumenta, pp. 8-9 : " In Harold's 9th year,
or as some think his loth, certain merchants sailed to the islands that we
call Faroes ; and there they were caught by a storm, and driven very far
through the ocean, and at last were carried to a very remote land, which
some consider to be the island of Thule — but because we know not the
truth of the matter, we neither affirm it nor deny it. Going up from their
ship and wandering around, and even climbing the mountains, they found
no human habitation at all. So they returned to Norway, and reported the
FIRST SETTLERS IN ICELAND 339
land that they had found ; and by praising it much they incited many to
look for it. Among these was especially a certain noble man, Ingolf by
name, of the province that is called Hordaland ; he prepared a ship, and
took with him his brother-in-law, Hiorleif by name, with many others ; and
looked for the aforesaid land, and found it, and began to inhabit it with his
followers, in about [paene] the tenth year of Harold's reign [873-874/871-872].
And then that land (which we now call Iceland) began to be inhabited for
the first time, except that a very few men from the island of Ireland, that is
lesser Britain, are believed to have been there in ancient times, from certain
indications found ; namely their books, and certain utensils.
"Two men, however, had gone before Ingolf in this affair ; the first of
them was called Garthar, and from him at first the land was called
Garthar's-holm ; and the other was called Floki. But let this suffice
concerning this affair."
Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 116; F.S., i, 239 : " It was in the 6th year
of the reign of king Harold the Fairhaired that men went to look for
Iceland ; and seven years later, that Hiorleif and Ingolf went to inhabit the
land. . . . That was in the 13th year of king Harold the Fairhaired; he had
then been for two winters sole king in Norway, from the time when the
battle of Hafrsfiordr was [fought]. That was four winters after the fall of
king Edmund the Holy in England. Then 6073 winters had passed from
the beginning of this world, and 874 years from the Incarnation of our Lord
Jesus Christ." (Less correctly in Flateyiarbok, i, 248.) This puts Harold's
birth in 852, his accession in 862, and the battle of Hafrsfiordr in 872.
The Icelandic Annals, following Ari, place Ingolfs first voyage to
Iceland in 870 (CDA ; 867, E), and the "beginning of the occupation of
Iceland" in 874 (KBDE ; 875, C).
The Kristni Saga reckons [io]7 winters from the settlement to the
arrival of bishop Frederick in Iceland (in 981), thus placing the settlement
in 874 (c. I, pp. 1-2) ; but Thorvald Wide-farer's Tale counts an interval
of 106 winters between the same events (c. 10, p. 79) ; Olaf Tryggvi's son's
Saga, c. 138.
Landnamabok, c. 2, p. 3: "At the time when Iceland was found and
settled from Norway, Adrian was pope in Rome, and John, the fifth of that
name in the seat" (read "eighth"; A.D. 872-882). "Louis, Louis's son,
was emperor to the north of the mountains [876-878], and Leo [886-912],
and Alexander, his son" (read brother; 912-913) "over Constantinople.
Then Harold Fairhair was king of Norway, and Eric, Eymund's son, of
Sweden, and his son, Biorn ; and Gorm the Old, in Denmark. Alfred the
Mighty [was king] in England [871-901], and his son, Edward [901-924] ;
Kiarval, in Dublin [t 888] ; Sigurd the Mighty [was] earl in the Orkneys."
This passage is copied in Olaf's Saga, c. m; F.S., i, 233-234 (c. 198,
i, 247). Cf. Saga-Fragment I, in F.S., xi, 410.
Since Sigurd was earl in the Orkneys, the settlement of Iceland began
after whatever expedition had established Sigurd there (see year ?874).
The greatest rush of settlers from the Hebrides probably took place at
the time of Harold's western expedition (after 892).
340 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
At that time Iceland was wooded between the mountains
and the coast. At that time, Christian men were here, whom
the Norwegians call papar ; but they departed afterwards,
because they would not be here with heathen men^ ; and they
left behind them Irish books, and bells, and croziers. Therefore
one could perceive that they were Irish men.
X874
Landnamalbok, Prologue ; Jonsson's edition, p. 3 ^
But before Iceland was inhabited [by settlers] from Norway,
there were 3 there the men whom the Norwegians c^W papar ;
these were Christian men, and it is believed that they had
come from the west beyond the sea, because Irish books, and
bells, and croziers, were found [left] behind them, and many
other things besides, so that one might know that they were
Landnamabok, c. 355, p. 125: "Learned men say that Iceland was
fully settled in 60 winters, so that since then it has not been more fully
peopled." This means that the period of settlement was from 870 to 930,
when the Althing was established (see below, p. 386).
^ Landnamabok, c. 280, pp. 99-100 : " Ketil the Foolish [was] the son
of lorunn Mannvits-brekka" (perhaps " taxer of the understanding"),
"daughter of Ketil Flatnose. [Ketil the Foolish] sailed to Iceland from
the Hebrides, and was a good Christian. He took land between Geirland's
river and Fiord's river, above Nykomi" (in eastern Iceland ; ibid., p. 125).
" Ketil lived in Kirkiubaer. There papar had settled before, and heathen
men could not live there.
" Ketil's son was Asbiorn, father of Thorstein, father of Surt, father
of Sighvat Lawman. . . ."
Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 125 (and Fl., i, 267).
Landnamabok, c. 283, p. 100 : " Hildi [son of Eystein, son of Hrani,
son of Hildi Parak] wished to remove his dwelling to Kirkiubaer, after
Ketil the Foolish ; he thought that a heathen man might be able to dwell
there. But when he came near the home-field-fence he died suddenly.
He lies there in Hildi's Barrow."
Cf Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 126.
Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 125 (F.S., i, 251): ". . . [Ketil] was
a good Christian ; therefore the pagans called him Ketil the Foolish. . . ."
Cf. Nial's Saga, i, 532, c. lOl.
See below, p. 343 ff.
^ This passage is copied in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. no; F.S.,
i, 233. Cf Saga-Fragment I, in F.S., xi, 410.
^ " had been " Olaf's Saga.
IRISH MONKS IN ICELAND 341
Westmen.^ This was the case in Papey in the east, and in
Papyli.^ So too do English books declare, that people sailed
between the lands at that time.^
^ "that they were Christian men, and had come there from west
beyond the sea " Olaf's Saga. Theoderic says that they were " very few "
(above).
2 This sentence is not in Olaf s Saga.
There are islands called Papa and Papa Stour in Shetland, Papa
Stronsay and Papa Westray in Orkney, Paba near Lewis, Pabbay between
Harris and North Uist, Pabbay in the Barra Isles, Pabba near Skye ;
these and other names contain the same root, the Latin papa in its Irish
sense of "bishop."
^ Ohthere, or Ottar, a voyager of Halogaland, the most northern
province of the Norwegians, (Langebek, Scriptores, ii, io8, 113) gave to
king Alfred an account of the northern lands (.'. 871x901). In this
account, nothing is said of Iceland ; and from this it has been argued
that Iceland had not been discovered by the Norwegians at the time when
Ohthere's account was made. Alfred described the voyages of Ohthere
in his Orosius (edited by H. Sweet, E.E.T.S., 1883, pp. 17-19 ; a facsimile,
with transcription and translation, by J. Bosworth, Description of Europe
(London, 1885). A previous translation by Bosworth is in Alfred's Works
(1852), ii, 39-50. Text and translation, by Rask : Ottars og Ulfstens korte
Rejseberetninger ; Copenhagen, 1816).
Cf. Dicuil's account of Thule ; De Mensura, pp. 41-44. Ibid., 43-44 :
"This [ca. 825] is now the thirtieth year from the time when I was
informed by priests who had remained in that island from the Kalends of
February to the Kalends of August, that not only at the summer solstice,
but in the days on both sides of it, the sun setting in the evening hour
hides itself as it were behind a little knoll. . . ."
Cf. the mention of Thule in the unhistorical introduction to the Life of
Catroe, c. 3 ; Colgan's Acta, p. 495.
Of Irish settlements in the Faroes, Dicuil says (ibid., p. 44); "There
are in the northern ocean of Britain many other islands which can be
reached in two days and nights' straight sailing with a steady wind
[blowing] favourably, from the northern islands of Britain. A religious
priest related to me that he had entered one of them in two summer days
and one intervening night, sailing in a boat with two thwarts.
" Some of these islands are small ; nearly all alike are separated by
narrow channels ; and in them for nearly a hundred years hermits have
dwelt, sailing from our Scottia" (Ireland). "But just as from the
beginning of the world they were ever uninhabited, so now [ca. 825],
because of those robbers the Northmen, they are empty of anchorites,
though full of innumerable sheep, and very many kinds of sea-birds. We
have never found these islands mentioned in the [geographical] authors'
books." This implies that the route to the islands was infested by
Norwegian pirates, and that therefore the islands were inaccessible to the
Irish.
342 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
874 X 930
Landnamabok ; Sturlubok version, c. 72, pp. 147-148
Vali the Strong was the name of one of king Harold
Fairhair's bodyguard : he lifted a spear in a sanctuary, and
was outlawed. He sailed to the Hebrides, and abode there.
But his three sons sailed to Iceland. Hli'f Horse-gelder was
their mother. One was called Atli, another Ulf-varin, the third
Audun Stoti. These all sailed to Iceland. . . .
Landnamabok, c. 71, p. 30
Audun Stoti, son of Vali the Strong, married Myruna,
the daughter of Blathmac,^ king of the Irish. . . . [Audun]
lived in Hraunsfiordr; from him the Hraunsfiord-men are
descended. . . .
874x930
Landnamabok, c. 269, p. 96
Thorstein Leg, son of Biorn Blue-tooth, sailed out from the
Hebrides to Iceland, and took all the land from the Horn
southwards to lokuls-river in Lon. And he lived in Bodvars-
holt for three winters. He sold the lands afterwards, and
sailed to the Hebrides.
874 X 900
Landnamabok, c. 399, p. 231
Learned men say that some of the settlers who occupied
Iceland had been baptized, and most of those who came from
the west beyond the sea. Among these are named Helgi the
Claudian (perhaps in poetic hyperbole) in 398 A.D. implied that Thule
was inhabited by Picts. M.G.H., Auctotes, x, 151:
madiiertmt Saxone fuso
Orcades J incaluit Pic forum sanguine Thylej
Scottorum tumulos flevit glacialis Hiveme.
Icelandic place-names do not show traces of Celtic language, as do
those of Shetland and Orkney.
1 Biadmaks : "of Blathmac"? But possibly Biadach, Kiarval's son,
is meant. See p. 345.
" Myruna, the daughter of Matad, king of the Irish " in Sturla's version,
C. 83, p. 151.
HEBRIDEANS GO TO ICELAND 343
Lean, and Orlyg the Old [Hrapp's son], Helgi Biola, lorund
the Christian [son of Ketil, Bresi's son], Aud the Wealthy
[daughter of Ketil Flatnose], Ketil the Foolish [grandson of
Ketil Flatnose], and many men besides, who came from the
west beyond the sea. And some of them held Christianity
well till their death day, but it seldom passed to their
descendants; so that some of their sons built temples, and
sacrificed. And the land was quite heathen for nearly a
hundred years.^
' I.e., from 900 to 1000 A.D. Some settlers of the first generation
(870-900) were Christian ; some inhabitants were Christian a few years
before 1000.
Landnamabok incidentally implies that the settlers from the Hebrides
went to Iceland soon after 870, and had died before 900. This is not,
however, to be taken quite literally, because there seems to have been an
exodus of Harold's enemies from the islands after the death of Halfdan
Longleg, when it was known that Harold was preparing an expedition
to the west (i.e., ca. 894 - ca. 895). Aud's party, weakened by the
death of Thorstein, had probably gone before Halfdan's death (.-. 889 xca.
894).
Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 125 (Fornmanna Sogur, i, 250-251):
"Helgi the Lean went to Iceland with his wife and children. Helgi was
called Christian, and yet was very mixed in his beliefs ; he was baptized
and professed faith in Christ, but he vowed to Thor for sea-journeys and
difficult undertakings " Fl., i, 267.
In Hauk Friend's son's genealogy, Helgi stands 22 generations below
Odin, 13 generations above Hauk. Hauksbok, ii, 504-505.
Helgi settled in the north of Iceland (Landndmabok, p. 125)..
Landnamabok, c. 15, pp. lo-ii : "Orlyg was the name of a son of
Hrapp, Biorn Buna's son. He was fostered by the holy bishop Patrick in
the Hebrides. He desired to go to Iceland, and he asked bishop Patrick
to arrange it for him. The bishop got for him church-timber, and bade
him take it with him ; and a plenarium " [probably a book of gospels] " and
an iron bell, and a gold penny, and consecrated earth to lay under the
corner-posts, and to have it as consecration, and for the sake of hallowing
[the church] to Columcille. . . . Orlyg put to sea ; and also in another
ship the man who was called Koll, his foster-brother : they kept the same
course. In the ship with Orlyg was the man who was called Thorbiorn
Sporr ; another, Thorbiorn Talkni, aud a third, Thorbiorn Skuma. These
were the sons of Bodvar Bladder-pate. . . ."
Cf Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 119 (and FL, i, 164).
Patrick described the place where Orlyg should build his church ;
Orlyg found the place from the description. Possibly this was one of the
places formerly occupied by Irish hermits.
Of descendants of Orlyg it is said that " they believed in Columcille,
344 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
although they were unbaptized" (Landnamabok, c. 15, p. 11). (A church
was dedicated to Columba by Halldor the Red : c. 21, p. 14.)
A large proportion of the earliest settlers in Iceland were Norwegians
from the British Isles.
The ten settlers in Iceland named in Landnamabok (cc. 11-16) next after
Ingolf and Leif are Thord Skeggi, Ketil Flatnose's nephew; Hall, Thori
Godless' son ; Helgi Biola, Ketil Flatnose's son ; from the Hebrides, Orlyg,
Ketil Flatnose's nephew, with Orlyg's foster-brother and son, and with three
Thorbiorns, sons of Bodvar Bladder-pate; Svartkel " from England " ("a
Caithness man," in Sturla's version, c. 16, p. 136). Of these, all but one
went from Britain. After these Landnamabok (cc. 18-21) names Hvamm-
Thori and Thorolf Butter ; Avang, an Irishman ; Bresi's sons, grandson,
and great-grandson, from Ireland ; Kalman, "an Irishman" (" a Hebridean,"
and Kylan his brother ; c. 30. Cf Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 129).
In Landnamabok, p. 124, Helgi Biola and Orlyg are named before and
after Ingolf, in the list of settlers in the south of Iceland.
Landnamabok, c. 16, p. 12 : "A man" ("of Caithness " Sturla's version)
"was called Svartkel. He went from England to Iceland, and took land
in-shore from Mydals-river, and between it and Eilifs-dals-river ; and he
lived first at Kidia-fell, and afterwards at Eyrr. His son was Thorkel,
father of the Glum who took Christianity in his old age. . . . Arnleif was
the name of a sister of Svartkel ; she was married to Thorolf Viligisl,
father of Kleppiarn the Old of Floka-dalr. Their daughter was Hallgerd,
whom Bergthor, KoU's son, married."
Landnamabok, c. 179, p. 70: "Bard the Hebridean took land [in
Iceland] from Stifla up to the Miova-dalr river. His son was Hall of
Mio-doel, the father of Thurid, whom Arnor Hag's-nose married."
Elsewhere are named Radorm and lolgeir, brothers, "from west beyond
the sea" (c. 320, p. 113) ; and (according to the text in Origines Islandicae,
i, 221) Hrodgeir the Wise and Oddgeir, brothers (cc. 25, 329; pp. 15-16,
116) ; Alfgeir, from the Hebrides (Sturla's version, c. 79, p. 150) ; Kampa-
Grim, from the Hebrides (Melabok version, p. 254). From Orkney,
Thorbiorn Earl's-champion, a Norwegian (c. 336, p. 120) ; and Oddlaug
and Thraslaug, daughters of Eyvind the Orkneyman (Landndmabok,
c. 293, pp. 102-103).
An Irish settler in Iceland was Baug (great-grandfather oi the famous
Gunnar of Hlidar-endi), son of Raud, son of Kiallak (Cellach), son of Kiarval
(Cerball) king of the Irish (cc. 303, 307, pp. 106, 107-108 ; cf. Sturla's
version, c. 348, pp. 218-220).
From Ireland went to Iceland ("in a ship that was called Kudi ")
Vilbald and Askel Hnockan (Asgeir in c. 321), sons of Dubthach, son of
Donald, son of Kiarval, king of the Irish (cc. 286, 321 ; pp. loi, 113).
Kiarval's daughter Gormflaith married Grimolf, nephew of Alf of Egd
(Grimolf left Norway during Harold Fairhair's reign) ; c. 348, p. 123. Two
other daughters of Kiarval are named : Fridgerd, who married Thori Hima
(c. 175, p. 68) ; Raforta, who married Eyvind Eastman (c. 184, p. 72).
For Kiarval's daughter Fridgerd see Eric the Red's Saga, c. 7 ; p. 27,
SETTLERS FROM BRITISH ISLES 345
note. Biadach, a son "of Kiarval the Old, king of Ireland, who reigned
there long," is mentioned in the Dream of Thorstein Side-Hall's son
(Mobius, Analecta Norrcena (1859), p. 186. Origines, i, 251).
From Ireland went " Hildi, and Hallgeir, and Liot their sister" (c. 308,.
p. log) ; " Steinrod, son of Maelpatraic, a noble man of Ireland. [Steinrod]
was a freedman of Thorgrim Bill. He married Thorgrim's daughter, and
was the goodliest of all men. . . ."
Irish slaves taken to Iceland by Ketil Gufa, son of Orlyg, son of
Bodvar, son of Vigsterk, from western piracy " late in the settling time "
(870-goo), rebelled and perished (Landnamabok, c. 97, pp. 42-43). Their
names may be noted : " One was called Thormod, another Floki ; Kori,
and Svart, and two Skorris." Floki is mentioned also in Sturla's version,
c. 35, p. 140. Ketil Gufa's nick -name may be the Irish goba, "smith";
Vigfusson thought that both names had been made Icelandic from Irish
{Caihal goba).
The names of the following settlers suggest that they had Irish or
Scottish origin : Bekan (Beccan), c. 24 ; Dufan (Duban), c. 107, p. 45 ;
Dufthak (Dubthach), c. 303, p. io6 ; Galm[an] (Colman), c. 188, p. 74 ;
perhaps also Thorgeir Meldun (Maelduin), c. 45, p. 21 ; and Sturla's
version, c. 33, p. 140.
PART XII
Ketil Flatnose establishes Scandinavian Rule
IN THE Hebrides
864x883
Landnamabok, c. 13, p. 10^
Why Ketil Flatnose was exiled.
Harold Fairhair plundered in the west beyond the sea, as
is written in his saga. He subdued to himself all the Hebrides,
so far westward that no king of Norway has owned more
afterwards, except king Magnus Bare-leg.^
But when [Harold] sailed from the west, vikings,^ [both]
Scots and Irishmen, invaded the Hebrides, and plundered
widely. And when king Harold learned this, he sent west
Ketil Flatnose, the son of Biorn Buna,* to take the islands
' Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 121 (and Fl., i, 263-264).
2 See above, pp. 331-334. Ketil's western expedition followed that which
made Sigurd earl of Orkney ; but Harold's great campaign in the west was
at least twenty years later.
^ vikingar. Originally perhaps vtkingr may have meant " man of the
Vik " in the south of Norway ; then " pirate " of any race. Here Norwegian
settlers are attacked by Scottish and Irish vikings.
The feminine abstract word viking became a technical term for the
"cruise of a pirate" : 1 translate it "piracy."
■* Landnamabok, c, 11, p. 9 : "Biorn Buna was the name of a powerful
and famous chief in Norway. He was the son of Wether-Grim, a chief
of Sogn. . . .
" Biorn married Velaug, the sister of Vemund the Old ; they had three
sons : one was Ketil Flatnose, another was Helgi, the third was Hrapp.
They were famous men, and of their descendants much is said in this book.
And from them have come almost all the great men of Iceland.
" Hrapp married Thorunn Groningar-riupa. Their son was Thord
Skeggi. [Thord] married Vilborg, the daughter of king Oswald and of
Ulfrun the Unborn, daughter of Edmund, king of the English. . . ."
Cf Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. n8. Thord is the first settler in Iceland
named in Landnamabok after Ingolf and Leif ; Orlyg is the sixth. Cf
Kialnesinga Saga, cc. 1-2, where Orlyg is said to have been of Irish
descent, and to have left Ireland when Conchobar was king there.
KETIL SENT TO THE HEBRIDES 347
again. Ketil was married to Yngvild, the daughter of Ketil
Wether, a chief in Hringa-n'ki. Their sons were Biorn the
Eastern, and Helgi Biola.^ Aud the Wealthy, and Thorunn
Hyrna, were their daughters.^
^ Landnamabok, c. 14, p. 10 : "Helgi Biola, the son of Ketil Flatnose,
sailed to Iceland from the Hebrides. He was with Ingolf for the first
winter, and took with his advice all Kialarnes, between Mogils-river and
Mydals-river. He lived at Hof . . ." (Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga,
c. 119.) Landnamabok seems to imply that Ingolf was alone for his first
three winters at least in Iceland ; but Helgi must have been one of the
earliest settlers there (?877 x). He is the fifth settlernamed, after Ingolf and
Leif " Helgi [had] married Thorny, daughter of Ingolf of [Reykia]vik,
who was the first to inhabit Iceland," says the Kialnesinga Saga, c. i
(Islandinga Sogur, ii (1847), 397).
An assembly met at Kialarnes, before the establishment of the Althing
in Iceland (Landnamabok, c. 10, p. 9).
^ Laxdoela Saga, c. i, pp. 1-2 : "A man was called Ketil Flatnose, the
son of Biorn Buna : he was a powerful chief in Norway, and of high
family. He lived in Romsdal, in Romsdoala-fyiki : it is between south
Masrr and north Masrr.
" Ketil Flatnose married Yngvild, daughter of Ketil Wether, a famous
man. Their children were five : one was called Biorn the Eastern, another
Helgi Biola.
" A daughter of Ketil was called Thorunn Hyrna, who was married to
Helgi the Lean, the son of Eyvind Eastman and Raforta, the daughter of
Kiarval, the Irish king.
"Aud the Deep-minded" [v.l. "the Wealthy"] "was another daughter
of Ketil ; she was married to Olaf the White, son of Ingiald, son of Frodi
the Valiant, whom the Svertlingar killed.
" lorunn Mannvits-brekka was another daughter of Ketil. She was
the mother of Ketil the Fisher" ihins fiskna; in Landndmabok correctly
"the Foolish," hinn fiflski, cc. 354, 356 ; hinn filfski, c. 280), "who took
land in Kirkiubffir. His son was Asbiorn, the father of Thorstein, the
father of Surt, the father of Sighvat the Lawman."
Cf. Eyrbyggia Saga, c. i, p. i (Origines Islandicae, i, 252-253).
Biorn, Helgi Biola, Aud, and Thorunn, and lorunn's son Ketil, all
went to Iceland from the Hebrides.
Ketil's son Thori also had gone to Iceland. Cf. Vemund's Saga,
Islendinga Sogur (1829-1830), ii, 278-279, 291-293.
Eyrbyggia Saga, c. i, pp. 1-2 : " Sons of [Ketil and Yngvild] were called
Biorn and Helgi, and their daughters were Aud the Wealthy and lorunn
Mannvits-brekka. Biorn, Ketil's son, was fostered in the east, in lamtaland,
by the earl who was called Kiallak" [Ceallac, Irish Cellachf), "a wise and
famous man. The earl had a son whose name was Biorn, and his
daughter was called Giaflaug." lamtaland is now Jamteland, in the
north-west of Sweden. See year 884.
348 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Ketil sailed west/ and left in his place Biorn, his son.
Ketil subdued all the Hebrides, and made himself lord over
them, but paid no tax to king Harold, as had been intended.
Then king Harold took to himself [Ketil's] possessions in
Norway, and expelled [Ketil's] son Biorn.
Of. Landndmabok, c. iii, pp. 160-161 : "A man was called Kiallak, the
son of Biorn the Strong, the brother of Giaflaug, who was married to
Biorn the Eastern. He went to Iceland, and took land from Dogurd-river
to Klofningar, and he lived at Kiallak's-stead. His sons were Helgi
Hrogn, and Thorgrim Tangle, under Fell; Eilif Prudi; Asbiorn Vodvi,
at Orrastadir ; Biorn Whale-maw, at Tungardr ; Thorstein Thynning ;
Gizur Glad, in Skora-vik ; Thorbiorn Skrofudr, at Ketil's-stead. [His
daughter was] /Esa of Sviney, mother of Eyiolf and Tinforni.
"Liotolf was the name of a man. To him Kiallak gave a dwehing in
Liotolfs-stead, inland from Kalda-kinn. . . ." See the rest of c. 1 1 1
(II, 16, in Origines Islandicae, i, 85-86).
Landnamabok brings these Scottish affairs into the beginning of the
history of Iceland, because they led many settlers to go there.
Since Helgi was one of the earliest settlers in Iceland, he must have
gone there little later than 877. Laxdcela Saga says that Helgi sailed to
Iceland in the same summer in which Ketil sailed to the Hebrides : this
may possibly be correct, but Laxdcela is certainly wrong in saying that
Ketil's son Biorn sailed to Iceland that summer. See below, pp. 359-363.
' Laxdcela Saga says that Ketil was old when he set out for the
Hebrides, and that a report of the possibility of settling in Iceland had
then reached Norway (.'. 870 x). Landnamabok places Ketil's settlement
in the west after Harold's first western expedition (.■. 874 x ) ; but see
above, p. 286. Eyrbyggia Saga and Laxdcela Saga imply that Ketil came
west in or after the year of Hafrsfiordr (.•. 874 x ).
Eyrbyggia Saga implies that Aud's marriage with Olaf took place after
Ketil came to the west (.'. 874 x ) ; but their son Thorstein fought in
Scotland before 892, and perhaps not long after 874 (cf. Laxdcela Saga) ;
their grand-daughter was married some years before 900, indeed probably
before Halfdan Longleg went to Orkney (in or soon after 894) ; therefore
Aud's marriage probably took place before 855, and certainly before 860.
Laxdcela Saga says also that Aud accompanied Ketil from Norway ;
this, with the fact that Olaf the White is not mentioned (except in
a discredited statement in Eyrbyggia Saga) in connection with either
Ketil's departure or Thorstein's campaign, seems to imply that Olaf the
White was then dead ; perhaps even that Ketil was assisting Thorstein
to step into Olaf's shoes. See below, p. 378.
Olaf the White flourished in 850 ; and probably he died a short time
before Ketil's expedition, which took place (872 x 883) not long after 874.
These dates do not oppose an (otherwise untenable) identification of Olaf
the White with Olaf, Godfrey's son, who flourished in 853 and died
(872 X 874) perhaps in 874. See pp. 308-309.
KETIL SUBDUES THE HEBRIDES 349
ca. 874
Eyrbyggia Saga, c. i, pp. 2-3
This was in the time when king Harold the Fairhaired came
to the kingdom in Norway. Many noble men fled to escape
this war, away from their odal-lands and out of Norway ; some
east over the Ridge, others west beyond the sea. There were
some who remained in winter in the Hebrides or the Orkneys,
but in the summers plundered in Norway and did much harm
in king Harold's dominion. The farmers brought this before
the king, and bade him deliver them from this warfare. Then
king Harold took this counsel, to have an army made ready
for west beyond the sea, and to say that Ketil Flatnose [and
his sons] should be in command of the army. Ketil made
excuses, but the king said that he must go. And when Ketil
saw that the king would be obeyed, he prepared for the
expedition, and took with him his wife and all his children
that were there.^ And when Ketil came west beyond the sea,
he had some battles, and always won the victory. He laid the
Hebrides under him, and became lord over them. Then he
made alliances with the greatest lords who were to the west
of the sea, and bound himself to them by marriage-ties ; and
he sent the army east again.
And when they came to king Harold they said that Ketil
Flatnose was lord in the Hebrides, but they said they knew not
that [Ketil] would bring under king Harold the dominion to
the west of the sea. And when the king heard this he took
under himself the possessions that Ketil had had in Norway.^
' Biorn was absent.
^ A different and perhaps less authoritative account is given by the
Laxdcela Saga, cc. 2-3, pp. 3-4 : " In the later days of Ketil arose the
dominion of king Harold the Fairhaired, so that no district-king and no
other man of rank could thrive in the land unless [Harold] alone was
obeyed as their superior" (r/Sz' . . . ■nafnbotum theira, literally "ruled
their titles "). " But when Ketil learned that king Harold had intended
for him the same terms as for the other nobles — to have their kinsmen
unattoned for, and themselves to be made liegemen — then he summoned
an assembly of his relatives. . . ." They all decided to leave Norway :
" Biorn and Helgi wished to go to Iceland, because they thought they had
heard much that was good of it ; they said there was good choice of land
there, and one needed not [have] money to buy [land] : they asserted that
there was much whaling [hval-rett] and salmon-fishing, and [good] fishing-
350 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
875
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 388, s.a. 874 = 875 ^
An encounter of the Picts with the Black-foreigners^; and
great slaughter was made of the Picts.^
Eystein, son of Olaf, the king of the Northmen, was killed
by Halfdan, by stratagem.*
places at all seasons. Ketil answered : ' In my old age I shall never come
into those fishing-places.' Then Ketil spoke his mind, that he was more
wiUing [to go] west beyond the sea ; he said there was reckoned to be a
good livelihood there. Wide lands were known to him there, because he
had plundered there widely.
[c. 3] " After this, Ketil held a noble feast ; and he gave Thorunn Hyrna,
his daughter, in marriage to Helgi the Lean, as has been written above.
"After that, Ketil prepared his expedition from the land to west beyond
the sea. His daughter Aud [Unnr] went with him, and many of his relatives.
" Ketil's sons proceeded the same summer to Iceland, with Helgi the
Lean, their brother-in-law. . . ."
Laxdoela's statement that Ketil Flatnose had visited the Hebrides before
is noteworthy (cf. year 857). It is to be noted also that Ketil was an old
man at the time of his settlement there.
It is possible that Helgi had gone with Aud from the west to Norway.
But there is no certainty that Aud had been with Olaf in the west. (If her
husband was Olaf, Godfrey's son, he married again in Ireland.) Helgi
the Lean lived in the west ; he might have brought to Ketil and Aud the
news of Olaf's death. (Eyrbyggia Saga implies that the marriage between
Helgi and Ketil's daughter Thorunn took place in the Hebrides : but it
implies the same of Aud's marriage with Olaf, and that is incorrect.)
But Ketil's family-gathering may have grown in the story-teller's hands
(like Ronald earl of Mserr's ; see pp. 374-376).
Laxdoela Saga may possibly be right in saying that Helgi Biola w^nt
to Iceland in the summer of Ketil's final expedition, but is certainly wrong
in implying that Biorn left Norway in that year. See below, 883-884.
Laxdoela Saga (c. 3, pp. 4-6) describes separately the voyages and
settlement of Biorn, Helgi Biola, and Helgi the Lean.
Ari, Islendingabok, c. 2; "Helgi the Lean, a Norwegian, son of
Eyvind Eastman, settled in the north, in Eyia-fiordr. From him the
Eyfirdingar are descended."
^ With epact of 875.
^ I.e., the Danes of Northumbria.
^ See the Chronicle of the Kings, below, year 877.
Here Skene would place the martyrdom of Adrian in the Isle of May :
see P. & S., 425.
* Halfdan seems to have been Eystein's grand-uncle ; but his followers
were Danes. Eystein's death was avenged two years later.
For Eystein, cf. year 872, note.
DANES IN PICTLAND, WALES, AND IRELAND 351
877
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 390, s.a. 876 = 877 ^
Rotri, Mermin's son,- king of the Britons, came to Ireland,
ileeing from the Black-foreigners. . . .
A little battle [was fought] at Loch Cuan between White-
gentiles and Black-gentiles; and in it fell Halfdan, leader of
the Black-gentiles.^
875-877
Wars of the Irish with the Foreigners, c. 25, pp. 24-26
Leinster and the men of Munster were plundered by Bard,
and by [Eystein], Olaf's son, with the fleet of Dublin, until
[Bard and Eystein] reached Kerry ; and they left there no
cave under ground unexcavated, and they left nothing, from
Limerick to Cork, unpillaged. And they burned Emly,* and
plundered southern Decies. The same people had plundered
Meath and Connaught two years before, as far as Corcomroe
and Leim-Conculaind.^
Slaughter was afterwards made of [Halfdan], Ronald's son,
and of the Foreigners, by Aed, Niall's son, at the feast that
was given to Ronald's son of Dublin.
They fought a battle between themselves, that is to say
the White-gentiles and the Black-gentiles, namely Bard and
Ronald's son ; and there Ronald's son fell, and many with him.
And Bard was wounded there.
And they made war against the men of Scotland ; and
there Constantine, Kenneth's son, sovereign of Scotland, fell,
and many with him. That was the occasion when the earth
gave way ^ under the men of Scotland.^
" With epact of 877.
^ Ruaidhri mac Muirminn. See year 878.
' Alba?t7z, dux 71a n-Dubgentij dux in C.S., taoiseach in D.A.I.
Both sentences appear similarly in C.S., 166, Hennessy's year 877 ; the
second, in D.A.I., 36, s.a. 877 (both these versions read "a battle at Loch
Cuan ").
In the Wars, Halfdan is called " Ronald's son " ; he was thus the
uncle of Olaf and Ivar. See years 864 and 872.
* In Tipperary.
^ Loop Head, in extreme SW. of Clare (Hogan).
^ Is andsin da midg in talum.
~ Cf. the older version of the Wars, in the Book of Leinster, ibid., 231-
352 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
877
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 390, s.a. 875 = 8761
Constantine, Kenneth's son, king of the Picts, . . . died.^
862-877
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 8
Constantine, Kenneth's son, reigned for sixteen years. In
his first year, Maelsechlaind, king of the Irish, died ; and Aed,
Niall's son, held the kingdom.^ And after two years, Olaf,
with his Gentiles, wasted Pictland, and dwelt in it, from the
Kalends of January to the feast of St Patrick.* Again in
[Constantine's] third year, Olaf, drawing a hundred [ships P],^
was slain by Constantine.^
232, concluding thus: "All these also fell before the men of Ireland.
And slaughter was made of them by Aed Findliath, Niall's son, at Dublin,
at the feast that was given by Aed in Dublin to Ronald's son. They fought
a battle between themselves, that is to say the White-gentiles and the
Black-gentiles ; namely Bard and [Halfdan], Ronald's son. And there
Ronald's son fell, and many with him. Bard was wounded there, and he
was lame ever afterwards. And after that, the Black-gentiles were driven
out of Ireland ; and they went to Scotland, and gained a battle against the
men of Scotland ; and there fell Constantine, Kenneth's son, sovereign of
Scotland, and a great company along with him. That was the occasion
when the earth gave way under the men of Scotland" {ra maid in talam).
^ With epact of 876, and marginal note " bissextile."
2 Similarly in C.S., 164, Hennessy's year 876.
2 Maelsechlaind, king of Ireland, died in 862, according to A.U., i,
370-372, s.a. 861=862, on Tuesday, November 30th: but November 30th
was Tuesday in 863. Previously in the same year-section, the accession
of Aed, Niall's son, has been recorded. The date is usually reckoned as
862 by the Irish annalists. If 863 were the true year, Constantine's
accession would have been after 30th November, 862,
For Aed, Niall's son, see years 856, 889.
* I.e., January ist to March 17th. According to this account, Olaf
invaded Pictland two years after Maelsechlaind's death, and remained
there till March of next year ; but his invasion is dated 866 by the Irish
annals : therefore Maelsechlaind's death is placed by the Chronicle of the
Kings in 863.
^ tercio iterum anno Ainlaib, trahens centum, a Constajitino occisus est.
I.e., "at the head of a hundred ships " ? The text is perhaps corrupt. Read
possibly censum : " drawing tribute " ?
" It is implied that this was Olaf, Godfrey's son.
Constantine's third year would have been 864 ; but there was more than
KING CONSTANTINE 353
A little while afterwards, a battle was fought by him in his
fourteenth year, at Dollar, between Danes and Scots ; and the
Scots were slain, [and driven] to Achcochlam.^
The Northmen passed a whole year in Pictland.^
862-877
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. i S i
Constantine, Kenneth's son, reigned for fifteen years ; and
he was slain by the Norwegians in the battle of Inverdovat,^
and was buried in the island of lona.*
"a little while" between his third and his 14th year. Either something
has been omitted, or the text is otherwise corrupt ; possibly we should
read " 13th " for " 3rd," i.e. 874.
Olaf, Godfrey's son, left Ireland hurriedly in 871 to support his father ;
it seems improbable that Olaf should have invaded Scotland on his way
from Ireland for this purpose ; therefore he must rather be supposed to
have fallen after his return (probably 873 x ).
' occisz sunt Scoti co Achcochlam. Read ad Athfotlam "to Athole"?
This war is dearly the same as that recorded by A.U. in 875 (above),
between Black-foreigners and Picts ; this is therefore not an invasion by
the Northmen from Ireland or the Hebrides.
^ Probably 877-878, because this must refer to the invasion that caused
Constantine's death. The Wars (above) say that this also was an invasion
of Black-foreigners ; the Verse Chronicle says that Constantine was killed
by Danes. But the Chronicles of the Kings are more to be trusted than
they. Fordun may be right in assuming that this was a combinefl invasion.
^ m bello de Merdo faika, D ; in bello Inverdofacia, F ; in Werdo fata,
G; in Inverdufatha, I. According to Skene, this place is "now Inver-
dovet, in the parish of Forgan," in the north-east corner of Fife : but this
is doubtful. Fordun following the Verse Chronicle translates the name
" Black Cave."
* Similarly in versions F (ibid., 174), G (301), I (288), and (omitting the
place of Constantine's death) in N (305): but FGI read "16 years"; 20
years, N. For other readings see above, p. cxxxvii, note.
K reads (ibid., 204) : " Constantine, Kenneth's son, [reigned for] sixteen
years ; and he was killed by the Norwegians in battle."
The Duan Albanacb, in P. & S., 62 : " Thirty years, with his vigour,
had the warrior [don churadK\, Constantine."
Duan Albanach, ibid., 58 : "The last king of [the Picts] was the bold
warrior \a.n cur calmd\, Constantine." Cf. year 820, note. From the word
{cur) used in reference to him, I take this to have been meant for the same
Constantine who died in 877.
Fordun, Chronica, IV, 15 (i, 157-158): "In the year of the Lord 858
354 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
862-877
Prose and Verse Chronicle inserted in the Chronicle of
Meh-Qse, pp. 18, 224, s.a. 863 ^
Donald, king of the Scots, died.
"After him, Constantine became king, for 15 years ^; he
was the son of king Kenneth. Fighting in battle, he fell by
the arms of the Danes. The place where the battle was fought
is called Black Cave."^
862-877
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 125-128; Skene's Picts
and Scots, pp. 85-86
Another young king* will take [sovereignty]; welcome
[to those] who pray for it ! The cow-herd of the byre of the
cows of the Picts,-^ the fair, tall one, the lavish giver of wine.*
[Donald] was succeeded by his nephew Constantine, the son of his brother,
Kenneth the Great ; . . . and he reigned as king for sixteen years. In his
time, and in the whole of the time of his predecessors, that is, of his father
and uncle, a great fleet of pagans from the east — Danes, Norwegians, and
Frisians — appeared, and infested the whole British and Belgian sea : . . .
and constantly for many days they molested with many injuries both
kingdoms of Scotland and England, bursting in suddenly now here, now
there, as they were carried by the wind.
" In [Constantine's] second year it began to freeze, through almost the
whole of Europe, on the second day before the Kalends of December
[November 30th], and ceased on the Nones of April [April 5th]. ..."
Fordun IV, 16 says that "a second fleet of pagans, greater and more
cruel, came from the Danube, and joined the former one" ; and that the
death of Constantine was brought about by connivance of barbarian Picts.
1 Also in P. & S., 178 (MS. B).
^ For 1 5 {quingue ter), B reads bis terni afmis, confusedly.
3 Nigra Speciis. The paragraph in inverted commas is in verse.
A cave on the shore near Balcomie, outside the "Danes' Dike" at the
East Neuk of Fife, is called Constantine's Cave. Cf C. Rogers, Register
of Crail (1877), 3. But this cannot be the place named by the Chronicles
of the Kings and Berchan ; that was near a river mouth, and there is no
river near Constantine's Cave.
* This is the second king named in the Prophecy after Kenneth, Alpin's
son ; therefore presumably Constantine, Kenneth's son.
•' I.e., the protector of the Picts against invasion.
^ an finn-fada an finn-shoichleach ; xe:a.di fin-skoichleach.
KINGS CONSTANTINE AND ROTRI 355
There will be hazard (?) through which three battles will be
gained,^ over the Gentiles of pure colour ; a fourth battle, the
battle of Luaire, against the king of the Britons, of green
mantles.
Welcome to Scotland, of which he will take possession ; but
short the time he will enjoy her. The king will have five years
and a half (a pure space ^) as king of Scotland.
. . . ^ [He will fall] on Thursday, in pools of blood, on the
shore of Inber-Dub-roda.*
878
Annales Oamtariae, Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 167, s.a. [877]
Rotri and his son, Guriat, were killed by the Saxons.^
^ Gmiis tres mebhsad tri catha. Gni'iis "hazard," O'Reilly, Skene.
O'Connell, in MS. b, suggests ^i3«azj.
2 Idtkair ghlain, a cheville.
^ Two lines seem to have been omitted here. The stanza is incomplete.
^ for trdigh inbhir dubh r6d~ , rhyming with /o/a. This may be the
place that is named by the Chronicles of the Kings (DFGI) as the place of
Constantine's death.
° Similarly in B.S. in M.A., 655, s.a. 877 ; but the reading there is
"Rotri and Guriat, his brother." So also in B.T. in R.B.H., 260; and in
B.T. in M.A., 688, s.a. 873, which says that they were killed by the English
in the battle of Diu Sul, in Mon (cf. A.C., s.a. [876]).
There is a Welsh inscription ascribed to the 8th or 9th century, near
Ramsey in the Isle of Man, Crux Guriat "cross of Guriat." See the
Zeitschrift fiir celtische Philologie, i, 49, 52, 53. There is nothing, however,
to connect this monument with the Guriat who was killed in 878 : the
name was not an uncommon one.
Asser, De Rebus Gestis ^Elfredi, cc. 80-81, Stevenson's ed., pp. 66-67
(M.B.H., 488): "At that time" [884 A.D., 36th of Alfred; ibid. p. 49;
= 885 in F.W., S.D., the Annals of St Neots, and A.S.C., ABDEF (886 C) ;
the next year-section in Asser is numbered 886 A.D.] "and for long
before, all the districts of the southern part of Wales \_Briianniae\ pertained
to king Alfred; and they still pertain to him. Hemeid" [king of Dyfed]
"with all the inhabitants of the district of Demetia, compelled by the force
of six sons of Rotri, submitted themselves to the royal empire ; Higuel
\_Bouir\ also, Ris's son, the king of Gleguising, and Brochmail and
Fernmail, Mouric's sons, kings of Guent, compelled by the force and
tyranny of earl ^thered and the Mercians, voluntarily [suapte] besought
the same king that they might have from him dominion and defence from
their enemies. Helised also, Teudubr's son, king of Brecheniauc,
compelled by the force of the same sons of Rotri, voluntarily \suaf>te] asked
356 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
878
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 392-394, s.a. 877 = 878 1
Rotri, Mermin's son,^ king of the Britons, was killed by
Saxons.
Aed, Kenneth's son,^ king of the Picts, was slain by his
confederates. . . .
Columcille's shrine, and also his relics, came to Ireland, in
flight from the Foreigners.^
for the dominion of the aforesaid king. Anaraut also, Rotri's son, with his
brothers, at the last abandoning his friendship with the Northumbrians —
from which he had had no good, but only loss — , and eagerly requesting the
king's friendship, went to his presence ; and when he had been honourably
received by the king, and accepted as a son of confirmation at the bishop's
hands, and presented with very great gifts, submitted himself to the king's
dominion with all his subjects, upon the same condition, that he should be
as obedient to the king's will in all things as was ^thered with [his]
Mercians.
[c. 81] "And all these did not acquire the king's friendship in vain.
For those who desired increase of earthly power obtained it ; those [who
desired] money, [obtained] money ; those [who desired] friendship [obtained]
friendship. Those [who desired] both, [obtained] both. But they all
received love, and protection, and defence, in all respects as the king was
able to defend himself and all his subjects." Cf below, year 890, note.
Rotri, king of Wales, the son of Mermin (see year 844), had divided the
kingdom among his three sons, giving Cardigan to Catell (+909; A.C.),
Gwynedd to Anaraut (t9i6; below), Powys to Mermin (t903; A.C.).
Note on triad no. 128 ; see B.T. in M.A., 688, s.a. 873. Cf. Loth's
Mabinogion, ii, note on triad no. 128 ; and Skene's F.A.B.W., i, 95.
Anaraut appears to have had superiority over his brothers' kingdoms.
A Welsh triad says (M.A., 405 ; Loth's Mabinogion, ii, triad no. 128) :
"Three kings with the diadem of the island of Britain: Catell, king of
Dinevwr ; Anaraut, king of Aberffraw ; Mermin, king of Mathraval. They
are called the three princes of the diadem." Cf. also M.A., 411 (126);
Loth's Mabinogion, ii, triad no. 153.
1 The year 878 is indicated by its epact, and also by the statements
that the moon was eclipsed on October 15th, "about the third watch of the
fourth day of the week," and that the sun was eclipsed on the 29th
October, "about the seventh hour of the day [12-1 p.m.], the fourth day of
the week." According to L'Art de Verifier les Dates, the moon was
eclipsed in 878, on October 15th (a Wednesday) at 4J a.m. ; and the sun,
on October 29th, at ij p.m., Paris time.
2 In verses quoted ibid., these are spoken of as " Rotri of Man (diadem
of brightness), Aed from the territories of Kintyre."
3 The last paragraph is also in C.S., 166, Hennessy's year 878.
KING AED 357
877-878
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 9
Aed held the same [kingdom of Scotland] for one year.
Also the shortness of his reign has bequeathed nothing
memorable to history : but he was slain in the city of Nrurim.
878
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 151
Aed, Kenneth's son, reigned for one year ; and he was
killed in the battle of Strathallan,! by Giric, Dungal's son ; and
was buried in the island of lona.^
877-878
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, p. 224, s.a. 878 ^
Constantino, king of the Scots, was slain.'*' Aed, his brother,
[became] king of the Scots.
" His brother, Aed White-foot,^ reigned ; and he perished,
1 Strathalun, DI ; Strathallen^ F ; Strathalin, G.
2 Similarly in versions F (ibid., 174), G (301), I (288). Omitted by N.
K reads (ibid., 204) : " Aed, Kenneth's son, [reigned] for one year.
He was killed by Giric {Tirg\ Dungal's son."
The Duan Albanach, in Skene's P. & S., 62 : "Two years (ignoble was
his colour) had [Constantine's] brother, Aed Findscothach" (i.e., "the
flowery ").
Fordun, Chronica, IV, 16 (i, 158-159): "[Constantine] was succeeded
by his brother Aed the Wing-footed \Hethiis alipes\ also the son of
Kenneth the Great, in the year of the Lord 874 : and he reigned for one
year. . . .
" But according to the kingdom's laws, he should have been preceded by
Gregory, Dungal's son ; therefore the princes of the kingdom were divided
between them, and a battle was fought at Strathallan ; and there the king
was wounded with a mortal wound in the first encounter, and after two
months he died. A few of the leaders of both sides in the battle were
killed. And [Aed] was buried in the island of lona, beside his father."
3 Also in P. & S., 178 (MS. B). The CM. version seems to connect
the note of Constantine's death with the year-section of 878.
* See year 877.
'' Albipes Aedhus. Aed is spelled Hed^ above.
358 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
wounded by the sword of Giric, Donald's son. After he had
completed his first year on the throne, [Aed] ended his life by
a wound, in Strathallan." ^
877-878
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 129-13 1 ; Skene's Picts and
Scots, p. 86
Another king will take [sovereignty] ; small is the profit
that he does not divide. Alas for Scotland thenceforward.
His name will be the Furious.^
He will be but a short time over Scotland. There will be
no . . .^ unplundered. Alas for Scotland, through the youth ;
alas for their books, alas for their bequests (?).*
He will be nine years in the kingdom. I shall tell you ^ —
it will be a tale of truth — he dies without bell, without
communion, at evening, in a fatal pass."
880
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 396, s.a. 879 = 880^
Feradach, Cormac's son, abbot of lona, reposed.®
' Straialiin. The paragraph in inverted commas is in verse in the
original.
"- in ddsachtach. This king is placed third after Kenneth Alpin's son ;
therefore he should be Aed, Kenneth's son.
2 deighrius, MS. a ; deighrius, MS. b. Skene reads deighruis and
translates "highway" (cf. O'Reilly, s.v. rids). O'Connell in MS. b suggests
dtinius.
* Maine Alba laisin n-geille, \ mairg a llitibhra, maircc a n-iom7ia. The
end-vi'ords ought to rhyme. MS. ^ has lais a n-gellidh, and a niojiina,
for which O'Connell suggests ttioinna. Read n-gilie, dtiomna? But the
second line has a syllable too many, and the last word a syllable too few.
^ didihh; dibh, in MS. b; read diiibh. So also in stanza 140 (year 900,
below).
'' fesgul a m-bealach bodhbha. 'R.&a.d fesgur ?
' With epact of 880.
^ So also in C.S., 166, Hennessy's year 880.
A.I., 31, O'Conor's year 866 = 880 (6 years after 874, 18 years before
908 ; 874 and 908 are indicated by f.n. and e. For the f n. of 874, in text
iii, read ui, as in the MS.) : "The repose of Feradach, abbot of lona of
Columcille."
The Martyrology of Oengus (1880 ed., p. Ivii ; 1905 ed., p. 83), under
March 23rd, reads : " The daughter of Feradach, who is highest, died with
BIORN FLEES FROM KING HAROLD 359
883-884
Byrbyggia Saga, cc. 2-3, pp. 4-7
Biorn, son of Ketil Flatnose, remained in lamtaland until
earl Kiallak died. He married Giaflaug, the earl's daughter ;
and then went from the east over the Ridge, and came first
to Trondhjem, and then south along the land. And he took
under himself the possessions that his father had had : he
drove out the stewards whom king Harold had set over
them.
King Harold was in the Vik when he heard this, and he
took the inland road north to Trondhjem. And when he
reached Trondhjem he gathered an assembly of eight folklands,
and in this assembly made Biorn Ketil's son an outlaw from
Norway, and made him slayable or takable wherever he should
be found. After this, he sent Hauk Hi-brok and others of his
champions to kill him if they could find him.
But when they came south of Stad, Biorn's friends became
aware of their journey, and gave him information of it. Then
Biorn sprang into a skiff that he had, with his household and
movable property ; and he sailed down south along the land,
because that was in the depth of winter, and he dared not hold
out to sea.
Biorn went on till he came to the island which is called
Moster,^ and which lies off South Hordaland ^ ; and there he was
received by the man who was called Hrolf, the son of Ornolf
Fiskreki. Biorn was there for the winter, in hiding.
The king's men turned back when they had put Biorn's
property in order, and had set men over it.
[c. 3] Hrolf was a great lord, and a man of the greatest
state. He had charge of Thor's temple there in the island,
and was a great friend of Thor ; and therefore he was called
Thorolf. He was a big man and strong, fair to look on, and
he had a great beard ; therefore he was called Moster's-beard.
He was the noblest man in the island [of Moster].
a vast host." The Lebar Brecc gives these glosses : " Her name was
Ciannait"; and, on Feradach, "still [another] abbot of lona" (1880 Oengus,
p. Ixiv).
1 Now Bommelo (containing IVIosterhavn), at the mouth of Hardanger-
fiord (Gering).
2 Sondhordland, between Hardangerfiord and Aakrefiord (Gering).
360 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
In spring, Thorolf gave to Biorn a good long-ship, manned
with good lads, and his son Hallstein to accompany him ; and
they proceeded to the west beyond the sea, to Biorn's relatives.
But when king Harold learned that Thorolf Moster's-beard
had sheltered Biorn Ketil's son, his outlaw, then he sent men
to him and banished him from the land, and bade him go an
outlaw like Biorn, his friend, unless he should come to the king
and put his case entirely into [the king's] power.
That was ten winters after Ingolf Orn's son had gone to
inhabit Iceland^; and this expedition had become a famous
one [to make], because the men who came from Iceland said
that there was good choice of land there.^
ca. 874 - ca.
Landnamabok, c. 72, pp. 30-31
Biorn was the name of a son of Ketil Flatnose, and of
Yngvild, daughter of Ketil Wether, lord of Hringa-riki. [Biorn]
sat after his own father, when Ketil sailed to the Hebrides.
But when Ketil kept the taxes from king Harold Fairhair, then
the king drove [Ketil's] son Biorn from his possessions, and
took them in his own hand. Then Biorn sailed west beyond
the sea,^ and would not abide there ; nor would he accept
Christianity like the other children of Ketil ; therefore he
was called Biorn the Eastern. He [had] married Giaflaug,
Kiallak's daughter, the sister of Biorn the Strong.
ca. 884-886
Eyrbyggia Saga, cc. 5-6, pp. 13-14
Now it is to be said of Biorn, son of Ketil Flatnose, that he
sailed to the west beyond the sea, when he parted with Thorolf
Moster's-beard, as has been said above. He proceeded to the
Hebrides.
' I.e. 10 years after 874. Therefore Biorn went to the Hebrides in
884, if Eyrbyggia is right. j-^'
^ Thorolf Moster's-beard went from Norway to Iceland ; Eyrbyggia,
c. 4, pp. 7-13.
^ In 884, after Ketil's death, according to Eyrbyggia Saga. Biorn may
have come over soon after Ketil's death, to claim inheritance. His fighting
in Norway might have had the same motive (see Eyrbyggia Saga).
KETIL'S DESCENDANTS GO TO ICELAND 3G1
And when he came west beyond the sea, his father Ketil
was dead ; but he found there his brother Helgi and his
sisters, and they offered him good terms with them.^
Biorn became aware that they had another religion ; and
he thought it a paltry thing that they should have forsaken
the old faith, to which their kindred had clung. And he was
not at ease there, and would take there no fixed abode. But he
passed the winter with his sister Aud and Thorstein, her son.^
And when they found that he would not come round to his
kinsmen's way of thinking, they called him Biorn the Eastern.
And they were ill-pleased that he would not settle there.
[c. 6] Biorn was two winters in the Hebrides before he
prepared his journey to Iceland.
With him in the expedition was Hallstein, Thorolf's son.^
They came to land in Breidafiordr ; and Biorn took land out
from Staf-river, between there and Hraunsfiordr. He was the
greatest nobleman. Hallstein, Thorolf's son, thought it mean
to be provided with land by his father : and he went west over
Breidafiordr, and took land there, and dwelt in Hallsteins-nes.
^ biiSii than hcmuin go'Sa kosti me^ s/r. This must imply that they
were willing to shS'e the inheritance with him.
^ Therefore Thorstein had succeeded Ketil in the Hebrides, and was
not in Caithness in the winter 884-885. But it does not necessarily follow
that Thorstein's campaign in Scotland was later than 885 : Laxdoela Saga
implies that Thorstein invaded Scotland soon after Ketil came to the
Hebrides ; and while probably Eyrbyggia has more authority than
Laxdcela Saga, they are not necessarily opposed here.
^ Landnamabok, c. 95, p. 42 ; " Hallstein, the son of Thorolf Moster's-
beard, took Thorska-fiordr shore, and lived at Hallstein's-ness. . . . Hall-
stein had plundered in Scotland, and taken there the slaves that he
brought out with him." According to Sturla's version (c. 123, p. 165) he
sent these slaves to the salt-works in Svefn-ey. The Hauksbok version
goes on (u.s.) : " Hallstein had married Osk, the daughter of Thorstein
Red. Their son was Thorstein [Surtr], who invented the summer-eke"
(i.e. the intercalary week, added every seven years, to correct the calendar :
see Islendingabok, c. 4, pp. 5-6).
Cf. GuU-Thori's Saga, c. i, p. 3 (Samfund 26 ; Copenhagen, 1898).
Landnamabok, c. 73, p. 32: "The son of Thorolf Moster's-beard was
Hallstein, baron-priest of Thorskafiordr, father of Thorstein Surtr the Wise.
Osk, daughter of Thorstein Red, was the mother of Thorstein Surtr.
" Another son of Thorolf [Moster's-beard] was Thorstein Cod-biter.
He married Thora, daughter of Olaf Feilan, and sister of Thord Yeller.
Their son was Thorgrim, the father of Snorri Godi ; and Bork the Stout,
the father of Sam, whom Asgeir slew,"
362 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
884x918
Byrbyggia Saga, c. 7, p. 17
Thorolf Moster's-beard married in his old age, [in Iceland],
and got as his wife the woman that was called Unn. Some say
that she was the daughter of Thorstein Red, but Ari Thorgils'
son, the Wise, does not reckon her among his children.
Thorolf and Unn had a son, who was called Stein. Thorolf
gave this lad to his friend Thor, and called him Thor-stein:
and this boy was very precocious.
Hallstein Thorolfs son married Osk, Thorstein Red's
daughter. Their son was called Thorstein ; Thorolf fostered
him and called him Thorstein Surtr^; and [Thorolf] called his
own son Thorstein Cod-biter.^
ca. 918 -ca. 938
Eyrbyggia Saga, c. 9, pp. 19-20
Thorolf Moster's-beard died at Hof-stadir^; then Thorstein
Cod-biter took his heritage. He proceeded to marry Thora,
the daughter of Olaf Feilan * and sister of Thord Yeller, who
lived at that time in Hvamm. Thorolf was buried in Haugs-nes,
seaward from Hof-stadir.
At this time the pride of the Kialleklingar^ was so great
that they thought themselves above the other men in the
district ; there were also so many of Biorn's kinsmen, that no
kindred was so numerous in Breidafiordr. . . .
^ Probably = " the Black." His birth would seem to have been
886x918.
2 Nial's Saga, c. 114 : " Snorri [Godi's] father was called Thorgrim, and
was the son of Thorstein Cod-biter, the son of Thorolf Moster's-beard, the
son of Ornolf Fiskreki ; but Ari the Learned says that he was a son of
Thorgils Reydarsida. . . . And Snorri Godi's mother was called Thordis,
Sur's daughter, sister of Gi'sli."
Nial's Saga says (erroneously) that Osk married Thorolf Moster's-
beard (c. 114).
^ Thorolf Moster's-beard died in 918, according to the Icelandic
Annals (CDA). The same annals place in this year also the birth of
Thorstein Cod-biter ; and in 938 the birth of [Thorstein's son] Thorgrim,
father of Snorri Godi.
* Cf. Nial's Saga, c. 114 (ed. F. Jonsson, pp. 260-261).
'' Eyrbyggia, c. 7, p. 16 : " From the children of Kiallak [the Old] are
descended a great kindred ; and they are called Kialleklingar." They
were descendants of earl Kiallak of lamtaland.
KINGS EOCHAID AND GIRIC 363
886 X
Landnamalbok, c. 72, p. 31
Biorn the Eastern sailed to Iceland, and took land between
Hraunsfiordr and Staf's-river. And he lived at Biorn's-haven
in Borgarholt, and he had a hill-pasture up in Sel, and he lived
in great state. He died in Biorn's-haven, and was buried at
BorgarlcEk.i
A son of this Biorn and Giaflaug was Kiallak the Old,
who lived in Biorn's-haven after his father ; and Ottar, father
of Biorn, father of Vigfiis in Drapu-hlid, whom Snorri Godi
caused to be slain. Another son of Ottar was Helgi. He
harried in Scotland, and got there, in the spoil, Nidbiorg,
the daughter of king Biolan and of Kadlin, the daughter of
Going - Hrolf ^ [Helgi] married [Nidbiorg], and Osvif the
Wise was their son, and Einar Skalaglam, who was drowned
on Einar's-skerry in Selar-sund ; and his shield came ashore
at Skialdey,^ and his cloak at Felldar-holmr.* . , .
Vilgeir was a son of Biorn the Eastern.® . . .
878-889
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 9
And Eochaid, son of Run, the king of the Britons [of
Strathclyde, and] grandson of Kenneth by his daughter,
reigned for eleven years ; although others say that Giric,^
1 " Because he was the one unbaptized child of Ketil Flatnose," adds
Sturla's version, c. 84, p. 152.
Cf. Eyrbyggia Saga, c. 7, p. 15 : "Biorn the Eastern was the first of
these settlers to die" in Breidafiordr ; "and he was buried beside the
Borgarloek. He left behind two sons. . . ."
2 See below, p. 373, note. This Biolan, king of some district in Scot-
land, may possibly have been a predecessor of Thorstein the Red.
3 I.e., " Shield-island."
4 I.e., "Cloak-island."
5 For Biorn's family, cf. Eyrbyggia Saga, c. 7, pp. 15-16 ; and Laxdcela
Saga, c. 3, pp. 4-5. Cf. Origines Islandicae, i, 246.
<■ Ciricium. This Latin form of Giric's name is perhaps identical with
the name given to St Cyricus below (genitive case Cirici). Cf. the name
Maelgiricc "devotee of St Cyricus" in A.U., s.a. 931=932 ; and the name
of " Gyric, the mass-priest," who died in 963, according to A.S.C., A.
364 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
the son of another, reigned at this time, because he became
Eochaid's foster-father and guardian.^
And in [Eochaid's] second year, Aed, Niall's son, died ^ ;
and in his ninth year, on the very day of [St] Cyricus, an
eclipse of the sun occurred.^ Eochaid with his foster-father
was now expelled from the kingdom.
878-889
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Ficts and Scots, p. 1 5 1
Giric, Dungal's son, reigned for twelve years ; and he died
in Dundurn, and was buried in the island of lona. He subdued
' eo quod aliimp?ius ordi?iatorque Eochodio fiebat. This would more
naturally mean " Eochaid's pupil and steward" ; but the context seems to
forbid this interpretation. Alumnus " tutor " is here used in the primary
sense of the Old-Irish aite (modern Gaelic aide) "foster-father" or "teacher."
^ Eochaid's 9th year was 885 (below), therefore his 2nd year should
have been 878.
Aed Niall's son's death is placed on the 20th of November, 878 = 879,
in A.U., i, 394, 432 ; in C.S., 166, Hennessy's year 879 (while the accession
of riand is placed in the previous year), on Friday, the 20th November.
This was Friday in 879. The year is confirmed by A. I., which record
Aed's death under O'Conor's year 865 = 879. A.C. place it in [878]. See
also below, year 916, note.
Eochaid became king in 878 before, or in 877 after, the 20th November.
^ The day of St Cyricus (St Cyr), or Quiricus, is the i6th June (Giry ;
L'Art. Cf A.S.C., i, 190-191, s.a. 916 ; 1905 Oengus, 140). According to
the previous calculation, Eochaid's ninth year would have been 886-887.
But L'Art de Verifier les Dates records a total eclipse at 10 a.m. (Paris
time) on i6th June, 885. If this was in Eochaid's ninth year, he would
have become king before i6th June, 877.
The importance of this eclipse seems to indicate that St Cyricus was
regarded as Giric's patron saint. The church of St Cyricus is said to
have been founded in this reign, at the place anciently called Ecclesgreig,
now St Cyrus, in the Mearns (the older pronunciation of the present
name was St Ciriss, perhaps for Ciric's). Charters of king William
show that a church was in existence there in his time (ecdesiam sancti
Cirici de Eglesgirg) ; St Andrews, 218, 229; it is mentioned also in
a charter of 1200 ; ibid., 166. A church was dedicated there in the year
1242, August 7th, by David, bishop of St Andrews (ibid., 348 ; ecclesia
sancti Cyrici martyris de Eglisgirg). The church pertained to the priory
of St Andrews.
Cf the " St Englacius, abbot, patron at Cerues in the diocese of
Aberdeen," commemorated in the Breviary of Aberdeen, ii, s, 146, cxlvi,
under November 3rd.
KING GIEIC 365
to himself all Ireland, and nearly [all] England ; and he was
the first to give liberty to the Scottish church, which was in
servitude up to that time, after the custom ^ and fashion of
the Picts.2
1 ex consuetudine, DG ; ex constitutione, F ("constitution"); ex con-
stitucione, I ; dez lays as vsages de Ptcys, K ("in servitude to the civil
[authorities], according to the custom of the Picts ").
- This paragraph appears similarly in versions F (ibid., 174), G (301),
I (288), and somewhat similarly in K (204) ; but version I reads Berniciani
for Hibeniiam : " all "Bernicia, and nearly [all] England." This is
undoubtedly the correct reading, whatever may be its relation to fact.
By " England " the territories of the Angles are meant.
N reads (ibid., 305): " Giric, Dungal's son, [reigned] for 15 years.
He subdued to himself Ireland and Northumbria, and gave liberty to the
Scottish church, and was buried in the island of lona."
Of. Fordun, IV, 17.
The authority of the king in ecclesiastical affairs has been seen in the
year 717; it appears also later, in the year 906 (see p. 445). Here, perhaps,
civil taxation is referred to. Giric had a recent English precedent for the
relaxation of taxes to religious houses, in the concession of tithes by
jCthelwulf to the English church; Asser, ed. Stevenson, 8-g (M.H.B., 470) :
" In the same year [855], jEthelwulf, the venerable king afoi-esaid, freed
the tenth part of his whole realm from all royal service and tribute ; and
in perpetual grant upon Christ's cross he bestowed it upon God, one
and threefold, for the redemption of his soul, and of [the souls of] his
predecessors. And in the same year he went with great honour to
Rome. . . ." (Compare A.S.C., ABDE s.a. 855, CF s.a. 856: "and in the
same year king ^thelwulf gave by charter \_geboaide, A] the tenth part
of his land throughout all his kingdom, for God's praise, and to promote
his own salvation.")
S.C.S., i, 332-333, would identify the alleged subjugation of Bernicia
with the affair related in the Historia de S. Cuthberto ; see E.C., 62-64 :
cf. Fordun, IV, 27. It is possible that the Scots should have taken
advantage of the confused state of Northumbria at this time. According
to S.D., ii, 114-115, the main body of Danes had left Northumbria, and
had lost its leaders, Halfdan and Inguar : "The army which, with king
Halfdan as leader, had invaded Northumbria, had remained without
a leader when by God's judgement that tyrant perished ; Halfdan himself
having been killed, as I have said, and Inguar, with [the crews of]
twenty-three ships, in Devon, by king Alfred's thanes. Now it subdued
to itself the natives of the land, assumed dominion, and prepared to
remain there, and to inhabit the Northumbrian provinces which it had
wasted.
" Then St Cuthbert came to abbot Eadred (who was called Lulisc,
because he lived in Carlisle), and in a vision ordered him to tell the
bishop and the whole army of English and Danes to give a price, and
366 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
889
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 1 32-141, in Skene's Picts and
Scots, pp. 87-89
After that,i (.^e king will take [sovereignty] whose name
will be the Tuilti.^ Alas ! in the west and in the east, a Briton
is placed over the Gaels !
The Briton from Clyde will take [sovereignty]. The son
of the woman from Dun-Guaire ; [he will be] for thirteen years
(in fortresses of deeds of valour) in the sovereignty of Scotland :
until the Son of Fortune^ shall come, who will reign (?) over
ransom Guthred, Harthacnut's son, whom the Danes had sold as a slave
to a certain widow at Whittingham ; and, ransomed, to raise him up as
king-. And he reigned over York, while Ecgbeorht reigned over the
Northumbrians. This took place in the thirteenth year of king Alfred "
[.■. 865-866]. For Ecgbeorht, see above, p. 297.
If a king Ecgbeorht reigned at this time in Northumbria, he is not
mentioned in the Historia de S. Cuthberto ; but his land was defended by
Guthred. Simeon's account of the deaths of Inguar and Halfdan in 877 is
quite erroneous (see p. 300) ; but Halfdan did die in 877 (q.v.).
The Historia de S. Cuthberto with version D of the Chronicle of the
Kings seems to prove that there was a Scottish invasion of Northumbria
between 883 and 889.
Giric seems to have acquired legendary fame. Cf. Fordun, MSS. BE,
i, 112, note : "... as the Greeks extol their Alexander, the Romans their
Octavian, the French their Charles, the Scots their Gregory, the English
their Richard, so do the Welsh proclaim their Arthur. . . ."
Giric's successor, Donald, Constantine's son, died in 900 ; Donald's
successor, Constantine, Aed's son, died in 952. But the primary source of
version L of the Chronicle of the Kings omits these two reigns, and reads
instead (P. &. S., 295): "To Giric, Donald's son, succeeded his brother,
Constantine, who reigned for two years. . . ." With this reading, Skene
compares Berchan's Prophecy, where a three years' reign is inserted
between Giric and Donald II. But version L seems to be confused here
(see above, p. cxxxvii, note) ; and the years 878 and 900 are approximately
fixed by Irish annals. Between these dates version A of the Chronicle of
the Kings places two reigns of eleven years each ; but there is not room
for a three-years' reign.
> I.e., after the death of Aed.
^ diamba h-ainim in tuilti ; perhaps t-uilti. The line seems to lack
one syllable. Skene's translation ("the floods") is impossible.
This king is placed 4th after Kenneth, and should therefore be Eochaid,
Run's son.
2 an mac ra[z]t/i. According to Skene, this was king Giric.
KINGS EOCHAID, GIRIC, AND ANOTHER 367
Scotland as sole lord.^ The Britons will be low in his time ;
high will be Scotland of melodious boats.^
Pleasant to my heart and my body is what my spirit tells
me : the rule of the Son of Fortune in his land in the east will
cast misery from Scotland.
Seventeen years (in fortresses of valour) [he will be] in the
sovereignty of Scotland. He will have in bondage ^ in his
house Saxons, Foreigners, and Britons.
By him will be attacked the strong house : alas ! in the
country of Earn,* red blood will be about his head ; he will
fall by the men of Fortriu.
Scotland will suffer because of it ; my prophecy shall come
to them, after the Son of Fortune (with fortresses of clans ^)
who will fall by the men of Fortriu.
Afterwards the king from the ceiitre of Dundurn (of yellow
hue ®) will take [the sovereignty] ; the feeble one ^ over
Dundurn renowned in song. Although he is fortunate, he
has not many victories.
He will have three years in the kingdom ; I shall tell you
(it will be a tale of truth), his grave will be in Troch, between
Leitir and Cloen-loch.^
' Shuaithfes for Albain d' aon-fhlaith. Read shiiidhfes? "He shall
sit" Skene. Possibly "who shall knead Scotland into one kingdom"?
^ Alba eathar-bhinn, MS. a (" of melodious boats ") ; Albain cathair-
bhinn, MS. b ("of melodious cities"). If we follow MS. ^ we must read
chathair-bhinn ; but cf. stanza i6o, year 962, below. The western Scot
still preserves an ancient custom of singing at the oars.
^ daora.
* ar bhrughaibh Eire7m.
5 rdthaibh clann, a meaningless cheville.
8 drech-bhiiidhe J but Drech-bhi ("of living appearance"), in MS. b:
rhyming with ri. The line in MS. a has a syllable too many, and i5's reading
is to be preferred.
^ This would be the 6th king after Kenneth ; but he is not mentioned
elsewhere, unless he is the Constantine, Giric's brother, placed after Giric
in version L of the Chronicle of the Kings.
Perhaps instead of in bdoth ("the feeble one") MS. a reads in bhdoth
(" the feeble woman ") ; if so, probably in error.
This king's reign is deducted in the Prophecy from the length of
Donald's reign, which follows. Donald may not have got the whole
kingdom at first ; but the evidence is weak.
8 is ann bhias a leacht an troch \ idir leitir, is daon-loch. Perhaps
"between hill-slope and crooked lake"?
368 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
878-889
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, pp. 22, 224, s.a. 879 ^
Aed,2 king of the Scots, was slain. And after him, " Giric,
wielding his own authority ,8 became king for eighteen years*;
in Dundurn the upright man^ was taken by death. He gave
liberties to the Scottish church, which had been laid under the
Pictish law. All England was attached to his empire,'' which
propitious Fate gave him, crushing wars."''
890
>
Brut y Tywyssogion, in Myvyrian Archaiology, p. 688,
s.a. 890^
The men of Strathclyde, those that refused to unite with
the English, had to depart from their country, and to go to
Gwynedd. Anaraut gave them permission to settle in the
country that had been taken from him by the English (namely,
Maelawr and the Vale of Clwyd, and Rhyfoniawg, and
Tegeingl), if they could drive away the English ; and that
they did energetically. But the English came against Anaraut
a second time because of that ; and the battle of Cymryd was
[fought] there ; and the Cymry routed the Saxons, and drove
them from the country completely. Thus Gwynedd was freed
from the English, through the might of the men of the north.
891
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 408, s.a. 890 or 891 =891
Fland, Maelduin's son, abbot of lona, rested in peace.^
1 Also in P. & S., 178 (MS. B).
2 Het. See year 878.
^ sua jura gerens. Cf. below, Verse Chronicle, s.a. 966, regiajura gerens.
^ deca tetra et octo in B, which omits " became king," erroneously.
^ probus.
^ ad imperium . . ■ peracta; B reads subacta.
' Quod 11071 leva dedit Sors sibi bella terens.
The part within inverted commas is in verse in the original.
8 Cf. Skene's F.A.B.W., i, 181-182.
" Fland's death is placed by F.M. (i, 540) under 887 = 891 (and "the
nth year of Fland " as sovereign of Ireland). The pedigree in the Book of
Lecan makes Fland 12th in descent from Conall Gulban. See Reeves,
Adamnan, 392.
FUGITIVES FROM STRATHCLYDE. SIGFRITH 369
??89i
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 408, s.a. 890 or 891 =891
The sea threw [up] a woman ^ in Scotland. [She was] a
hundred and ninety-five feet in height ; her hair was seventeen
feet long ; the finger of her hand was seven feet long, and her
nose seven feet. She was all as white as swan's down.^
893
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 410, s.a. 892 or 893 = 893
A battle [was fought] against the Black-foreigners by the
Saxons ; and in it fell innumerable hosts.^
Great confusion [arose] among the Foreigners of Dublin,
and they separated ; one part going with Ivar's son, and the
other part with earl Sigfrith.*
' banscal. Cf. Kuno Meyer, Contributions from Irish MSS., iii, 10.
^ A.I., 33-34, O'Conor's year 892 = 906 (32 years after 874, 2 years
before 908) : "A woman was cast upon the shore of Scotland [banscal
darala hi tracht n-Alban\ in this year. She was a hundred and ninety-
two feet in length ; the length of her hair was sixteen feet ; the fingers
of her hand were six feet long, and her nose was six. Her body was as
white as swan's down, or sea foam."
C.S., 176, Hennessy's year 900: "A great woman \ben m6r\ was cast
ashore by the sea in Scotland ; her length was 192 feet ; there were 6 feet
between her two breasts ; the length of her hair was 15 feet ; the length
of a finger of her hand was 6 feet ; the length of her nose was 7 feet. As
white as swan's down or the foam of the wave was every part of her."
F.M., i, 540, s.a. 887 = 891, agree with A.U., but say that the hair was
18 feet long.
^ This was in 894, according to A.S.C. (ABCD ; but 893 originally
in A). The Danes had returned to England from France in 893 (ABCD ;
892 EF, and originally in A).
* la Sichfrit n-ierll. This may possibly have been earl Sigurd of
Orkney, for whom see below. "Sigurd" (cf Old Danish Sigwarth) is
used in Icelandic as an equivalent of "Sigfrid" (Old Danish Sigfrith,
rendered in Old Norse Sigfrodr), from which it is etymologically distinct.
The Irish forms of Scandinavian names frequently approach more closely
to the Danish than to the Icelandic spellings.
2 A
PART XIII
Thorstein the Red becomes master of Caithness and
Sutherland. Turf-Einar in the Orkneys
889 X ca. 892
Heimskringla, Harold Fairhair's Saga, c. 22 ^
Then " Thorstein Red, the son of Olaf White and Aud the
Wealthy, came into an alliance with [Sigurd]. They plundered
in Scotland, and acquired Caithness and all Sutherland, as far
as Ekkialsbakki.^
Earl Sigurd slew Maelbrigte Tooth, the Scottish earl*; and
he bound [Maelbrigte's] head to his saddle-straps, and grazed
the calf of his leg upon the tooth, which projected from the
head; swelling^ arose there, and he got his death from it.
And he is buried at Ekkialsbakki.''
' Similarly in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 95 (F.S., i, 194-195).
" After Harold Fairhair's return from his alleged earlier expedition to
Scotland (see year 874).
For Thorstein's share in the invasion and its date, see below, p. 378 ff.
^ I.e. "Ekkiall's bank"; a bank of a river, or ridge. So also in Fr., 50.
"As far as Ekkiall" {aU til Ekkjals) in Olaf's Saga, which reads
erroneously " Elfinnar-bakki " below (possibly attracted to elfarinftar bakki
"the river's bank." But MSS. BCF have Ekkjals., which is doubtless the
correct reading).
This place has been identified with Oykell in Kincardine parish
(Laing's Heimskringla, i, 369) ; see Professor Watson's Place-names of
Ross and Cromarty, pp. 17-18. To the south of Strathoykell, hills make
a formidable barrier. This identification is historically probnble ; but the
saga-tellers imagined that the place was farther south. There is also
phonetic difficulty in equating Oykell and Ekkiall. Why should the
Pictish cognate of Welsh uchel "high" (from which "Ochil" is derived)
not have become okel in Old Norse t The surviving name, Oykell, may
have been derived from an intermediate Norse form ; Ekkiall, from an
earlier form of the same word, accented on the second syllable.
^ "... a certain Scottish earl, who was called Maelbrigte Tooth"
Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga.
'" blast}'; here evidently " blood-poisoning."
" Sigurd died in 892, or soon afterwards.
370
THORSTEIN AND SIGURD. EARL MAELBRIGTE 371
Then Guthorm ruled the lands for one winter, arid died
childless.! After that many vikings settled in the lands, [both]
Danes and Norwegians.
X 874- 893 X
Orkneyinga Saga, c. 5 ; vol. i, p. 5 ^
Earl Sigurd became a great chief; and he made fellowship
with Thorstein Red, the son of Olaf the White, and of Aud the
Deep-minded^; and they won all Caithness and much more of
Scotland, Moray, and Ross. [Sigurd] had a castle built there,
in the south of Moray.
Sigurd and Maelbrigte Tooth, an earl of the Scots, made
the agreement between them that they should meet and settle
their dispute in an appointed place, each with forty men. And
when the day named arrived, Sigurd imagined that the Scots
were faithless. He caused eighty men to mount on forty
horses. And when Maelbrigte saw it, he said to his men :
" Now are we betrayed by Sigurd, because I see two men's feet
on each horse's side, and the men must be by many more than
their steeds. Let us now brace ourselves, and endeavour each
to have a man before him ere we die." And after that they
made ready.
And when Sigurd saw their design, he spoke to his men :
" Now must half of our force dismount, and come upon them in
the rear when the companies meet together ; while we shall
ride at them as hard as we can, and break up their ranks."*
And so it happened ; and a hard conflict took place there ;
but it was not long till Maelbrigte fell, and his company. And
Sigurd had their heads fastened to the saddle-straps, for his
glory. And then they rode home and boasted of their victory.
And when they had come on the way, then Sigurd wished to
spur his horse with his foot ; and his calf chanced to hit
against the tooth which projected from Maelbrigte's head, and
■ "A son of earl Sigurd was called Guthorm ; he ruled the lands after
his father ..." Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga. Guthorm sat one winter ;
i.e., 892-893, or soon afterwards.
2 Similarly in Fl., i, 221-222.
3 "the Wealthy" in Fl. See note on p. 311, above.
* By meeting the Scots on equal terms, Sigurd wished to draw them
from the position they were preparing to hold.
372 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
it was grazed ; and pain and swelling arose in that wound, and
brought him to his death. And Sigurd the Mighty is buried at
Ekkialsbakki.i
Guthorm was the name of Sigurd's son ; he ruled the lands
for one winter,^ and died childless.
890 X ca. 894
Heimskringla, Harold Fairhair's Saga, c. 27 ^
Ronald, earl of Mserr, learned the fall of Sigurd, his brother ;
and also that vikings sat in those lands * : so he sent his son
Hallad west, and [Hallad] took the name of earl ^; and he had
a great army with him. And when he came to the Orkneys,
he settled there in the land ; but both in autumn and in winter
and spring^ vikings sailed about the islands, took plunder on
the headlands, and killed cattle on the shores.'^ Then earl
Hallad became weary of sitting in the isles, so he gave up the
earldom, and took free-man's rank ; after that he went east to
Norway.
? 890 X 894
Orkneyinga Saga, cc. 5-6 ; vol. i, p. 6^
And when Ronald, earl of Mserr, learned the death of the
father and son, he sent his son Hallad west; and king Harold
gave him the name of earl. And when Hallad came west he
settled in Hrossey. But vikings sailed about the isles and over
in [Caithjness, and slew men, and plundered. And when the
farmers brought their injuries before earl Hallad, he thought
it too troublesome to right their lot ; and he was weary of the
^ Sigurd is supposed to have been buried at Cyder Hall or Sydero
{Sigurdar haiigr), above the north shore of Dornoch Firth, which is the
estuary of the Oykell. See Hjaltalin and Goudie, O.S., 107, note.
^ Ca. 892-893, or soon after.
^ Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 96 (F.S., i, 195). Cf. Fr., 53.
^ " Both in Shetland and in the Orkneys" Olafs Saga, u.s.
° "And king Harold gave him the name of earl" Olafs Saga.
^ I.e. Hallad sat for one winter, ca. 893-894 or soon after. But Olafs
Saga reads {male): "both in the autumns and in the spring -times,"
implying that Hallad sat for two winters or more.
'' ndinu 7iesnd?n ok hjoggu sirandkogg.
^ Similarly in Fl., i, 222.
EARL GUTHORM. RONALD'S SONS 373
honour. He abdicated the earldom and took free-man's rank,
and sailed after that to Norway ; and his action was thought
most ridiculous.
[c. 6] Two Danish vikings settled in the land ; the one was
called Thori Tree-beard, the other Kalf Skurfa. And when
earl Ronald learned this, he thought it very bad ; and he
summoned to him his sons Thori and Hrollaug. Hrolf was
then on warfare.^ . . .
891 xca. 894
Landnamabok, c. 270, pp. 96-97
Ronald, earl of Maerr, was a son of Eystein Glumra, son of
Ivar earl of the Uplanders, son of Halfdan the Old. Ronald
married Ragnhild, daughter of Hrolf Nefia. Their son was
Ivar, who fell in the Hebrides while supporting king Harold
the Fair-haired." The second son was Going-Hrolf, who won
Normandy.^ From him are descended the earls of Rouen,
^ Hrolf was in France. It is noteworthy that Danes were endeavouring
to take the Orkneys from the Norwegians.
^ See above, p. 334.
^ Gongu-Rolfr.
Heimskringla, Harold Fairhair's Saga, c. 24 : " Hrolf was a great
viking. He had grown to be so big a man that no horse could carry him,
and he walked wherever he went : he was called Going-Hrolf." (Cf. O.S.,
c. 4 ; Fl., i, 221.) See Historia Norwegiae, Storm's Monumenta, 90-92.
Cf Snorri's St Olaf's Saga, 23-24.
After having been outlawed by Harold Fairhair for a "strand-slaying"
{strandhogg) in the Vik, " Going-Hrolf went then west beyond the sea to
the Hebrides ; and then he sailed west to France \yalland\ and plundered
there, and acquired a great earldom. . . ." H., Harold Fairhair, c. 24.
Cf ibid., St Olaf, c. 19.
Going-Hrolf left a daughter, Kadlin (Kathleen), in the west. She
married a king, Biolan, who ruled some district in Scotland. See above,
P- 363-
There is an unhistorical Saga of Going-Hrolf; cf Rafn's Antiquites
Russes, 230-233.
According to Bugge, Ronald's sons plundered in Orkney, and got the
earldom there. Going-Hrolf went from Orkney to Scotland and Ireland ;
his daughter Kathleen married king Biolan ; their daughter Nidbiorg was
captured by Icelanders about 930-940, and became the ancestress of
a powerful family in Iceland (Historisk Tidskrift, 191 1, p. 194). Then
Going-Hrolf went to the Loire, and followed Hasting to England and
374 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
and the kings of England.^ The third was earl Thori the
Silent, who married Alof the Season-bettering, daughter of
king Harold Fairhair. And their daughter was Bergiiot, the
mother of earl Hakon the Mighty.
Ronald had three bastard sons : one was called Hrollaug,
a second Einar, a third Hallad, who gave up the earldom of
the Orkneys.^ And when earl Ronald heard of that, he called
his sons together, and asked which of them wished to go
to the Orkneys. And Thori bade [Ronald] arrange for his
journey. The earl said that [Thori] should take dominion
there [in Maerr], after his father. Then Hrolf stepped forward,
and offered to go. Ronald said that it fitted him well, because
of his strength and valour ; but he said that he thought there
was too much overbearingness in his temper for him yet to
northern France ; became the leader of the Norwegians, and took
Normandy.
Annales Rotomagenses, in M.G.H., Scriptores, xxvi, 496, s.a. 876 ;
"In this year, RoUo with his followers penetrated Normandy, on the
fifteenth before the Kalends of December" (November 17th). This is
copied by the Annales Ulicenses, s.a. 876 (Le Prevost's Ordericus, v, 153) ;
and by the Annals of St Neots, s.a. 876 (Stevenson's Asser, 134), where it
is followed by the vision of Rollo (134-135)-
A.S.C., F, s.a. 876 : " In this year Rollo passed through Normandy
with his army ; and he reigned for fifty years." The Icelandic Annals
place Hrolfs acquisition of Normandy in 898 (KBODE ; 897, A; cf
887, Al) : Freeman dated it in 912. According to William of Poitiers
(H.N.S., 191-192), Dudoof St Quentin (Mores et Acta, II, 28; ed. Lair, 169),
and O.V., ii, 360, Hrolf married Gisla, daughter of king Charles the
Simple, and received with her the province of Normandy, which he had
already conquered. His marriage with Gisla took place in 914, according
to the Annales Uticenses (Le Prevost, O.V., v, 154).
Hrolf died in 917, according to the Annales Uticenses (u.s., 155). His
death is implied to have taken place in 925, in Flodoard's Annales
(s.a. 925 ; cf aa. 926, 927), and Richer's Historia ; M.G.H., Scriptores, iii,
375) 583 : but Richer falsely calls him the son of Ketil (ibid. 578).
The traditional Norman account of Hrolf (Rollo) differs markedly from
the Scandinavian account. See Dudo of St Quentin, De IVIoribus et Actis
Primorum Normanniae Ducum, ed. Lair, 141-174.
' This sentence must have been written after the death of William the
Conqueror, and probably the whole passage, as it stands, was not written
by Ari. See below.
^ ". . . Hallad, another Einar, a third Hrollaug. These were full-
grown men, when their brothers born in wedlock were born." Olaf
Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 95 (F.S., i, 193).
EARL TURF-EINAR 375
lead the counsels of a state. Then Hrollaug stood forth,
and asked if he wished him to go. Ronald said that he
should not be an earl : " Thou hast no warlike disposition ;
thy ways lie to Iceland, and thou shalt be held in honour
there, and shalt have noble children in that land. Thy
destiny is not here." ^
Then Einar stood forth, and spoke : " Let me go to the
Orkneys, and I will promise thee therefore the best that can
be thought, that I shall never come again into thy sight."
The earl said, " It pleases me well that thou go forth ; for I
have little hope of thee, because thy mother's kindred are all
slave-born."
After that, Einar sailed west, and subdued the Orkneys to
himself, as is said in his saga.^
' Hrollaug did go to Iceland. He took land in Eyiafiordr (Ari,
Islendingabok, c. 2), in the eastern quarter ; Landnimabok, c. 270, p. 97.
Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 214 (F.S., ii, 190-191). His grandson
visited the Orkneys.
Brandkrossa Thattr, c. I ; Jakobsen's AustfirtSinga Sogur, pp. 183-184
(also in Origines, ii, 533-534): "A man was called Hrafnkel ; he was the
son of Hrafn. He came out lo Iceland late in the settling time "
[870-930]. (So in Landnamabok, c. 244, p. 90.) "... And he went to
Hrafnkel's-dale, and peopled all the dale with his men — nearly twenty
farm-steads. But he himself lived at Steinroedar-stadir.
" HrafnkePs sons were called Asbiorn and Thori. And when Hrafnkel
died, his sons took inheritance after him in equal shares. Thori got the
dwelling that his father had had, and Asbiorn dwelt in the farm-stead that
was called At Lok-hillar, but is now called At Hrafnkels-stadir ; and he
managed the farm-stead well.
"Then Asbiorn married a woman who was called Hallbera ; she was
the daughter of Hrollaug, son of Ronald, earl of Maerr. They had a son
called Helgi. . . .
"Asbiorn did not grow old. When he died, Helgi took inheritance
after him, and lived some winters at Lok-hillar. After that, Helgi broke
up his household, and sold [the land] to Hrafnkel, Thori's son, his first
cousin ; and went abroad, and was many winters in warfare, both in the
Orkneys and in Norway, with his relatives. Helgi was also for some
winters in piracy, and was the most valiant man, but no hero in strength
and skill in arms. After that, Helgi went to Iceland, and was high both
in wealth and in honour. . . ."
2 This story (present also in Sturla's version) is perhaps not attributable
to Ari : it appears in an earlier form in the Orkneyinga Saga, c. 6
(and Fl., i, 222-223).
In Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga and the Heimskringla (below), which have
376 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
89 1 X ca. 894
Heimskringla, Harold Fairhair's Saga, c. 27 ^
But when earl Ronald learned this,^ he was ill-pleased with
Hallad's expedition, and said that his sons would be unlike
their ancestors.
Then Einar answered : " I get little esteem from thee ; I
have little love to part with.^ I will go west to the islands, if
thou wilt give me some support. I will promise therefore what
will be very welcome to thee, that I shall never come again to
Norway."
Ronald said that he was well pleased that he should not
come again, " because I have little expectation that thy relatives
will be honoured in thee, since thy mother's kindred are all
slave-born."
Ronald gave Einar one long-ship, and manned it for his
use.*
the nucleus of the story, Einar alone offers to go to Orkney ; in the
Orkneyinga Saga, Thori, Hrollaug, and Einar, offer in turn to go, but
Hrolf is absent ; in Landndmabok, the story has been completed by
bringing in Hrolf also. This is a typical instance of the growth of
stories.
Landndmabok's version is abbreviated in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga,
c. 214 (F.S., ii, 189-190).
' Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 96 (F.S., i, 195-196). Fr., 53-54.
^ I.e., Hallad's abdication.
3 In Olaf's Saga, u.s., "Einar ansvv'ered his father: 'I have little
affection from thee ; and I have grown up here with such esteem as I
think very little of losing : nowhere else can I have fewer prospects than
here. Now will I go west to the islands.' . . ."
* Olaf s Saga, u.s. : " Earl Einar got one long-ship, sufficiently well
manned. . . ."
Orkneyinga Saga, c. 6 ; i, 7 : " Ronald gave Einar a twenty-benched
ship, and king Harold gave him the name of earl."
Vatnsdoela Saga, c. 9 (Fornsogur, 17) : " . . . Then [Ronald] sent his
son, Turf-Einar, and declared that he expected that he would hold the
kingdom. . . ."
Munch (Det Norske Folks Historie) places the voyage of Turf-Einar
to Orkney about the year 875 ; but Sigurd was earl in 874, and lived till
after S89. After Sigurd, Guthorm was earl for one winter, and Hallad
for one winter. Therefore Turf-Einar became earl after 891, and before
894 (about which date earl Ronald died).
ORKNEY VIKINGS KILLED 377
891 xca. 894
Orkneyinga Saga, c. 7 ; vol. i, p. 7 ^
Einar sailed west to Shetland,^ and gathered to himself an
army. After that, he sailed south to the Orkneys, and went on
at once to meet with Kalf [and Thori]. A battle took place
there, and both the vikings fell. Then this was sung : " He
gave Tree-beard to the trolls ; Turf-Einar slew Skurfa."^
After that, he laid the lands under him, and made himself
the chief lord.
891 Xca. 894
Heimskringla, Harold Fairhair's Saga, c. 27
Einar sailed west beyond the sea in autumn ; but when he
came to the Orkneys, there were vikings lying in wait for him
in two ships, Thori Tree-beard, and Kalf Skurfa. Einar
immediately fought with them, and had the victory, and they
both fell. Then this was said : " Then he gave Tree-beard to
trolls ; Turf-Einar slew Skurfa."
He was called Turf-Einar for this reason, because he had
turf cut, and used it for fuel ; since there was no wood in the
Orkneys.*
Then Einar became earl over the islands, and he was a
powerful man. He was an ugly man, and one-eyed, and yet
the sharpest-sighted of men.^
1 So also in Fl., i, 223.
2 Landnamabok, c. 202, p. 80 : " . . . Ketil Brimill was a great viking ;
he sailed to Shetland with Turf-Einar . . ." on his way to Iceland. Ketil
was the son of Ornolf, son of Biornolf, son of Grim Shaggy-cheek.
3 Cf. J.S., i, A 177, B 167.
■* " He was the first of men to find how to cut turf from the earth for
fuel, in Torfnes in Scotland ; because they were ill-ofif for wood in the
islands" O.S., c. 7 ; i, 7 (FL, i, 223). Torfnes is said to have been south
of Moray Firth ; O.S., c. 22, i, 33. But the Flatey-book version reads
Beef jar's (scarcely Banff-Firth, as Vigfusson conjectured) instead oii BrevSa-
fior&r (Moray Firth).
^ The whole passage stands very similarly in O.S., c. 7. The account
in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 96, is shorter ; it concludes thus : "[Einar]
became a great lord, and powerful."
Einar was visited in Orkney for one winter by Bui, Andrid's son, from
Iceland ; Kialnesinga Saga, c. 12 (Islendinga Sogur, ii, 431).
378 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
889 X 900
Landnamab6k, c. 82, p. 36 ^
Thorstein [the Red] became a war-king, and went upon a
campaign^ with earl [Sigurd] the Mighty, son of Eystein
Glumra. They won Caithness and Sutherland, Ross and
Moray, and more than half of Scotland.^ Thorstein was king
over [these lands] until the Scots deceived him, and he fell
there in battle.*
874 X 900
Laxdcela Saga, cc. 4-5, pp. 6-8
Ketil Flatnose came in his ship to Scotland, and was
received well by the men of rank, because he was a famous
man and of high lineage. And they offered him there any
position^ he would have.
Ketil settled there, and the others of his kindred ; excepting
Thorstein, his daughter's son. [Thorstein] set out immediately ^
upon warfare, and plundered widely about Scotland, and
^ Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 132, 122 (F.S., i, 246) ; Fl., i, 265.
^ redzt til lids. For Sigurd's part in the campaign (889 x ca. 892) see
above, pp. 370, 371.
^ Olaf s Saga, Heimskringla, and Laxdoela Saga, imply that Thorstein's
campaign in Scotland began not long after Harold's western expedition of
874. But Eyrbyggia Saga implies that Thorstein was in the Hebrides
when Biorn went from there to Iceland, in 886 ; and Thorstein's great
invasion, with Sigurd, appears to have occurred in the reign of Donald,
Constantine's son, therefore not before 889. See the Chronicle of the
Kings, version A ; below, year 900.
Thorstein died, according to Eyrbyggia Saga, some winters after 886
(probably 889 x ca. 895). Then Aud went to Orkney, and did not leave it
till after the marriage there of Thorstein's daughter. It is possible that
Landnamabok has telescoped the stages of Aud's departure from Scotland,
but there is no evidence to prove this. Turf-Einar must have become earl
in Orkney before Aud went there ; and she must have left Orkney before
Harold's expedition to the west (.'.889x900), but not certainly before
Halfdan's. The period between Halfdan's death in Orkney and the
retributive campaign of Harold, while everyone knew that Harold was
preparing an expedition to the islands, was the period during which we
should imagine there would have been the greatest emigration from the
islands to Iceland.
^ This passage is copied in Eric the Red's Saga, c. i, pp. 3-4,
^ rdiiakost "way of living," " condition."
^ I.e. in or soon after 874.
AUD AND THOESTEIN 379
always had the victory. Then he made peace with the Scots,
and took possession of half of Scotland, and became king over
it. He married Thurid, the daughter of Eyvind and sister of
Helgi the Lean. The Scots did not hold the treaty long ; for
they betrayed him in time of truce. Thus says Ari Thorgils'
son, the Wise, regarding the death of Thorstein.
Aud^ the Deep-minded was in Caithness when her son
Thorstein fell. And when she heard that Thorstein was killed,
and that her father was dead,^ then she thought that she
should get no reparation there. After that she had a ship
made in a wood secretly ; and when the ship was completed,
she prepared the ship and took wealth of treasure. She took
away with her all her relatives that were alive ; and men
remarked that hardly [another] instance could be found of a
woman's having escaped from such warfare with so much
treasure and so great a company. It may be observed from
this that she was much the superior of [all] other women.
Aud had also with her many men that were of great worth
and of high family.
A man was named Koll, who was the most worthy of Aud's
company : his birth had most to do with this, because he was a
chief by title.^
The man also that was called Hord was in the voyage with
Aud. He was a high-born man, and of much worth.
Aud sailed with the ship to the Orkneys, as soon as she was
ready. There she abode a little while. There she gave in
marriage Gro, daughter of Thorstein Red. [Gro] was the
mother of Grelod, who was married to earl Thorfinn, the son
of earl Turf-Einar, the son of Ronald earl of Maerr. Their son
was Hlodve, father of earl Sigurd, father of earl Thorfinn ;
and thence has come the kindred of all the earls of the
Orkneymen.
After that, Aud proceeded with her ship to the Faroes, and
stayed there too some time. There she gave in marriage
another daughter of Thorstein ; she was called Alof. From
' t/««r throughout Laxdoela Saga.
^ Thorstein's death is therefore made nearly contemporaneous with
Ketil's ( X 884). But it occurred some winters after 886, according to the
more trustworthy account in Eyrbyggia Saga.
^ hersir at nafni: a rank higher than that of baron.
380 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
[Alof] are descended the principal kindred in that land, whom
they call Gotuskeggiar.^
[c. 5] Now Aud prepared to set out from the Faroes, and
announced to her ship's company that she intended [to go] to
Iceland. She had with her Olaf Feilan, son of Thorstein Red,
and those of his sisters that were unmarried. After that she
put to sea, and had a good voyage, and came with her ship
from the south to land at Vikrarskeid. There they broke their
ship to splinters. All the men and treasure were saved. . . .
889x900
Landnamabok, cc. 82-83, PP- 36-37 ^
Aud was in Caithness when she learned the death of
Thorstein. She had a [merchant-] ship made in a wood,
secretly ; and when it was ready she sailed out to the Orkneys.^
There she gave in marriage Gro, daughter of Thorstein Red.*
[Gro] was the mother of Grelod, whom Thorfinn Skull-cleaver
married.
After that, Aud sailed out for Iceland. She had with her
in the ship twenty free men.^
Aud passed over first to the Faroes, and gave in marriage
there Alof, daughter of Thorstein Red. From Alof are
descended the Gotuskeggiar.^
Then Aud sailed for Iceland, and came to Vikarsskeid, and
was wrecked there. She went to Kialarnes, to her brother
Helgi Biola ; he asked her [to remain] there with half of her
suite. But she thought that was a poor offer, and said that he
was surely long [in growing out of being] a niggard. Then
she went west to Breidafiordr, to her brother Biorn. He went
' Literally "road-dwellers"; i.e., the people of Nordregote in Stromo,
Faroes (Kalund).
2 Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 122 (F.S., i, 246-247); Fl., i, 265.
^ This must have been before Harold's expedition to the islands, there-
fore some years before 900.
^ This must have been at least 35 years after Thorstein's birth.
" So far, this passage is copied in Eric the Red's Saga, c. i, p. 4.
•= Cf. Olaf's Saga, c. 177 (F.S., ii, 89 ; Fl., i, 265). Cf also Fl., i, 122.
Faereyinga Saga (Rafn ; 1832) pp. 1-2 : "Aud the Deeply-wealthy went
to Iceland, and came to the Faroes ; and gave there in marriage Alof,
Thorstein Red's daughter. And thence are descended the Faroe people's
greatest family, whom they call Gotuskeggiar, and who lived in Austrey."
AUD SAILS FROM SCOTLAND 381
to meet her with his retainers/ declaring that he knew his
sister's loftiness ; and he invited her with all her men. She
accepted.
Afterwards in spring Aud went with her followers to
Breidafiordr. . . . Then they went inland by Eyar-sund. . . .
Aud took all the Dales-lands.^
' huskarla.
" Ari, Islendingabok, c. 2: "Aud, daughter of Ketil Flatnose, a
Norwegian chief, settled in the west in Breidafiordr ; from her the
Breidfirdingar are descended."
Sturla's version of Landndmabok, cc. 97-110, pp. 158-160, describes
the settlement in Iceland of persons who went with Aud from the British
Islands. "Aud took all the Dales-lands inside the Firths, from Dogurdar-d
to Skramu-hlaup. She lived in Hvamm near Aurrida-river-mouth ; the name
of the place is Audartoptir" ("Aud's homesteads"). "She had her chapel
{Bcenahalld) at Cross-mounds ; there she had crosses put up, because she
was baptized and a good believer.
" Her kindred had afterwards great veneration for these mounds ; a
cairn (haiirg) was put up, and they sacrificed to them. They believed that
they should die into the mounds. And there Thord Yeller was conducted
before he took his rank, as is said in his saga.
[c. 98] " Aud gave land to her ship-men and freedmen. Ketil was the
name of a man to whom she gave land from Skraumu-hlaup to Haurda-
dale-river. He lived at Ketil's-stead. He was the father of Vestlidi and of
Einar, the father of Kleppiarn and of Thorbiorn whom [Viga]-Styr slew,
and of Thordis, mother of Thorgest.
[c. 99] "Hord was the name of a shipmate of Aud. To him she gave
Haurdadalr. His son was Asbiorn. ...
[c. 100] " Vifil was a freedman of Aud. He asked Aud why she gave
him no dwelling-place, like the others. She said it was not needed \that
eigi skifitd], [and] said that he would seem to be a gentleman wherever he
should be. To him she gave Vifil's-dale. There he dwelt, and was at
feud with Hord. A son of Vifil was Thorbiorn, father of Gudrid, whom
Thorstein, Eric the Red's son, married. . . . Another son of Vifil was
Thorgeir, who married Arnora, the daughter of Lon-Einar ; their daughter
was Yngvild, whom Thorstein, son of Snorri Godi, married." (Cf Melabok
version, c. 27, p. 239.)
[c. loi] " Hundi was the name of a freedman of Aud, [and] a Scot. To
him she gave Hundi's-dale ; there he lived long.
[c. 102] "Saudkolf was the name of a freedman of Aud. To him she
gave Saudkolfs-dale. He lived at Breidabolstadr, and many men are
descended from him. ..."
Cf. Laxdoela Saga, cc. 5-6, pp. 8-1 1. Grants of land are there recorded
to Hord, Erp, Saudkolf, Hundi, Vifil.
Eric the Red's Saga, c. i, p. 4 (Hauksbok, ii, 426) says: "With her
came many noble men, who had been taken prisoners in west-viking, and
382 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
[c. 83] A man was named Koll, the son of Wether-Grim,
the son of Asi, a chief. He had control of Aud's affairs, and
was most highly esteemed by her. Koll married ^ Thorgerd,
daughter of Thorstein Red.^
were called enslaved [d/iau^^r]. One of these was Vifil. He was a man
of great family, and had been taken prisoner to the west of the sea, and
was called enslaved until Aud released him. . . ." (Here Eric's Saga
abridges from Sturla, but concludes thus : " [Thorgeir and Thorbiorn]
were promising men, and they grew up with their father.")
' dtti, perhaps " had married."
2 Olaf s Saga : " Aud gave to Koll all Lax-river-dale. He became the
greatest nobleman ; he was called Dales-Koll."
Cf Laxdoela Saga, c. 5, p. 9 : " The same spring that Aud set up house
at Hvamm" (i.e., the spring after her arrival in Iceland) "Koll married
Thorgerd, the daughter of Thorstein Red. Aud paid the expenses of that
wedding-feast ; she let follow Thorgerd from home all Lax-river-dale, and
[Koll] set up house there south of Lax-river. Koll was the most notable
man. Their son was Hauskuld." Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 123 ;
F.S., i, 249 (Fl., i, 266).
Aud had given Gro in marriage in Orkney, Alof in the Faroes,
Thorgerd to Koll. Laxdcela Saga, c. 6, p. 11 : " Osk was the name of the
fourth daughter of Thorstein Red : she was the mother of Thorstein Surtr
the Wise, who invented the summer-eke.
" Thorhild was the fifth daughter of Thorstein ; she was the mother of
Alf of Dales. Many men trace their descent from him. His daughter
was Thorgerd, the wife of Ari M4's son at Reykia-nes, the son of Atli,
the son of Ulf the Squinter and of Biorg, the daughter of Eyvind and
sister of Helgi the Lean. From [Thorgerd and Ari] are descended the
men of Reykianes.
" Vigdis was the name of the sixth daughter of Thorstein. From her
are descended the men of Hofdi, in Eyiafiordr.
[c. 7] "Olaf Feilan was the youngest of Thorstein's children. . . ."
Cf. Sturla's version of Landndmabok, c. 105, p. 159: ". . . [Koll and
Thorgerd's] children were Hauskuld, and Gro whom Veleif the Old
married, and Thorkatla whom Thorgeir Godi married.
" Hauskuld married Hallfrid, the daughter of Thorbiorn of Vatn.
Thorleik was their son. He married Thurid, the daughter of Arnbiorn,
Slettu-Biorn's son. Their son was BoUi.
" Hauskuld bought Melkorka, daughter of Myrkiartan [Muirchertach ?],
king of the Irish. Olaf Peacock was their son, and Helgi. Hauskuld's
daughters were Thurid and Thorgerd and Hallgerd Snuinbrok.
" Olaf [Peacock] married Thorgerd, the daughter of Egil Skallagrim's
son. ..."
Cf Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, cc. 123, 156 (F.S., i, 249 ; ii, 19). (Fl., i,
266, 308.)
See Nial's Saga, c. 70.
DESCENDANTS OF THORSTEIN. MELKORKA 383
For the (unhistorical) story of Melkorka see Laxdffila Saga, cc. 12-13,
pp. 33-29 ; see also cc. 16, 20-22. Myrkiartan's reign had not ended
in the time of Harold Greycloak (960-976). The names Melkorka,
Myrkiartan, Kiartan (Olafs son; see Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, cc. 156,
159, 164, i6g, 174; Laxdcela Saga, c. 28: etc.), may be Norricized Irish.
Melkorka is said in Laxdffila Saga to have been taken from Ireland at
the age of fifteen, and to have pretended to be deaf and dumb until
Hauskuld surprised her talking to her son ; and yet she seems to have
been able to talk Norse : but she taught Olaf to speak Irish.
Melkorka was buried in a barrow in Lax-river-dale (Laxdffila Saga,
c. 38).
Egil's Saga, c. 78, p. 255 : " Olaf was the name of a man, the son of
Hauskuld, Dale-Koll's son ; and the son of Melkorka, daughter of
Myrkiartan, the Irish king. Olaf lived in Hiardarholt, in Lax-river-dale,
west in Breidafiord-dales. Olaf was very rich in treasure ; he was the
most handsome in appearance of the men who were then in Iceland ; he
was a great leader."
Olaf Peacock, Melkorka's son, is a prominent figure in the sagas
(Laxdffila Saga, Nidi's Saga).
Olafs son Kiartan visited Norway after earl Hakon had been succeeded
by king Olaf Tryggvi's son (995), when king Olaf was christianizing
Trondhjem (in 998 ; Icelandic Annals, CDA). See Laxdffila Saga, c. 40.
Kiartan was baptized, and was at king Olafs Christmas feast. See H.,
Olaf Tryggvi's son, cc. 88-89. Olafs Saga, c. 233 ; F.S., ii, 253-258.
Sturla's version of Landnamabok, cc. 106-108, pp. 159-160: " Heriolf,
son of Eyvind Fire, married later [Thorgerd], the daughter of Thorstein
Red. Hrut was their son. . . .
[c. 107] " Aud gave Thorhild, the daughter of Thorstein Red, to Eystein
Mein-fret, son of Alf of Osta. Their son was Thord, father of Kolbein,
father of Thord Skald ; and Alf of Dales, who married Halldis, daughter
of Erp. . . .
[c. 108] "Aud gave Osk, Thorstein's daughter, to Hallstein the baron-
priest. Their son was Thorstein Surtr.
"Aud gave Vigdis, Thorstein's daughter, to Kampa-Grim. Their
daughter [was] Arnbiorg. . . ."
For Thorgerd and her marriage to Heriolf in Norway cf. Laxdffila
Saga, c. 7, pp. 15-17.
For Thorgerd's sons Hauskuld and Hrut, and Hauskuld's daughter
Hallgerd, see the beginning of Nial's Saga ; Laxdffila Saga, cc. 8 fif. Hall-
gerd's foster-father was Thiostolf, a Hebridean (Nial's Saga, c. 9).
Hrut was "Auzur's brother's son"; and he flourished in the reign of
Harold Greycloak [960-976], according to Nial's Saga, c. 3.
Laxdffila Saga, c. 8, p. 16 : " Hrut [Heriolf and Thorgerd's son] was of
all men the fairest to look on, just as had been Thorstein his mother's
father, or Ketil Flatnose. He was the most capable man in all respects."
Laxdffila Saga, c. 19, pp. 44-45 : "Hrut was one of the bodyguard of
king Harold, Gunnhild's son ; and he had with him great esteem. That
384 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Erp was the name of a freedman of Aud. He was a son
of Maelduin, an earl in Scotland, who had been killed by earl
Sigurd the Mighty. Erp's mother was Myrgiol, the daughter
of Gliomal, king of the Irish. Earl Sigurd had taken them in
the spoils of war, and made them slaves. Myrgiol was the
bondwoman of the earl's wife, and served her faithfully. She
knew many things. She preserved her mistress's unborn child
while she was in the bath. After that Aud bought her for a
high price, and promised her freedom if she served Thurid, the
wife of Thorstein the Red, as she had served her mistress.
Then Myrgiol and her son Erp sailed with Aud to Iceland.^
889 X 900
Eyrbyggia Saga, c. 6, p. 14
Some winters afterwards^ Aud the Deep-minded came out
[to Iceland] ; and she was the first winter with Biorn, her
was principally because he was the best in all manly risks. But queen
Gunnhild liked him so well that she held none in the bodyguard to be
his equal either in words or in other respects. . . ." Cf. Nial's Saga, c. 3.
According to Laxdoela Saga, cc. 8-9, Thorgerd died when Hakon,
^thelstan's foster-son, was king in Norway (935 X961).
' Cf. Sturla's version, c. 103, p. 158 : "To Erp, the son of earl Maelduin
(as has been said before), Aud gave his freedom and the land of Saudafell.
From him the Erplingar are descended. A son of Erp was called Orm.
Another [was] Gunbiorn, the father of Arnora, whom Kolbein Thord's
son married. A third [was] Asgeir, the father of Thororna, whom
Sumarlidi, Hrapp's son, married. A daughter of Erp was Halldis, whom
Alf in the Dales married. Donald was a son of Erp ; [he was] the father
of Thorkel, father of Hialti, father of Beinir. Skati was a son of Erp ;
[he was] the father of Thord, the father of Gisli, the father of Thorgerd."
Laxdoela Saga, c. 6, p. 10: "Aud spoke to her men: 'Now shall you
take the reward of your labours ; also we have now no lack of means to
pay you for your work and your good-will. And it is known to you that
I have given freedom to the man who is called Erp, the son of earl
Maelduin ; it was far from me that I should wish so high-born a man to
bear the name of thrall.' Then Aud gave him Saudafell's-lands, between
Tungu-river and Mid-river. His children were Orm, and Asgeir, Gunn-
biorn, and Halldis, who was married to Dales-Alf."
^ I.e., some winters after 886, in which year Biorn sailed from the
Hebrides to Iceland. But Aud sailed out and settled in Iceland some
little time after Thorstein's death (889 x 900).
It must be considered whether the Catol who appears in 904 (below)
was Ketil Flatnose ; and whether the Scandinavian invasion of 903-904,
EARL MAELDUIN. OLAF FEILAN 385
brother. Afterwards she took all the Dale-lands in Breida-
fiordr, between Skraumuhlaup-river and Dogurd-river ; and
she dwelt in Hvamm. In these times all Breidafiordr was
settled, but we need not here tell of the settlements of the
men that do not come into this story. . . .
889x932
Gretti's Saga, c. 10, pp. 24-25
Onund [Wooden-leg] was so valiant a man that few could
match him though they were whole. He was also renowned
through all the land, because of his ancestry.
Next arose the strife between Ofeig Grettir and Thorbiorn
Earl's-champion ; and it ended thus, that Ofeig fell before
Thorbiorn in Grettisgeil, by Hisell.^ There was a great
gathering to Ofeig's sons for the blood-suit. Onund Wooden-
leg was sent for, and he rode south in spring and abode at
Hvamm with Aud the Deep-minded. She received him well,
because he had been with her in the west beyond the sea.
Olaf Feilan was then fully-grown : Aud was then much
worn by age. She requested of Onund that he would get a
wife for Olaf, his relative ; and wished him to ask for Alfdis the
Barra-woman. She was the first-cousin^ of ^sa, whom Onund
had married. Onund thought this promising, and Olaf rode
south with him. And when Onund met his friends and
kinsmen-in-law, they invited him to [dwell with] them.
Then the [blood-] suits were discussed ; and they were left
to the Kialarnes assembly, because then still a general assembly
had not been established.^ Then the suits were put to
which was crushed in Strathearn, was Thorstein's. These events would
then have happened after the later expedition from Norway ; and the
sagas' chronology and connection of the events would be entirely erroneous,
as possibly in the case of Egil's Saga and the battle of Vm-heath (below,
Part XV). In this case, the sagas are of a more historical character ;
they describe events that occurred nearer home ; and the evidence that
opposes them is weak. It is uncertain that Catol invaded Pictland ; and
the invaders of Strathearn probably came from Ireland.
' Cf. above, p. 329, note.
^ Alfdis and yEsa were second cousins, according to Gretti's Saga.
c. 3, p. 6.
^ Ari says in the beginning of the Islendingabok (cc. 2-3) that "when
Iceland had been widely settled, then an eastern man, who was called
2 B
386 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Ulfliot, first brought laws out hither from Norway (so said Teit to us) ;
and they were called Ulfliot's Laws. . . . And they were established
mostly in accordance with what the Gula-thing's laws were then ; the
counsels of Thorleif the Wise, Horda-Kari's son, were [followed] also,
where they should add or reject, or establish a different way. . . .
"The Althing was established, by counsel of Ulfliot and all the men
of the land, in the place where it now is [ca. 1030] ; but formerly there
was at Kialarnes the Thing that Thorstein, Ingolf the Settler's son, father
of the law-speaker Thorkel Moon, had had there, and such lords as came
there. . . . Wise men have said too that Iceland was fully settled in 60
winters, so that there was not more [habitable land] after that. About
this time Hrafn, son of Hfeng the Settler, took the law-speakership, next
to Ulfliot, and held it 20 summers. He was from Rang-ar-hverfi. That
was 60 winters after the slaying of king Edward, a winter or two before
Harold the Fairhaired was dead, according to the account of wise
men."
Ari here plainly indicates that Hrafn became Law-speaker in 930, and
that Harold died about 931 or 932. Landndmabok (p. 125) gives a list of
the inhabitants of Iceland in 930.
Cf Vigfusson, Corpus Poeticum, ii, 494 ff.
According to the Icelandic Annals, " Ulfliot came with law to Iceland"
in 927 (CDAP ; 928 L). (So also in the list of law-speakers in Islendinga
Sogur (1843), i, 337.)
Hrafn, son of Ketil Hsengr, was appointed law-speaker of Iceland in
929 (KBD ; 930, CAPL and the list of lawmen u.s. ; 928 E. For year-
letters e .1 in A, read c J).
Doubtless the Gula-thing was later a pattern for the Althing ; but if
Ulfliot formed the Althing in 927-930, the Norwegian Gula-thing must
rather have been originally modelled upon the Icelandic Althing, than the
other way round. Thorleif Spiki advised Hakon the Good in the setting
up of the Gula-thing (935x961); H., Hakon the Good, c. 11; Olafs
Saga, c. 20; F.S., i, 31 ; cf Landnamabok, c. 268, p. 95, which supports
Islendingabok. A kingless community needed an established legal
assembly; the need had been partly served by the Kialarnes assembly,
of which the Althing was a generalization. It would not be surprising if
the law-assembly had been perfected first in the society that needed it
most.
Either this is what happened, and Ari a century later did not know it ;
or else Ari has confused the dates, and placed the final establishment of
the Althing some ten years too soon.
The Althing was held near the Oxar-a (Axe-river). See i.a. the map
in K. Kalund's Bidrag til en historisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af Island,
vol. i, pp. 92x93 (Copenhagen, 1877).
The Althing ("general assembly") began on nth- 17th June until 998,
but from 999 onwards on i8th-24th June (Ari's Islendingabok, c. 7). It
lasted for a fortnight; cf Grdgds (1879), 113; Maurer, Entstehung des
Islandischen Staats, (1852) p. 148.
OLAF AND ALFDIS 387
arbitration, and great atonement was av/arded for the slaying,
and Thorbiorn Earl's-champion was made outlaw.
Thrond invited to his house Onund and Olaf, and so did
Thormod Skapti. They supported Olaf's suit, and it was
easily won, because men knew how great a lady Aud was ; and
the matter was settled. When things had been so arranged,
Onund and Olaf rode home. Aud thanked Onund for his
support to Olaf
That autumn Olaf Feilan married Alfdis the Barra-woman.
Then died Aud the Deep-minded, as is said in Laxdoela Saga.
889 X
Sturla's version of Landuainalb6k, c. 109, p. 160
Aud fostered Olaf Feilan, son of Thorstein the Red.^ [Olaf]
married Alfdis - of Barra, the daughter of Konal, son of Steinmod,
son of Olvi Barnakarl.^ The son of Konal was Steinmod,
father of Halldora, whom Eilif, son of Ketil One-handed,
married. [Olaf and Alfdis's] children [were] Thord Yeller and
Thora, the mother of Thorgrim, the father of Snorri Godi ; she
was also the mother of Bork the Stout, and Mi, Hallvard's son.
Ingiald and Grani were Olaf Feilan's sons. Vigdis was the
name of a daughter of Olaf Feilan. . . .* Helga was the name
of a third daughter of Olaf. . . . Thurid^ was the name of a
fourth daughter of Olaf Feilan.^ . . .
1 Cf. Laxdoela Saga, c. 7, p. 11: " Olaf Feilan was the youngest of
Thorstein's children. He was a big man, and strong, fair to look at, and
a man of the greatest [physical] accomplishments. Aud thought more of
him than of all [other] men, and declared before men that she intended for
Olaf all her property in Hvamm after her day. Aud was becoming much
worn by old age " ; she suggested that Olaf should marry at the end of
the summer. In autumn Olaf married Alfdis. Aud died in the first night
of the feast; the wedding-feast was also Aud's funeral feast (pp. 11-13).
" Olaf became a powerful man and a great lord ; he lived at Hvamm till
he was old" (pp. 13-14)-
Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 122 (F.S., i, 248). Cf. Fl., i, 265-266.
2 The MS. has " Asdis," erroneously ; read Aldis.
2 See above, p. 319.
■i Blank space in MS.
6 Read " Thordis " (Jonsson).
<! Laxdoela Saga, c. 7, p. 14 : "The children of Olaf and Alfdis were
Thord Yeller, who married Hrodny, daughter of Midfiord-Skeggi ; . . . a
daughter of Olaf Feilan was Thora, who was married to Thorstein Cod-
388 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
[c. I lo] Aud was a tall stately dame.^ When she was out-
worn with age, she invited to her her kinsmen and kinsmen-in-
law, and prepared a rich banquet. And when the banquet had
gone on for three nights, she chose gifts for her friends, and
gave them good counsel. She said that the banquet should go
on for other three nights ; she said that this should be her
funeral feast. The night after, she died : and she was buried
on the ebb-shore,^ as she had said before, because she wished
not to lie in unconsecrated ground, since she was baptized.^
After that the faith of her relatives deteriorated.
ca. 894
Heimskringla, Harold Fairhair's Saga, c. 30*
Tlie burning of Ronald, earl of Mcerr.
When king Harold was forty years of age,^ many of his sons
biter, son of Thorolf Moster's-beard. . . . Helga was the name of another
daughter of Olaf ; she was married to Gunnar Hlif's son. . . . Thorunn
was another daughter of his ; she was married to Herstein, son of Thorkel,
Blund-Ketil's son. Thordis was the name of the third daughter of Olaf;
she was married to Thorarin, the lawman, Ragi's brother." (Cf. Sturla's
version of Landnamabok, c. 35, p. 140.)
For Thord Yeller, see Islendingabok, c. 5 ; Landnamabok, cc. 73, 355
(where he is said to have flourished in 930) ; H., Olaf Tryggvi's son, c. 37.
Cf also Laxdosla Saga, and Hosnsa-Thori's Saga.
For Ma, Hallvard's son, cf Eyrbyggia Saga, cc. 11, 15 ; pp. 27, 38-39.
^ vegs kona mikil. Cf Laxdcela Saga, c. 7, p. 13 : " Men said that Aud
had been both tall and strong."
^ i fladar mdli.
^ Laxdcela Saga, c. 7, p. 13 : "And on the last day of the wedding Aud
was carried to the barrow which had been prepared for her. She was laid
in a ship in the barrow, and much treasure was laid in the barrow with
her. After that the barrow v/as closed over her" [aptr kasta'Sr).
^ Cf the somewhat differing versions of O.S., c. 8, i, 7-9 ; Fl., i, 223 :
and Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 97 ; F.S., i, 196. Cf Fr., 54-55.
° Harold was probably born in 854 (see above, p. 323).
Icelandic Annals KBODE, which place his birth in 852 (because they
accept Landnamabok's date of his accession, 862), say that Harold divided
his kingdom among his sons in 892, that is to say, when he was forty years
old ; but CA, placing his birth in 848, put the division of the kingdom in
898, i.e., when he had reigned for forty years. The Annals seem to have
got the number 40 from this passage of Heimskringla.
Heimskringla clearly implies that Ronald died soon after Harold was
forty years old (i.e. 894 x 904), if not in the same year (894).
DEATHS OF AUD, RONALD, AND HALFDAN 389
had grown up well ; they were all early mature.^ It came
about that they were ill-content because the king gave them no
dominions, but set an earl over every county ; and they thought
these earls less well-born than themselves. Then one spring
they set out, Halfdan Longleg and Godfrey Li6mi,^ with a
great company of men, and came unexpectedly upon Ronald,
earl of Masrr, and took the house above him, and burnt him in
it with sixty men.
Then Halfdan took three long-ships,^ and made ready and
sailed to west beyond the sea ; but Godfrey settled there in the
lands which Ronald, earl of Mserr, had had before.
But when king Harold learned this, he went immediately
with a great army against Godfrey; and Godfrey saw that he
had no other choice but to give himself up into king Harold's
power. And the king sent him east to Agdir; but the king
set up earl Ronald's son Thori there as earl over Maerr, and
gave to him in marriage his daughter Alof, who was called the
Season-bettering. So earl Thori the Silent had dominion just
as his father, earl Ronald, had had.
ca. 894
Heimskringla, Harold Fairhair's Saga, c. 31 *
The death of Halfdan Longleg.
Halfdan Longleg came west to the Orkneys, and very
unexpectedly : and earl Einar fled at once from the islands,
over to [Caith]ness^ ; and he returned immediately the same
autumn, and so came unexpectedly upon Halfdan. They
fought, and there was a disgraceful battle, and Halfdan fled.^
' Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 2 : "King Harold had many wives and
many children: hehadtwenty sons, or more." Cf. H., Harold Fairhair, c. 21.
Cf. also the Upphaf, F.S., x, 194.
Orkneyinga Saga and Olaf's Saga do not mention a year, but imply
that Harold's sons had recently come to full growth.
2 Ljomi, "Gleam" Morris and Magnusson ; perhaps "the Ardent."
These were Harold's sons by Snaefrid, according to Olaf Tryggvi's son's
Saga and O.S. ; cf. H., Harold Fairhair, c. 25.
3 "Two long-ships" MS. A of Olaf's Saga, u.s.
* Cf. Fr., 55 ; O.S., i, 7-10, c. 8. F., 296-298. A shorter version is in
Fl., i, 224.
■' " Halfdan laid the islands under him, and made himself king over
them" O.S.
" "And Halfdan leapt overboard in the dark, in the evening" O.S.
390 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Since it was on the verge of night-fall, Einar and his men lay
tentless that night ; but when the morning began to lighten,
they sought the fugitives among the islands, and every one was
cut down where he stood.
Then earl Einar spoke : " I do not know " said he, " what I
see out in Rinansey,^ a man or a bird ; sometimes it rises,
sometimes it lies down."
Then they went thither, and found there Halfdan Longleg,
and they took him captive. . . ? Then earl Einar went to
Halfdan. He carved on him an eagle on the back, in such a
manner that he cut with his sword along his back-bone to the
inwards, and cut all the ribs right down to his loins, and drew
out there the lungs ; that was the death of Halfdan.^ . . .*
Then earl Einar settled in the Orkneys, as he had had
them before. But when these tidings were known in Norway,
Halfdan's brothers took it very ill, and they said that it mast
be avenged, and many others agreed to that.^ . . ."
894 X
Heimskringla, Harold Fairhair's Saga, c. 32"
The peace between king Harold and earl Einar.
King Harold brought out his army, and collected a great
^ North Ronaldshay.
2 Eight lines of verse follow, in which Einar expresses his desire to
avenge his father (cf. O.S. ; F.).
^ Orkneyinga Saga : "And Einar caused an eagle to be carved upon
[Halfdan's] back with a sword, cutting all the ribs from his back-bone and
drawing the lungs out there ; and he gave him to Odin for his victory."
Similarly in Fl., i, 222 (reading: "a blood-eagle"). This seems to have
been a heathen ritual of torture.
For the blood-eagle, see Sogu-brot af Norna-Gesti, c. 6, Rafn's Fornaldar
Sogur, i, 328-329 ; Thattr af Ragnars Sonum, c. 3, ibid., 354. (Fortids
Sagaer, i, 304, 327.)
'' In 8 lines of verse Einar boasts at the burial of Halfdan. Other
8 lines precede this in O.S. Cf F.
s Orkneyinga Saga, c. 8 ; i, 9 : " . . . Then his brothers were very
angry about it, and they vowed that they would go to the Orkneys and
avenge him. But king Harold delayed it." (Cf Fl., i, 224.)
° Einar defies them in 8 lines of verse (also in Fr. ; cf O.S.). For
Turf-Einar's verses, see J.S., i. A, 31-32 ; B, 27-28. (Cf Corpus Poeticum
Boreale, i, 371-372.)
7 Cf Fr., 56 ; O.S., i, 10, c. 8 (Fl., i, 224) ; Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga,
c. 97 (F.S., i, 196-197).
KING HAROLD'S EXPEDITION 391
host ; and then sailed west to the Orkneys.^ And when earl
Einar knew that king Harold had come from the east, he went
over to [Caith]ness. . . .^
Then men and messengers went between the king and the
earl, and it came about that a meeting was arranged ; and they
met in person, and the earl put everything to the king's
judgement. King Harold judged that earl Einar and all the
Orkneymen should pay a fine of sixty marks of gold.
The farmers thought the fine excessive ; so the earl offered
them that he would pay the fine alone, and that he should then
possess all the odal lands ^ in the islands. To this they agreed,
principally because the poor [farmers] had small lands,* but the
rich thought they would redeem their odal lands as soon as
they wished.
The earl paid all the fine to the king ; and the king went
east afterwards, in autumn. It was the case for a long time
afterwards in the Orkneys that the earls had all the odal lands,
down to the time when Sigurd Hlodve's son gave back the
odal lands.^
' " Some time later, king Harold went west beyond the sea, and came
to the islands" Fl. Harold came "a little after" the death of Halfdan,
according to Olaf's Saga, u.s.
^ Eight lines of verse are here attributed to Einar. These stand earlier
in O.S., i, 8-9.
^ oSul oil : hereditary free-holds. For Harold's policy in regard to
them, see H., Harold Fairhair, c. 6.
* See year 995.
* "And the farmers agreed to this, because the rich ones thought they
could redeem their lands, and the poor ones had no money to pay
with" Fl.
PART XIV
Harold Fairhair's Invasion. Reign of Constantine II
ca. 874-894 X 900
Heimskringla, St Olaf's Saga, c. 96 ^
The earls' saga.
It is said that in the days of Harold the Fairhaired, king of
Norway, the Orkneys were peopled ; but before that they were
a vikings' lair.
Sigurd was the name of the first earl of the Orkneys ; he
was the son of Eystein Glumra, and brother of Ronald, earl of
Mserr. And after Sigurd, his son Guthorm, for one winter.
After him, Turf-Einar, the son of earl Ronald, took the earldom,
and was earl for a long time, and a powerful man.
Halfdan Longleg, Harold Fairhair's son, went against Turf-
Einar and drove him out of the Orkneys. Then Einar came
afterwards, and slew Halfdan in Rinansey.
After that, king Harold went with an army to the Orkneys.
Then Einar fled up into Scotland. King Harold caused the
Orkneymen to swear to him all their hereditary lands.^
Afterwards the king and earl made peace there, and the earl
became [Harold's] liege-man, and took the lands in fief from
the king ; but he was to pay no tribute for them, because they
were much exposed to war. The earl paid the king [a fine of]
sixty marks of gold. ^
Then king Harold plundered in Scotland, as is told in
Glymdrapa.*
^ Similarly in St Olaf's Saga, in F.S., iv, 212.
- oil d^zil sin. Snorri's St Olaf's Saga reads : " King Harold caused
the Orkneymen to swear to him all the odal [lands] in the Orkneys, for the
killing of Halfdan" (91 ; F.S., iv, 212).
2 Cf. with this account the speech of king Olaf in Olaf Tryggvi's son's
Saga, c. 98 (Fornmanna Sogur, i, 201) ; Fl. version, c. 187.
* Hornklofi's Glymdrdpa has already been quoted in Heimskringla's
earlier version of larla Saga (Harold Fairhair, c. 22), in connection with
392
HAROLD'S INVASION. TURF-EINAR'S SONS 393
894 X 900
Orkneyinga Saga, c. 8 ; vol. i, p. 10^
King Harold sailed to Norway after that.^ And earl Einar
ruled over the Orkneys for a long time, and died of sickness.
He had three sons : one was called Arnkel ; another, Erlend ;
the third, Thorfinn the Skull-cleaver.^
894x932
Heimskringla, Harold Fairhair's Saga, c. 34 *
To Thorgils and Frodi^ king Harold gave warships^; and
they went upon western piracy, and plundered in Scotland,
Harold's alleged earlier expedition to the west, in 874. Hornklofi's poem,
as it is preserved (cf. J.S., i, B, 22-26), describes only one expedition. This
is another point of difference between Heimskringla's two versions of larla
Saga : the first understanding Hornklofi to speak of the earlier expedition)
the second understanding him to speak of the later. Here, as elsewhere,
preference is to be given to the second version. It is practically certain
that Harold did not invade the Hebrides in 874, although about that time
the family of Ronald earl of Masrr made an expedition to Orkney, and Ketil
Flatnose and his family made an expedition to the Hebrides.
Neither expedition is mentioned in the Chronicles of the Kings, unless
the storming of Dunnottar (S89 x 900) was an episode of the later expedition,
as it may very well have been. Harold had delayed his retaliation against
Turf-Einar in order to prepare an expedition capable of resisting any army
the king of Scotland might bring against him.
Evidence of Harold's power over the Scottish islands in the beginning
of the tenth century appears in the romance of Mousa Broch ; see below.
' From FL, i, 224. Similarly in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga. c. 97
(F.S., i, 197).
^ I.e., after Harold's sons' vow to avenge Halfdan.
^ Landndmabok, c. 221, p. 85 : " Earl Turf-Einar got a daughter in his
youth. She was called Thordis. Earl Ronald brought her up, and gave
her to Thorgeir Klaufi. Their son was Einar. He sailed to the Orkneys
to find his relatives ; they would not receive him in kinship. Then [Einar]
sailed to Iceland with two brothers, Vestmann and Vemund. . . ." For
Turf-Einar's daughter Hlif, see Origines Islandicae, i, 247.
* Similarly in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 2 ; F.S., i, 7-8 ; and in FL, i, 42.
* Thorgils and Frodi were Harold's sons by Svanhild, earl Eystein's
daughter ; F.S., i, 5 (Fl., i, 41, 575). Their expedition is mentioned in the
Upphaf Rikis Haraldar Harfagra ; F.S., x, 196-197. It probably occurred
soon after 894.
" "a warship" Olaf's Saga.
394 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Wales, and Ireland. They were the first of the Norwegians to
possess Dublin in Ireland.^
1 This is incorrect. The Norwegians built a castle in Dublin in 841,
twenty years after their first recorded invasion of the district (Annals of
Ulster).
Snorri's St OlaPs Saga, p. 5 : " [Harold's son's] Frodi and Thorgils were
established in Dublin in Ireland" {sethizj read liltust "had died in," as in
F.S., iv, 9).
Tuirgeis (t ca. 845 ; see above, p. 277) was perhaps the first Scandinavian
to invade, if not to occupy, Dublin. It is possible, but not likely, that the
sagas have confused him with Thorgils, Harold's son.
An interesting story which shows Harold's power in the west about the
beginning of the loth century is the following romance of Mousa Broch.
Egil's Saga, cc. 32-33 ; pp. 98-102 : "Biorn was the name of a powerful
chief in Sogn ; he lived in Aurland. His son was Bryniolf, who took the
whole inheritance after his father. Bryniolf's sons were Biorn and
Thord. . . . Biorn was a great traveller ; he was sometimes in piracy,
sometimes on merchant-voyages. . . ." He carried off to his father's house
Thora Lace-hand, sister of baron \^herszrj "chieftain "] Thori, Hroald's son ;
but Thori and Bryniolf forbade their marriage. [F. Jonsson dates this in
898, in his table of the saga.] "And so the winter passed. But when
spring began, [899, according to Jonsson] one day Bryniolf and Biorn
discussed their plans. Bryniolf asked what [Biorn] intended to do ; Biorn
said it was most likely that he should go away out of the land. ' It is most
to my mind' said he, 'that thou shouldest give me a long-ship and a
company, and I should go on piracy.' 'There is no hope' said Bryniolf,
' that I should give thee a warship and a large company, because I know
not whether thou mightest not then go there where I least wish ; enough
trouble already has come of thee. I shall give thee a merchant ship and
a cargo ; then go thou south to Dublin ; that is now the most famous
voyage. I will give thee a good company.'" But when Biorn got the ship,
Thora went with him to sea. They kept clear of Norway's coasts. " One
day they sailed from the east to Shetland in a sharp storm, and they
injured their ship in landing at Mousa \_Mdsey\ ; they took off their freight,
and so went to the castle [iorg] that was there, and carried all their goods
there, and they raised up their ship and mended it where it was broken.
" A little before winter a ship came north from the Orkneys : they
brought this news, that a long-ship had come about autmnn to the
islands, and those were messengers of king Harold with the message to
earl Sigurd, that the king wished to have Biorn Bryniolf's son slain
wherever he should be met ; and similar instructions he sent to the
Hebrides, and even to Dublin. Biorn heard these tidings, and this too,
that he was made outlaw in Norway. But as soon as he had come to
Shetland he married Thora. They remained during the winter in Mousa
castle.
" But as soon as it was spring, when the sea began to fall, Biorn put out
his ship, and prepared as quickly as possible. And when he was ready and
BIORN AND THORA. KING DONALD 395
It is said that poison was given to Frodi ; but Thorgils was
long king over Dublin, and was at last betrayed by the Irish,
and fell there.
900
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 414, s.a. 899 or 900 = 900
Donald, Constantine's son, king of Scotland, died.^
889-900
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 9
Donald, Constantine's son, held the kingdom for eleven
years. The Northmen wasted Pictland at that time.^
had a fair wind he sailed out to sea. They had a great wind and were
a short while out, and came north to Iceland. . . ." They came to
Skallagrim, and remained with him three winters [900-903, according to
Jonsson] ; through him Biorn was atoned with Thori. Biorn and Thora
returned to Aurland.
Their daughter, Asgerd, born in Iceland, was left with Skallagrim for
fosterage. She married Thorolf, Skallagrim's son (c. 42), who fell at
Vi'n-heath ; then she was under protection of Arinbiorn, her kinsman.
She married again Egil, Skallagrim's son (c. 56). Egil quarrelled with
Eric Bloodaxe in claiming Asgerd's inheritance : he killed her step-sister's
husband, Berg-Onund, and his brother Hadd, sons of Thorgeir Thornfoot ;
and Frodi, king Eric's relative and foster-son ; with 15 or 16 of their
followers. Then he killed king Eric's son Ronald, with 12 followers. Egil
set up a rune-staff with a horse's head, cursing Eric and Gunnhild, and the
genii loci until they should drive the king and queen from Norway
(cc. 56-57) [this was in 934, acccording to Jonsson].
1 A. I. ,33, O'Conors year 886 = 900 (6 years after 894): "Death of
Donald, king of Scotland."
C.S., 176, Hennessy's year 900 ; "Repose of Donald, Constantine's son,
king of Scotland."
The title "king of Scotland" (ri Alban) was frequently applied by
Irish writers to kings of Dalriata ; here Dalriata and Pictland are both
included. Nevertheless, a king of Pictland is said to have died in 904.
Perhaps some part of Pictland was not included in Donald's kingdom. -
Donald's successor, Constantine, Aed's son, became king after 13th
September, 900. See year 942, note.
2 This was probably the invasion of Sigurd and Thorstein. See
above, p. 378.
396 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
In his reign a battle occurred [at] Innisibsolian between
Danes and Scots ; the Scots had the victory.
Dunnottar was destroyed by the gentiles/
889-900
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 151
Donald, Constantine's son, reigned for eleven years; and
he died in Forres, and was buried in the island of lona.^
■ Opidum Father occisum est a gentibus. Possibly read apud oppidiim
. . . occisus "he was killed at Dunnottar" ; cf. P. & S., p. cxxxix ; but this
would not agree with the other accounts, and perhaps the text may stand.
This may possibly have been the battle fought in Scotland by Harold
Fairhair (895 x ). See above, p. 392. The army that attacked Dunnottar
must have been large ; no ordinary pirates would have attempted to
attack so strong a position.
2 Similarly in versions FGI (174, 301, 288); but G reads "2 years."
See above, p. cxxxvii, note.
The late version K (204) reads (erroneously) : "Donald, Constantine's
son, [reigned for] 2 years. Edmund, ^thelstan's brother, granted to this
Donald, king of Scotland, all Cumberland, which the Scots had claimed,
as far as the Rere-cross of Stanemore \_al Reir croiz de Staynmore\. But
since then this gift has been often conquered and released, in many
makings of peace."
N reads (ibid., 305): "Donald, Constantine's son, [reigned for] 11
years, and he was killed because of his daughter."
The Duan Albanach, in Skene's P. & S., 62 : " Donald, son of the fair
Constantine, passed a year four times [in the kingdom.] "
Fordun (IV, 20) says that Donald, like Gregory, refused to enter into
alliance with the pagan Danes against the English : but that an alliance
had been formed by Gregory with Guthorm ("Gurmund"), after his
baptism, in the time of king Alfred ; and after Guthorm's death, this
alliance was renewed by Donald with Guthorm's successor?, "his son
Ronald and his kinsman Sigtrygg."
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records the baptism of king Guthorm (with
the baptismal name of ^thelstan) and thirty of his noblest followers, at
Aller, opposite Athelney, in 878 (ABDEF ; 879, C. In the next year is
entered the eclipse of 880). A king Ronald appears in hostility to
Constantine, in ?9i5 ; in treaty (beside Constantine) with Edward, in ?92i.
A Sigtrygg appears in A.S.C. as king, 921-926. (E.C., 65-66.)
Fordun, speaking of the later treaty, probably means that of ? 921 ; the
earlier treaty must have been made, if at all, between 878 and 901, when
Alfred died. Fordun adapts his records of events to make them agree
with his own theory of the Scottish kings' reigns.
KING DONALD 397
889-900
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, p. 225, s.a. 897 1
Giric, king of the Scots, died.^ Donald, Constantine's son,
[became] king of the Scots.
" After this,^ king Donald reigned in Scotland ; he was the
son of Constantine. This king is said to have perished in the
village of Forres,* during the course of the eleventh year of his
kingship." 6
889-900
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 141-147, in Skene's Picts and
Scots, pp. 89-91
Afterwards '5 the rough one' will take [the sovereignty],
who will think relics and psalms of little worth. Scotland
will march under him*; he will not give up the truth to
neglect.
. Forays will be abundant in his time, in the kingdom of the
rough one (although it is he) ; he will disturb Scotland for his
ends, he will be a . . . who will strike blows. ^
He will oppress the white [-skinned] Gaels ; he will lay
waste their estuaries. They will weep, they will be crushed
and dead, under the rule of the mighty, the rough one.
He will have nine years as king,^'' making the circuit of their
1 Also in P. & S., 178 (MS. B).
- See year 889.
3 "After him" in B.
'' in villa . . . Forensi.
^ The passage within inverted commas .is in verse in the original,
^ After the "feeble one" from Dundurn : see year 889.
'' in garbh. This (the 7th king mentioned after Kenneth) appears to be
Donald II, Constantine's son.
* bidh aistrech Attain lais. This line lacks a syllable : possibly we
should read Albamiaig (Scots) for Attain (Scotland).
^ inescfaid\Ji\ Attain ima chenn \ bidh fuisfe bhenfas beimheim. If bidh
is right, /«zj/fe should be a noun ; but the text is probably corrupt.
'" It is noteworthy that the Prophecy has deducted the reign of the
Feeble (889-891?) from the reign of Donald II. But the reign-lengths
mentioned in the Prophecy are very inaccurate.
398 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
boundaries,! one after another, in every place, against Foreigners
and against Gaels.
The Gaels will turn against him secretly on the path above
Dunnottar.2 He is on the brow of the mighty wave,^ in the
east, in his broad gory bed.
Aiterwards a king* will take [sovereignty] (I shall not
conceal it)— I will not^^ sing of him, though I speak of him— ;
half the day he will take [sovereignty] (a small matter) ; he will
come before night ^ to nothing.
Not many will be killed in the east in battle : there is not
violent slaughter, there is not man-slaying. The place whence
he comes, thither they go. Alas ! it is a false apparition.
904
Chronicon Scotorum, p. 180, Hennessy's year 904'
Ead, king of Pictland,^ fell [fighting] against the two
grandsons of Ivar, and against Catol,^ with five hundred men.'"
^ ag imthecht a cc6igri\cK\.
" Saoifid gaoidhil fris a ri'in \ air in luircc os FSther-dhim. Read lurg.
MS. b has Ar an Lurg, which might mean "following them."
Fother-dhun has been identified with Fordoun ; but Fordoun is not
near the sea, and Fother- became Fetter- in the Mearns. Fother-dhun is
a poetical inversion of Dim- Fother.
^ for bra tuinne iinne dho. (Cf. stanza 157; year 954.) MS. b reads
for bhra tuinne, with O'Connell's conjecture/or bhru Tuimni.
■■ Here (above the line) MS. a has the gloss "i.e., Manannan, son of Ler."
MS. b has in the margin : " Here [is] Manannan, son of Ler, of the Side ! "
Whether history is here touched by myth, or whether a king's name
had some resemblance to that of the mythical Manannan, cannot be
known. Glosses which give the names of the Irish kings in MS. a were
probably part of the original work ; but the Scottish kings are not glossed,
except Aidan and this king. Possibly he was Aed, Constantine's father.
^ Reading ni for no (so O'Connell and Skene).
" The original reading of MS. « was ria n-uadch~ : this has been changed
to ria n-aidhche in blacker ink by a different hand, resembling O'Connell's.
' The year-section corresponds to that in A.U. for 904.
* Ead ri Cruithentuaithe : according to S.C.S., i, 339, note, "probably a
king of one of the provinces slain in the previous attack." Ead may have
been the ruler of some part of Pictland ; perhaps a predecessor of Constantine,
or appointed by him to guard a frontier province. But there is a suspicious
resemblance between his name and the name given by Irish annals (below,
year 913) to ^thelweald, king of Northumbria, who died in 905, in a battle
with the Danes. Probably there is some confusion in the text.
^ fri Catol: probably Ketil, and a Norwegian invader of Britain. If
IVOR'S GRANDSONS INVADE PICTLAND 399
904
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 418, s.a. 903 or 904 = 904'
The profanation of Kells by Fland, Maelsechlaind's son,
against Duncan, [Fland's] own son ; and many others were
beheaded, around the oratory.^ . . .
Ivar, Ivar's grandson, was killed by the men of Fortriu, and
great slaughter [was made] about him.^
906*
907
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, MSS. BC ; vol. i, pp. 182, 183, s.a. 907
In this year Chester was restored.
909
Annales Camtariae ; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 167, s.a. [909]^
King Catell died.'^
this were Ketil Flatnose, the sagas' chronology would here be at fault, since
they place his death some fifteen years earlier. See above, pp. 384-385.
^^ The text reads erroneously "with 500 hundred men."
The Chronicle of the Kings (A) implies that the invasion of 904 had
begun in the previous year (see year 943). It seems to have been led by
Scandinavians from Ireland.
' With marginal note "bissextile."
2 So also in C.S., 178, Hennessy's year 904.
^ The Chronicle of the Kings (below, year 943) says that "the North-
men were slain in Strathearn," in king Constantine's fourth year (903-904) ;
and that they had plundered Dunkeld in the previous year.
In 902, the Gentiles had been expelled from Dublin (A.U.).
* For the ecclesiastical congress at Scone in 906, see below, year 943
(Chronicle of the Kings, version A).
^ Placed 5 years after the "460th year" after 444.
" MSS. B and C add, " Rotri's son " (Ab Ithel, 16). See year 878.
B.T. in R.B.H., 260 (9 years after 900, i year before 910) : "And Catell,
Rotri's son, [died]." Cf. B.T. in M.A., 689, s.a. 900 ; B.S. in M.A. 656,
s.a. 907.
D.M.F., III, 224 (in the year of the death of Cerball, son of Muirecan
[1909]): "Catell, Rotri's son, king of Wales, . . . died." In the same
year-section it is stated that he was succeeded by his son (ibid., 226) ; i.e.
by Clitauc (t9i9). But Anaraut seems to have ruled in South Wales also,
from Catell's death until his own (t9i6).
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 144, s.a. 901: "Kotn's son [mcRwarag/i],
king of Britons, died."
400 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
911
Duald Mac-Pirlt)is, Fragment III, p. 242-244 1
Maelbrigte, Tornan's son, successor of Patrick and Columcille,
[went] with many priests of Ireland into Munster, in order to
ask the nobles of Munster to give him treasure with which to
release the captives of the Britons.^ And he obtained it ; and
he took these miserable captives with him, after their ships
had been sunk and they had been cast ashore, and had fallen
into the power of ^ the Danes and Scandinavians.*
911
Annales Cambriae ; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 168, s.a. [913]^
Otter came."
911
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, MSS. BC ; vol. i, pp. 184, 185, s.a. 911
In this year the [Danish] army in Northumbria broke the
peace, and despised every right ^ that king Edward and his
council offered them, and ravaged the Mercians' land. And
the king had gathered some hundred ships, and was then in
Kent ; and the ships went south-east along the sea[-coast]
towards him. Then the [Danish] army imagined that the
great part of his supporters were in these ships, and that they
could go unopposed wherever they would.
When the king learned that they had gone out plundering,
he sent out his yeomanry** both of West Saxons and of
Mercians ; and they overtook the [Danish] army from behind,
1 Placed two year-sections after the "31st year of Fland," Maelsech-
laind's son ; i.e., in 911.
2 i fuaslagadh braide Breton ; i.e., of the Welsh.
■^ ar ionngabhdil.
* Danar 7 Lochlann.
° Placed 9 years after the "460th year" after 444.
15 MSS. BC add "to Britain" ; Ab Ithel's ed., 16.
B.T. in R.B.H., 260 : "910 years was the age of Christ when Oter came
to the island of Britain." This was doubtless the Ottar who invaded
Mercia in 91 1. He is called Other in B.S. in M.A., 656, s.a. 909 ; Uthyr in
B.T. in M.A., 689, s.a. 906, where he is said to have devastated Mynyw
[? St Davids] along with Hroald the Red.
■ In MS. A "peace."
» fird, A ifyrd, BD).
SCANDINAVIAN INVASIONS 401
when it was returning homewards ; and they fought with it,
and routed the army, and slew many thousands in it ; and
there king Eowils was slain,i and king Halfdan, and earl Ottar,^
and earl Scurfa, and hold Othulf,^ and hold Benesing, and Olaf
the Black, and hold Thurfrith, and Osfrith Hlytte, and hold
Godfrey, and hold Agmund, and Godfrey.*
Then in the next year [912] died ^thered, lord of Mercia.^
?9ii-?9i8
Duald Mac-Pirbis, Fragment III, pp. 244-246^
Great hosts of Black-foreigners and White-foreigners came
again '' in this year against the English, after making Sigtrygg,
Ivar's grandson, king. They proclaimed battle against the
English ; and the English did not hesitate to accept it, but
came at once against the pagans. A fierce, active battle was
fought between them, and great was the vigour and fury and
determination on both sides. Much blood of the sons of nobles
was poured out in that battle ; but the English got victory and
triumph, after making great slaughter of the pagans ; because
[Sigtrygg] the king of the pagans was attacked by a disease,
' Eowils (for Eadgils) appears to be the same name as Icelandic
Aicdgisl (Irish Auisle), Old Danish Athisl. See Noreen, Altnordische
Grammatik (1903), i, 147. The Irish form points to an original Audgisli.
Down to this point, the passage is in MS. A also. Here the version in
MS. A stops.
^ Anglo-Saxon Ohter, Irish Oitir, Simeon's Oter; apparently for old
Danish Ottar, Icelandic Ottarr, Ottarrj cf Lind, Norsk-islandska Dopnamn,
824 ; Noreen, U.S., 190.
This Ottar seems to have survived until 918 (q.v.).
3 Athulf in MS. D ; perhaps Anglo-Saxon Eadulf, in a Danish form.
To this point the same account is in MS. D : of the remainder, MS. D gives
only "and hold Agmund." For the title hold, see Thorpe, A.S.C, ii, 76>
note ; also Bosworth-ToUer, and Cleasby-Vigfusson, s.v.
* Thurfrith and Godfrey (here Thurferth, Guthferth) are Danish names ;
Osfrith (here Osferih) is probably Anglo-Saxon.
^ These events are placed under years 910 and 911 in the Annals of
St Neots (Stevenson's Asser, 144-145).
<> Placed 3 years after the "31st year of Eland," i.e. in 912 ; after the
death of Etalbh (see below, year 913), and the succession of Flaithbertach,
king of Cashel [in 914 ; see C.S., Hennessy's year 913].
' The previous attack referred to was that made upon the English in
Chester, in [909]. Ibid., 230-236.
2 C
402 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
and he was carried from the battle to a wood which was near
them ; and he died there.
And when Ottar, the earl who made most noise in the
battle, saw that slaughter was being made of his people by
the English, this is what he did; he fled into the woods,
and such as were left of his people with him. Immense
numbers of the English came after him, and they surrounded
the wood. And the queen [^thelflaed] set them on to cut
down all the wood with their swords and their axes ; and
this they did. The wood was destroyed first, and all the
pagans who were in the wood were killed.^ In this manner
the pagans were killed by the queen, and her fame spread
on all sides.
[^thelflsed] ^ by her own wisdom made a treaty with the
men of Scotland and with the Britons, that whenever the same
race [the Scandinavians] should come against her they would
rise to assist her : while if [the Scandinavians] came against
them, she should rise [to assist] them. While this continued,
the Scots and Britons fell upon the towns of the Scandinavians,^
destroyed and pillaged them.
Afterwards the king [Ronald] of the Scandinavians
came, and plundered Strathclyde ; that is to say, he
1 Since it is here implied that Ottar was killed, this battle is probably
the same that A.S.C. places in 911.
^ Edeldrida. yEthelflasd was king Edward's sister, and Lady of Mercia.
Probably this refers to a time after her husband /Ethered's death in 912.
She built fortresses at Bramsbury (910) ; Sarrat and Bridgenorth (912) ;
Tamworth, Stafford, Eddesbury, Warwick, Chirbury, Wardbury, and
Runcorn (913); and took in battle Brecknock (916), and Derby (917)
(A.S.C). She gained Leicester in 918, and died on 12th June, 918 (A.S.C,
BCD ; 1 918, E ; t 12 June, 922, A).
After her death, her conquests were taken over by her brother, Edward
the Elder, Alfred's son, king of the English ; the kings of Wales (Higuel,
Clitauc, and lutgual) submitted to him ; and he occupied Nottingham
(A.S.C, A). In ?92o, he erected a castle at Thelwall in Cheshire, and sent
a levy of Mercians to fortify and occupy "Manchester in Northumbria"
(A.S.C, A, s.a. 923). In ?92i, he built another castle at Nottingham, on
the south side of the river, and built a bridge between them over the Trent ;
and erected castles at Bakewell in Peakland (A.S.C, A, s.a. 924) and at
Clwyd mouth {Cledenmtha ; A.S.C, CD, s.a. 921). Then the Northumbrians
and Scots came to terms with him. See year 921.
' fo bailibh na Lochlonn.
KING RONALD INVADES STRATHCLYDE 403
plundered the land, but the enemy could do nothing against
Strathclyde.i
?9i3
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 424-426, s.a. 912 or 913=913^
. . . Maelmuire, daughter of Kenneth, Alpin's son, [and]
Eadulf,^ king of the Saxons of the north, died.* . . .
A victory [was gained] by gentiles over the crew of a ship-
fleet from Ulster, on the coast of England ^ ; and there many
fell, including Cumuscach, son of Maelmochergi, king of Lecale.^
' acht ni ro cuiiiaing namaid [m] do Sraith cluaidej " but the enemy
was not able to take" Strathclyde, according to O'Donovan.
Here Duald's Fragment III ends.
According to S.D., ii, 93, " King Ronald and earl Ottar and Oswulf
Cracabam broke into and pillaged Dunbline " in 912. This place was
understood by Skene to have been Dunblane ; by Arnold, to have been
Dublin. The Scandinavians had been driven out of Dublin in 902 (A.U. ;
C.S., Hennessy's year 902) ; they returned to it in 917 ; and killed king
Niall Black-knee, Aed's son, there, on Wednesday, 15th September, 919
(A.U.). S.D.'s dates are at this time somewhat in arrear. He probably
refers to the occupation in 917.
- The previous year-section concludes thus: "A rainy and dark year.
A comet appeared." There was a comet in 912 : Pingre, i, 353. Cf e.g.
Annales Quedlinburgenses, M.G.H., Scriptores, iii, 912 ; Herimannus
Augiensis, ibid., v, 112. The words tenebrosus annus in Irish annals
mean that there was an eclipse in the course of the year ; and in 912 there
were eclipses of both moon and sun (L'Art).
3 In text Etulb "Eadulf": Etalbh in D.M.F. .Ethelweald, king of
Northumbria, died in 905 (A.S.C., ABCD) ; the present annal may refer to
his death, with mistaken name and date. Cf. above, year 904, note.
A.S.C. places the appearance of the comet of 905 at the end of the annal
that contains his death.
Eadulf 's death stands similarly in D.M.F., III, 244, under [913].
^ Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 145, s.a. 905 : " Maelmuire \^Moilinarie\,
daughter of king Kenneth, Alpin's son, king of Scotland, died." S.C.S., i,
313-314, says that Maelmuire was the wife of Aed Findliath, king of
Ireland. According to Duald's Fragment, 156, 178, 192, Aed Findliath's
wife was Fland, daughter of Dungal ("Dunlaing"), king of Ossory ; the
sister of king Cerball. She had previously married Maelsechlaind, and
was king Fland's mother. She was also the mother of Cendetig, Gaithin's
son, king of Leix.
5 for fairinn no-choblaigh de Ultaibh i 7t-airhcr Saxan.
" mac righ leithi Cathail. " Maelmochergi, Indrechtach's son, one of two
kings of Ulster, was killed by his confederates " in 896 ; A.U., i, 412, s.a. 895
or 896 = 896. His son, king of Lecale, was killed in 897 ; ibid., i, 414.
404 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
914
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 428, s.a. 913 or 914 = 914
A sea-fight [took place] at Man^ between Bard, Ottar's son,
and Ronald, grandson of Ivar ; and there Bard was destroyed,
with almost all his army.^
A large fleet of gentiles at Waterford.^
916
Annales Cambriae ; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 168, s.a. [915]*
King Anaraut died.^
877-917
Wars of the Irish with the Foreigners, c. 26, pp. 26-28
The men of Ireland had some rest for forty years, without
ravaging of the Foreigners, from the time of Maelsechlaind,
1 oc Manainn; probably Man, not Anglesey ; cf. year 987 (below). Cf.
B.T., R.S. 17, 20 (s.a. 914 in MS. D). In 900, however, "the pagans came
into the island of Mon" (B.S. in M.A., 656; cf. B.T. ibid., 689; and see
A.C., s.a. [902]). Cf. year ?9I9, note.
2 This seems to have been a defeat of Norwegians by Danes.
^ Loch-da-caech, i.e. Waterford Harbour. These seem to have been
Scandinavians returning from Britain, perhaps from Galloway. See p. 405,
note.
C.S., 186, Hennessy's year 913 = 914: "Foreigners came into Ireland,
in Port-lairge " (Waterford).
^ Placed one year after the "470th year" after 444.
° B.T. in R.B.H., 261 (i year after 910): 'And Anaraut, Rotri's son,
king of the Britons, died." His death is placed under 913 in B.T. in M.A.,
688 ; B.S. in M.A., 656.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 145, s.a. 910 = 915 and 916: "Anaraut,
Rotri's son [Anoroit mcRwarag'h\ king of Britain, died."
According to Skene (F.A.B.W., i, 95), Anaraut was Rotri's eldest son,
and was succeeded in North Wales by his son, lutgual ; and he, by
Higuel Da (see year 950).
C.S., 188, Hennessy's year 915 = 916: " Fland, Maelsechlaind's son,
king of all Ireland, died at Cend-eich of the monks \iiiuintire\ of Cluain
[.'Cloyne, Co. Cork], on the eighth before the Kalends of June, the seventh
day of the week, in the thirty-seventh year of his reign . . ." : i.e., upon
Saturday, 25th May, 916. A.U., s.a. 915=916, adds: "about the seventh
hour of the day" (12-1 p.m.), and says that Fland reigned for 36 years,
6 months, and 5 days ; reckoning from 20th November, 879, the day of
Aed Niall's son's death (A.U. ; see above, p. 364).
NORSE IN MAN, IRELAND, AND SCOTLAND 405
Maelruanaid's son, to the year before the death of Fland,
Maelsechlaind's son, and until Niall Black-knee took the
kingdom.^ Then Ireland was filled again with the fleets of the
Foreigners. Then came a fleet with Hakon and with Cossa-
Nara, and they landed in Waterford Harbour; and Munster
was plundered by them.
But the [men of] Kerry gained a battle against them, and
there fell Thomas Cind-Crete.
The Ui-Fathaig and the Ui-Oengusa defeated them in
another battle. And the men of Connaught won another battle
against the fleet of Limerick. The [men of] Kerry and Corco-
baiscin defeated them in another battle at Lemain ; and there
fell Rolt" Pudarill, and three hundred with him, and Muraill.
918
Wars of the Irish -with the Poreig^ners, Book of Leinster's
version ; Rolls Series, no. 48, p. 235
[The Foreigners of Waterford] went [from Ireland] to
Scotland after that,^ and the men of Scotland gave them battle ;
and they were slain there, namely Ronald* and Ottar.^
' So far, also in the Book of Leinster's version, ibid., 232-233.
Maelsechlaind died in 862, Fland in gi6.
The period of partial cessation of wars between the Irish and the
Norwegians was in reality from 877 (q.v.) to 914 (q.v.). Many Norwegians
seem to have left Ireland in 877 ; and since the period begins with their
killing of Constantine, the king of Scotland, and their settling for a year in
Pictland, it might be argued that some of them at least had settled in some
part of Scotland. This may in fact have been the time of the Norwegian
settlements in Galloway. Others went to Iceland.
^ I.e., Hroald ? ; cf. the " H.roald the Red " of B.T. in M. A. (above,
year 911, note). But the names in L.L. (Wars, 233) are Ascalt Putrall,
and Smurull. A.S. C. places the death of an earl Hroald, with the death
of earl Ottar's brother, in Herefordshire, after an invasion of Wales, in
915 (BCD ; 918, A).
^ After the Norwegians of Waterford's campaign in Munster. Cf. A.U.,
s.a. 916-917.
* "Son of Ivar" ibid., 234. This may perhaps have been the "Ronald,
Ivar's grandson," who survived until 921.
5 "The earl" ibid., 234.
The late version of the Wars seems to misplace the same invasion of
Scotland, in a synchronistic section (c. 27) where it is omitted by the L.L.
version. P. 28 ; — " Four years afterwards, the Foreigners left Ireland, and
went to Scotland, along with Sigtrygg Ivar's son " (read " grandson " ?).
406 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
918
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 436, s.a. 917 or 918 = 9181
The Foreigners of Waterford left Ireland, namely Ronald,
king of the Black-foreigners, and the two earls, Ottar and
Graggabai ^ ; and they went afterwards to the men of Scotland.
And the men of Scotland came to meet them, and they met
upon the banks of the Tyne, in the north of England.^ The
This ought probably to mean that the invasion occurred 4 years after the
Scandinavians' defeat at Lemain ; or after their return to Ireland, and
settlement at Waterford. But the previous passage includes : "Afterwards
the huge royal ileet of the children of Ivar came to Dublin [?9I7], and the
greater part of all Ireland was plundered by them ; and they pillaged
Armagh : and a battle was gained against Fland, Maelsechlaind's son
[888] ; and there Aed, Conchobar's son, fell [888]. . . . This is the year in
which Maelsechlaind was killed [read "died," with L.L. ; t862], and
Lismore was plundered and burned by Ivar's son ; and Cloyne [Co. Cork]
was plundered. . . . Moreover in this year Duncan, Dubdabairend's son,
king of Cashel, was killed [888] ; and Sigtrygg [read, with L.L., "Sigfrith,
Ivar's son" ; +888] king of the Foreigners. And they made many other
attacks upon the men of Leinster in this year" ["did great evils about
Ireland" L.L.].
This would appear to place an invasion of Scotland in 892. There is
evident confusion. Possibly the writer, misled by the similarity of names,
thought that Sigtrygg's invasion of Scotland must have occurred before
the death of Sigfrith Ivar's son. But whatever the source of the error may
be, this is no evidence of an earlier invasion than the one of 918.
After this digression, and the dating of the invasion of Scotland, the
Wars describe Ronald and Ottar's occupation of Waterford.
The 14th - century text, c. 29, (ibid., 34) reads (after the death of
AudgisI [867] and the battle of Cell-ua-nDaigri [868], 6 years after the
death of Maelsechlaind [862]) : " [The White-gentiles] were driven out of
Munster after that, and went to Scotland ; and they gave battle to
Constantine, Aed's son ; and they were slain there together, Ronald and
Ottar ; and slaughter [was made] of their people with them." This is
the invasion of 918, misplaced, possibly through confusion of the Eowils
who fell in 911 with the Auisle who was killed in 867.
^ The next year-section contains data that fix it as 919.
2 Probably for Icelandic Kraka-bein "Crow-foot"; a name given later
to Olaf Tryggvi's son. Cf Adam of Bremen, M.G.H., Scriptores, vii, 320.
This earl is called Oswulf Cracabam by S.D. (above, p. 403).
2 la Saxami tuaiscirt " with the Saxons of the north." The English,
however, are not said to have taken part in the battle.
This was the battle of Tynemoor, fought in [918], according to the
Chronicle of the Kings (see year 943). This may have been fought near
the Haddingtonshire Tyne. Cf the devastation of Tynningham, in 941.
IRISH NORWEGIANS INVADE SCOTLAND 407
gentiles put themselves into four companies : a company under
Godfrey, grandson of Ivar ; a company under the two earls ; a
company under the young lords ^ ; and a company that the Scots
did not see, in ambush, under Ronald. The Scots routed the
three companies that they saw, and made great slaughter of the
gentiles, including Ottar and Graggabai. And Ronald after-
wards attacked the Scots in the rear, and inflicted slaughter
upon them ; but neither king nor mormaer was lost from among
them. Night stopped the battle.^
918
Duald Mac-Pirbis, Fragment III, pp. 228-230^
Almost in the same days,* the men of Fortriu and the
Scandinavians fought a battle. But the men of Scotland fought
this battle hardily, because Columcille assisted them ; for they
prayed to him fervently, since he was their apostle, and through
him they had received the faith.
Because on another occasion,^ when Ivar Conung was a
young lad, and had come to plunder Scotland, with three large
companies, this is what the men of Scotland did, both clergy
and laymen : they continued till morning fasting, and praying
to God and to Columcille, and shouting loudly to the Lord ;
and they gave many charities of food and clothing to the
churches and to the poor ; and they took the Lord's body from
' lasna h-ociigerna.
^ F.M., ii, 592, s.a. 916 = 918 (and the "2nd year of Niall" Glundub as
sovereign of Ireland) : " Ottar and the Foreigners went from Waterford to
Scotland, and Constantine, Aed's son, gave them battle ; and Ottar
was killed, and slaughter [was made] of the Foreigners there along
with him."
"Ronald, grandson of Ivar, king of the White-foreigners and the
Black-foreigners " in Ireland, died in 921 : A.U., i, 440, s.a. 920 or 921=921.
2 Also in Reeves's Adamnan, 332 f.
■* I.e., in 909. This stands after the deaths of Cerball and Catell [f 909] ;
and before the death of ^thered [f 912]. It is immediately preceded and
succeeded by an account of how Scandinavians, expelled from Ireland,
after receiving land near Chester from yEthelflffid, attempted [in 909] to
obtain the city of Chester, which was occupied by the English. (Ibid.,
228 ; 230-236.) But there is little doubt that it refers to the warfare of
918.
^ See above, year 904.
408 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
the hands of their priests, and they promised to do every good
thing according to the best instructions of their priests, and that
Columcille's staff should be their standard in front of every
battle. [This staff] was therefore called Cathbuaid^ from that
time onwards ; and it was a fitting name, because they often
gained victory in battles through it : even as they did then on
that occasion, when they placed their trust in Columcille.
They did the same on this occasion. Thereupon the battle
was fought hardily and actively; the Scots got victory and
triumph, and the Scandinavians, routed, were slain in great
numbers, and their king was killed there, Ottar, largna's^ son.
It was long after this before the Danes or Scandinavians [again]
attacked them ; and [the Scots] had peace and quiet.
919
Annales Cambria© ; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 168, s.a. [919]^
King Clitauc was killed.*
920
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 440, s.a. 919 or 920 = 920
The church 5 of Kells was destroyed by the gentiles, with
a company of martyrs inside.^
' " Victory in battle."
^ larngna in the text ; cf. the lercne who died in 852 (above). Possibly
for Idrn-kni, a possible Norse name, "Iron-knee"? Cf. the Glun-iaraind
(Irish, "Iron-knee") who led Scandinavians from Dublin, and plundered
Armagh, in 895 (A.U., i, 412) ; and the Glun-iairn king of the Scandinavians
in Ireland, Olaf Cuaran's son, who died in 989 (A.U., i, 496).
^ Placed 5 years after the " 470th year " after 444.
* Clitauc was a son of Catell ; see year 909.
B.T. in R.B.H., 261 (3 years before 920): "Clitauc, Catell's son, was
killed by his brother, Meuruc." His death is placed by B.S. in M.A., 656,
under 917 ; by B.T. in M.A., 680, under 914, in the same annal with a
devastation of Mon by the men of Ireland.
"> doimliac.
° C.S., 190-192, Hennessy's year 919 = 920 (after the battle in which
Muirchertach, Tigernan's son, was killed by Fland, Maelsechlaind's grand-
son) : " Kells was plundered by the foreigners after that, and the church
[doimliag] destroyed."
SUBMISSION TO EDWARD THE ELDER 409
921
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 27
In the year 921, the king of the Scots with his whole nation,
and Ronald, king of the Danes inhabiting Northumbria, and
king Sigtrygg, did homage to king Edward.^
926
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 28
In the year 926, king Sigtrygg died ; and ^Ethelstan added
his kingdom to his own empire, after driving out Godfrey,
[Sigtrygg's] son. He conquered in battle and put to flight the
king of the Britons also, Higuel ; and Constantine, king of the
Scots ; and Owen,^ king of Gwent. And they asked peace from
him, and made a treaty with him, confirmed by an oath.^
1 This is derived from F.W. See E.C., 65. Cf. the Annals of Chichester,
in A.N.G., 88, s.a. 923.
This submission was the culmination of the events of the previous ten
years. See p. 402, note.
King Edward the Elder died in 925 (A.S.C., AF) or 924 (BCDE). If
the reign-lengths of his successors are correctly given in A.S.C., the later
year is more probably correct. See year 939, note.
^ Wuer ; Uwen in A.S.C. : i.e. Welsh Ouein.
5 This is derived from F.W. See E.C., 66-67.
Cf. B.S. in R.B.H., 387 : "[^thelstan] conquered the men of Denmark,
and the Gaels, and the Scots. He expelled lutgual, the king of the Welsh,
and Constantine, the king of Scotland, from their kingdoms. . . . 926 . . .
And he raised the son of Constantine, king of Scfatland, from the font."
King yEthelstan of Mercia (king Edward the Elder's son and successor)
had in the previous year given his sister in marriage to Sigtrygg, king of
Northumbria (A.S.C, D, s.a. 925). Sigtrygg is said to have killed his
brother "Niel" (i.e., Niall, an Irish name) (A.S.C, EF, s.a. 921 ; S.D., s.a.
914) ; this was probably in reality Niall Glundub, Aed's son, who was
killed at Dublin on 15th September, 919 (A.U.).
The English accounts of these affairs imply that several battles were
fought ; not necessarily all in one year (but 926 x ). Egil's Saga would
place here a battle that may in reality have been the battle of Brunanburh.
PART XV
Battle of Vin-heath
?926
Egil's Saga, cc. 50-55 ; pp. 144-160 1
At this time king ^thelstan took the kingdom in England,
after his father.- There were several brothers, sons of Edward.
But when ^thelstan had taken the kingdom the chiefs who
had formerly lost dominion through his predecessors rose in
opposition : they thought it would be easiest to make their
claims while a young king ruled over the realm. These were
Welsh, and Scots, and Irish. But king ^thelstan collected an
army, and gave wages to all the men, both foreigners and
natives, who were willing to get spoils for themselves.
The brothers Thorolf and Egil [Skallagrim's sons] proceeded
south 3 past Saxony and Flemingland ; then they learned that
the king of England was thought to need an army, and that
there was hope of much spoil. Then they decided to go there
with their army. So they went in autumn, till they came to
1 This part of Egil's Saga is untrustworthy.
^ Edward died in 925/924. See years 921, 939, notes.
^ After their victory over queen Gunnhild's brother, Eyvind Skreyia,
son of Ozur Toti. F. Jonsson's table of dates of Egil's Saga places that
victory, and Egil's coming to England, in 924 ; i.e. in the year (more
probably 925) of yEthelstan's succession.
The saga places the battle of Vin-heath soon after ^thelstan's accession
(in ? 925 ; but it cannot have been earlier than 926 : see year 926 above) ;
and at least 4 winters before Harold Fairhair's death (in ? 934). The first
and last of these data would place the battle between 925 and 930. It may
belong to the warfare of 926 (above). If it is the battle of Brunanburh, the
saga's chronology is far astray. According to Jonsson's table of the saga's
chronology, the battle of Vi'n-heath was fought in 925 : and Egil returned
to England in 936, and passed the winter with king ^thelstan. It is
possible that the battle of Brunanburh took place during Egil's second
visit. To assume that the saga-writer has transferred the battle from Egil's
second visit to his first, is to upset the whole continuity of the saga's story
And according to my reading of the evidence, Egil's second visit would
have been in 938-939.
410
SKALLAGRIM'S SONS. KING OLAF 411
king ^thelstan ; he received them well, and thought that their
support would be a great assistance. It entered at once into
the king of England's plans to call them to him, in order that
they should receive wages and join his land-force. They
arranged it between them that they became ^Ethelstan's
vassals.
England was, and had long been, baptized, when these
things occurred ; king ^Ethelstan was a good Christian. He
was called iEthelstan the Faithful. The king asked Thorolf,
and his brother [Egil] with his followers, to let themselves be
prime-signed ; because that was then a great custom both with
merchants and with those men who went for hire among
Christian men, since those men that had been prime-signed
had full intercourse with Christian men and heathens also, and
kept that as their religion which they liked best. Thorolf and
Egil did this at the king's request, and both let themselves be
prime-signed. They had there three hundred and sixty
followers who took wages from the king.
[c. 51] Olaf the Red was the name of a king in Scotland.^
' There might have been a king called Olaf ruling at this time over the
Norwegians of Dumfriesshire and Galloway ; but the saga implies that
Olaf was the king of all Scotland, which is certainly incorrect. It is also
said that he was killed in the battle. In Egil's verses (which are quoted in
the saga) Olaf is called Aleifr (pp. 148, 159), a king (148), and young (159).
The saga seems to have blundered over the name and fate of the Scottish
king ; and if it has, its authority for the events of this period cannot be
very high.
Cf. the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 150, s.a. 931 : "The Danes of Lough
Ree arrived at Dublin. Olaf [Godfrey's son] with all the Danes of Dublin
and [the] north part of Ireland departed and went over-seas. The Danes
that departed from Dublin arrived in England, and by the help of the
Danes of that kingdom they gave battle to the Saxons on the plains of
Othlyn, where there was a great slaughter of Northmen and Danes, among
which these ensuing captains were slain, viz. Sigfrith and Audgisl \Sithfrey
iS-' Oisle\ the two sons of Sigtrygg ; Galey Olaf Ffroit" {Fivzt, according to
O'Donovan, F.M., ii, 633 ; cf. Fhdt in the Book of Leinster, facsimile,
172 a 7, the equivalent of Icelandic Hvitr "white" ; Stokes, Transactions
of the Philological Society, 1890, p. 420) ; "and Maelmuire, the son of Cosse
Warce ; Maelissa ; Gebeachan, king of the Islands ; Cellach, prince of
Scotland ; with 30,000, together with 800 captives, including Olaf,
Godfrey's son. And [the] abbot of Arick, Brith's son ; Iloa Deck ; Ivar,
the king of Denmark's own son, with 4,000 soldiers in his guard, were all
slain."
This is an account of the battle of Brunanburh. It is possible that the
412 EARLY SOURCP2S OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
He was a Scot by his father's kindred, but a Dane by his
mother's kindred, and he had come of the race of Ragnar
Lodbrok. He was a powerful man. Scotland was called a
third part of the realm, in comparison with England ;
Northumberland was called a fifth part of England, and that
is farthest north and close to Scotland on the east : Danish
kings had had it before. York is the chief town there.
yEthelstan had the dominion [of Northumberland], and had
set over it two earls : the one was called Alfgeir, and the other
Godrek.^ They sat there as land-defence both against the
Scots and against the Danes or Norwegians, who plundered
much in the land, and thought they had a great claim there to
the land : because the only men in Northumberland (those of
any importance) had Danish descent on the father's side or on
the mother's side ; and there were many of both.
Two brothers, Hring and Adils,^ ruled over Wales, and
were tribute-payers to king .^thelstan ; and it followed that
they and their army must be in the van of the host before the
king's standard, when they were in battle on the king's side.
These brothers were the greatest warriors, and not very young
men.
Alfred the Mighty had reduced all the tributary kings from
their [royal] title and rank. They were then called earls, who
had before been kings or kings' sons. That continued during
his life, and that of Edward, his son ; but ^Ethelstan came
young to the kingdom, and he was held in less awe. Then
many became untrustworthy who had before been loyal.
[c. 52] Olaf, king of the Scots, drew together a great army,
and sailed then south to England. And when he came to
saga's Olaf king of Scotland was in fact Olaf king of Dublin ; and that the
Saga's Adils, ruler of Wales, was Audgisl, Sigtrygg's son. Since these
are said to have fallen in the battle of Vi'n-heath, there is some small
ground for the presumption that Vin-heath was Brunanburh. It is also
possible that the Annals of Clonmacnoise have confused two battles
(fought in 926 and 937j. If we accept the saga's evidence at all for the
battle, we must accept also its date of the battle ; i.e., soon after 925.
^ CtiSnkrj below, GdSrekr. This is probably the Anglo-Saxon name
Godric (the Danish Gbtrek is Gautrekr in Icelandic). Alfgeirr probably
stands for Danish Alvger.
2 Hringr . . . A^Sils. This latter name is an Icelandic form of Old
Danish Athils (West-Scandinavian Audgisl j Irish Auisle).
SCOTS INVADE NORTHUMBERLAND 413
Northumberland he harried everywhere : but when the earls
[Alfgeir and Godrek] who had ruled there before heard this,
they called together an army, and went against the king. And
when they met, a great battle took place there ; and it ended
so, that king Olaf had the victory, and earl Godrek fell, but earl
Alfgeir fled away with the greater part of the army which
had followed them and had escaped from the battle. Since
Alfgeir could make no resistance, Olaf laid all Northumberland
under him.
Alfgeir went to king ^thelstan and told him of his disaster.
And as soon as king ^thelstan heard that so great an army
had come into his land, he immediately sent out men and
summoned to him an army, and sent word to his earls and other
nobles. The king went at once along with the army that he
got, and advanced against the Scots.
But when it was known that the Scottish king Olaf had
got the victory and had subdued to himself a great part of
England, and had a much greater army than ^thelstan, he
was joined by many nobles.
And when Hring and Adils (who had drawn together a large
army) learned that, they betook themselves to king Olafs
army ; then [his followers] had an immense force.
But when king ^thelstan learned all this, he summoned
to him his lords and councillors, and inquired what was most
expedient. Then he told all the people plainly what he had
found out concerning the Scottish king's doings, and his great
numbers. They all said the one thing about it, that earl
Alfgeir had had the worst part in it, and they thought it fitting
to take from him his rank. And this counsel was adopted, that
king ^thelstan should go back to the south of England, and
should call out his forces [from south] to north, from the whole
land ; because they saw that otherwise a great force would be
slow to assemble, as many as were needed, if the king did not
call them to service himself.
But over the army that had come together there the king
placed Egil and Thorolf [Skallagrim's sons] as commanders.
They were to rule the army that the vikings had brought there
to the king ; but Alfgeir himself had still command of his forces,
and the king appointed leaders of detachments as seemed good
to him.
414 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
When Egil returned from the assembly to his companions,
they asked what tidings he could tell them of the Scottish king.
He said : " Olaf vehemently drove the warrior [Alfgeir] into
flight ; and he slew the other. That king I hear is stubborn
in the assembly of battle. Godrek has lost his way for the
last time upon the moor.^ The destroyer of the English has
subdued to himself the half of Alfgeir'sMand."^
Then they sent messengers to king Olaf, and gave this as
their errand, that king ^thelstan wished to challenge him to
a pitched battle,* and to offer him a battle-place at Vi'n-heath
beside Vi'n-wood ^ ; and he wished that they would not plunder
in his land ; but the one of them who got the victory in the
battle should rule the kingdom in England. He appointed
their meeting after a week, and that whoever came first should
wait another week. It was then the custom that, as soon as
a king had been challenged to the lists, he could not plunder
at all without dishonour until the battle had ended. King Olaf
did restrain his army, and did not plunder, but waited till the
appointed day. Then he moved his army to Vin-heath.
One castle stood to the north of the heath ; king Olaf took
up his position there in the castle, and brought there the greater
part of his army, because extending from there were wide plains,
and he thought it was better there for the bringing up of the
supplies that the army needed to have. And he sent his men
up upon the heath, which had been appointed as the battle-
field ; they were to take there tent-places, and to encamp there,
till the army came. And when these men came into the place
where the lists were set, there had been put up hazel-poles to
mark out the place where the battle was to be.
1 Literally: " has trod enough wrong ways."
^ Alfgeirs; for which the editors would read Alsteins " ^thelstan's,"
since it has been stated in the saga that Olaf had subdued "all North-
umberland." But equally the saga says that Northumberland was a fifth,
not a half, of England. Probably the verse passage has an earher and
truer account of Olaf's conquests.
^ See J.S., i, A 50, B44.
* Literally: "to hazel a field for him," i.e. to challenge him to fight
within lists.
" d Vinhei'Si vi'S Vimiskoga. This may have been Brunanburh ; but the
saga's account of the battle cannot stand against that of the English
chronicles.
SCOTS CHALLENGED TO THE LISTS 415
The place ought to be selected so that it shall be level, in
order that a large army can be drawn up. So too it was, where
the battle-field was to be : there was a level heath, and on the
one hand ran a river, while on the other hand was a great wood.
And where the shortest distance was between the wood and the
river (and that was a good long way), there ^thelstan's men
had pitched their tents : their tents stood right across from the
wood to the river. They had so pitched their tents that there
were no men in one tent in every three, and but few in the
second. But when king Olaf's men came to them, they had
placed a great number in front of all their tents, and they [Olaf's
men] were not allowed to go in [to the lists] ; ^thelstan's men
said that their tents were all full of men, so that their army had
nothing like room enough there. And the tents stood so high
that it could not be seen over them from below, whether they
stood many or few in depth. [Their opponents] thought that a
very large army must be there. King Olaf's men [therefore]
encamped outside the lists to the north, in which direction all
the ground sloped downwards somewhat.
yEthelstan's men said too from one day to another that their
king would then come or would have come into the castle which
was to the south, below the heath. Forces collected to them
both day and night.
But when the term that had been appointed had passed,
vEthelstan's men sent messengers to king Olaf with these
words, that king ^thelstan was ready for the battle, and had a
very great army : but he sent king Olaf these words, that he
wished not that they should make so great man-slaughter as
was likely to result ; bade him rather go back to Scotland, and
^thelstan would give him as a friendly gift a silver penny ^ for
every plough in all his kingdom ; and wished that they should
establish friendship between them.
And when the messengers came to king Olaf he was
beginning to prepare his army, and was intending to attack.
But when the messengers delivered their errand, the king
stopped his advance for that day : he sat in council, and the
lords of his army with him. There men advised quite
differently : some were very anxious that he should take this
offer, and said that this had been the most glorious expedition,
' skilling silfrs.
416 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
that they should return after taking so great tribute from
^thelstan ; some spoke dissuasively, and said that ^thelstan
would offer much more the second time, if this were not
accepted. And the latter counsel was adopted.
Then the messengers bade king Olaf take time, that they
would yet go to king ^thelstan and see whether he were
willing to pay still more tribute, in order that there might be
peace ; they asked for truce for one day, to ride back, and
another day to consider, and the third day to come back again :
and the king granted them this.
The messengers went back, and returned on the third day.
as had been arranged. They told king Olaf that ^thelstan
would give everything, just as he had offered before ; and in
addition, as spoil divided among king Olaf's army, a penny ^ to
ever)' free-born man ; a mark to every leader of a detachment,
who had twelve men or more under him ; a mark of gold to
every commander, and five marks of gold to every earl. Then
king Olaf caused this to be laid before his army. Yet it was
as before, that some opposed and some supported it. But
finally the king made his decision and said that he would
accept this offer if this was added, that king ^thelstan would
let him have all Northumberland, with the taxes and dues that
come from it. The messengers asked delay for three days
more; and this besides, that king Olaf should send his men to
hear king yEthelstan's words, whether he would agree to this
offer or not. They said that they thought king ^Ethelstan
would let few things stand in the way of accepting peace.
King Olaf agreed to this, and sent his men to king ^Ethelstan.
The messengers rode all together, and found king .^thelstan
in the castle that was nearest to the heath, upon the south.
King Olaf's messengers laid their errand and offer of terms
before king .^Ethelstan. King ^thelstan's men told also with
what offers they had gone to king Olaf; and this also, that this
had been the counsel of the wise men, to put off the battle thus,
as long as the king did not come.
But king ^thelstan made a quick decision of this affair,
and spoke thus to the messengers : " Bear these my words to
king Olaf, that I will give him permission to go back to
Scotland with his army, provided that he pays back all the
^ skillinsr.
ENGLISH DECEIVE THE SCOTS 417
treasure that he has wrongfully seized in this land. Then let
us establish peace here between our lands, and let neither harry
in the other. This too shall be added, that king Olaf shall
become my man, and hold Scotland of me, and be my under-
king. Go back now," he said, " and tell him how things stand."
The messengers took their way back immediately, in the
evening, and came to king Olaf about mid-night. They waked
the king up and told him at once king ^Ethelstan's words. The
king had his earls and other leaders called to him instantly,
then bade the messengers approach and announce the result
of their errand, and king yEthelstan's words. And when this
was made known to the army, they had all one thing to say,
that it remained for them to prepare for battle.
The messengers said this too, that ^thelstan had a large
army, but that he had come to the castle on the same day as
the messengers came. Then earl Adils said : " Now will it
have appeared, king, as I said, that the English would prove
to be dealing craftily with you. We have sat here a long time,
and waited till they have drawn to them all their forces. And
their king must have been nowhere near, when we came here.
They must now have gathered a great army, since we encamped
here. Now it is my plan, king, that we two brothers ride
forward immediately this night with our army : it may be that
they are not on the watch now, since they have learned that
their king is near with a great army. If then we make an
attack on them, and if they are routed, they will lose some of
their army, and will then be less courageous in the conflict
with us."
The king considered this plan well thought of. " We must
prepare our army as soon as there is light, and join you."
This plan was adopted, and so they closed the conference.
[c. 53] Earl Hring and his brother Adils prepared their
army, and went at once, in the night, south to the heath ; but
when it was light the sentries of Thorolf's men saw where the
army was going ; then the trumpets were blown : and the men
put on their armour, and they began to draw up their forces.
And they had two divisions : earl Alfgeir led the one division,
and a banner was borne before him ; there was in that division
the army that had followed him there, and also the army that
had been collected there from the country round. It was
2 D
418 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
by far a greater division than that which followed Thorolf
[and Egil].
Thorolf was armed thus : he had a shield, broad and thick ;
a very strong helmet on his head ; he was girt with the sword
that he called Long, a great weapon and good ; he had a
halberd in his hand : its blade was two ells long, and above it
was forged on a four-edged spike ; the blade was broad above,
the socket both long and thick ; the shaft was not so long that
the hand could not reach the socket [when the butt was on the
ground], and was wonderfully thick. An iron wedge was in
the socket, and all the shaft was iron-bound. Such spears were
called mail-pikes.i
Egil had the same equipment as Thorolf He was girt with
the sword that he called Adder ; he had taken that sword in
Couriand ; that was the best weapon. Neither of them had a
coat of mail.
They raised a banner, and Thorfinn the Strong carried it.
All their army had Norwegian shields, and all Norwegian
equipment ; they were all Norwegian men who were in that
division.
Thorolf drew them up near the wood, while Alfgeir's division
went along the river.
Earl Adils and his brother saw that they could not take
Thorolf and his men by surprise ; so they began to arrange
their army. They also made two divisions, and had two
banners ; Adils was arrayed against earl Alfgeir, and Hring
against the vikings. Then battle began there. Both sides
went forward well. Earl Adils pressed forward hard, until
Alfgeir gave ground ; then Adils's men pressed on much more
daringly. It was not long until Alfgeir fled ; and this is to be
said of him, that he rode away south over the heath, and a
company of men with him ; there he rode till he came near the
castle where the king sat. Then the earl said : " I have no
intention of our going to the castle ; we got much reproach
last time, when we came, to the king after we had been defeated
by king Olaf ; and he will not think that our case has improved
in this expedition. We can now expect no honour where he is."
Then he rode southwards through the country ; and this is
to be said of his journey, that he rode day and night, until they
' brynthvarar.
BATTLE OF VIN-HEATH 419
came west to Earl's-ness^; the earl got there a passage south
over the sea, and escaped to France.^ There he had one half
of his kindred. He came never again to England.
Adils pursued at first, but not far before he turned back to
the place where the battle was. Then he made an attack. But
when Thorolf saw that, he turned against the earl and bade his
standard be carried there ; he bade his men follow up, and
stand close : " Let us move in the wood," he said, " and let it
protect us behind, so that they cannot come upon us from all
sides at once."
They did so, and kept close along the wood ; a hard battle
was fought there. Egil advanced against Adils, and there was
a hard contest. The odds were very great, yet more men fell
on Adils' side. Then Thorolf became so violent that he flung
his shield behind his back, and took his spear in his two hands,
and so leapt forward and hewed or thrust with both hands :
men sprang away from him on two sides, but he slew many.
He so cleared the way before him to the earl Hring's standard,
and nothing could withstand him : he slew the man who bore
earl Hring's banner, and cut down the banner-pole. Then he
thrust his spear against the earl's breast through his mail and
body, so that it passed out between his shoulders ; and he raised
him up above his head upon his halberd, and struck down the
spear-butt in the earth ; there died the earl on the spear, and
all saw it, both [Hring's] men and his enemies also. Then
Thorolf drew his sword and hewed to right and left ; his men
too pressed on ; then many Britons and Scots fell, but some
turned to flight.
And when earl Adils saw the fall of his brother, and the
great slaughter of his [brother's] army, and that some fled, he
thought he should suffer for it, so he took to flight and ran for
the wood ; he fled into the wood with his company ; then all
the army that had followed him began to flee. Great slaughter
was made there of the fugitives. And then the rout spread
far and wide over the heath. Earl Adils had cut down his
banner, and so none knew where he went, more than other
men. Soon the darkness of night began, and Thorolf and Egil
turned back to their camp. And immediately king ^thelstan
came there with all his army, and they pitched their tents and
1 d Jarlsnes. ^ a Vallandi.
420 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
encamped. A little later, king Olaf came with his army to the
place where their men had tented ; king Olaf was told that
both his earls Hring and Adils had fallen, and very many
others of his men.
[c. 54] King ^thelstan had already the previous night been
in the castle, as was said before ; and there he learned that
there had been a battle on the heath. So he prepared
immediately, with all his army, and proceeded northwards to
the heath. Then he heard clearly all the news, how the battle
had gone. Then the brothers Thorolf and Egil came to the
king's presence ; he thanked them well for their courage, and
the victory that they had won. He promised them his perfect
friendship. They all abode together there that night.
King .^thelstan waked up his army in the early morning ;
he had a conversation with his leaders, and said what the
arrangement of his force should be. He drew up his own
division first, and set in front those companies that were most
vigorous. Then he said that Egil should be [placed] over this
army. "But Thorolf" said he, "shall be [placed] with his
army and the other army that I set there; this shall be the
second division in our army. He shall be the leader of it
because the Scots are always in loose battle-order i; they leap
forward and back, and advance in various places : they are
often dangerous, if men are not on their guard, but are out of
ranks on the field, when one attacks them."
Egil answered the king : " I will not, that Thorolf and I be
parted in the battle ; but it seems to me good that we should
both be placed where there is greatest need, and where the
battle is hardest." Thorolf said : " Let the king decide where
he will place us ; let us serve the king as he wishes. If thou
wilt, I will take the place assigned to thee." Egil said : " This
time he and thou shall decide ; but I shall often regret this
parting."
Then the men went into divisions as the king had divided
them, and the banners were raised up. The king's division
^ lausir i fylkingu. With this, Jonsson compares the passage in Nial's
Saga, c. 86 (see p. 499). Similar tactics to those followed in this battle by
Thorolf were employed by the N orthmen of Orkney against the Scottish
earl Maelbrigte (in O.S., c. 5 ; see above, p. 371). These incidents do not
illustrate the style of Scottish fighting described here.
BATTLE OF VIN-HEATH 421
spread over the plain towards the river, but Thorolfs division
occupied the upper ground beside the wood. Then king Olaf
began to array his army when he saw that ^thelstan had
arrayed his ; he too made two divisions, and he let his banner
go with the division that he led himself, opposite to king
^thelstan and his division. They had each there so great an
army that there was no difference between them in numbers.
King Olafs second division went near the wood, against the
army that Thorolf led : its leaders were Scottish earls ; it was
mostly composed of Scots, and it was very numerous. Then
the divisions engaged, and at once there was a great battle
there. Thorolf pressed on hard, and had his standard carried
forward along the wood, intending to go so far forward that he
should come upon king [Olafs] army in the rear ^ ; they held
their shields before them, and the wood was above them on
their way ; they trusted to its shelter. Thorolf went so far
forward that few of his men were before him ; and when he
expected it least, earl Adils leapt out there from the wood, with
the company that followed him ; immediately they thrust at
Thorolf with many halberds all at once, and he fell there by
the wood. But Thorfinn, who carried the banner, ran back
where the army was closest ; and then Adils pressed on against
them, and there was a great battle there.
The Scots raised a shout of victory where they had felled
the leader. But when Egil heard that, and saw that Thorolfs
standard was in retreat, then he thought he knew that Thorolf
himself was not following it. Then he leapt forward thither
between the divisions ; he soon was aware of what had taken
place there, as soon as he reached his men. Then he urged on
the army greatly to the attack ; he was the foremost in the van.
He had the sword Adder in his hand. Then he pressed on, and
hewed to right and left, and felled many men. Thorfinn bore
the banner close behind him, and the other army followed the
banner ; there took place the most strenuous battle. Egil went
forward till he met earl Adils ; they exchanged few strokes
before earl Adils fell ; and many men [fell] with him : but after
his fall the army fled that had followed him. And Egil and
his army pursued them, and slew as many as they overtook :
therefore it was useless to ask for quarter. And then the
^ i opna skjoldu, " in open shield."
422 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Scottish earls did not stand long; so soon as they saw that
others of their fellows were fleeing, they began immediately to
run away. But Egil and his followers assembled where king
[Olafs] division was, and came upon them in the rear. And
quickly they made great slaughter there. Then that division
crumbled away, and melted utterly. Then many of Olaf's men
fled, and the vikings raised a shout of victory.
But when king ^thelstan thought he perceived that king
Olafs division began to break up, he urged on his army, and
had the banner carried forward ; there was then a hard attack
so that Olaf's army gave way, and very great slaughter was
made. King Olaf fell there, and the greater part of the army
that Olaf had had : because those who took to flight were all
slain, when they were overtaken. King ^Ethelstan got there a
very great victory.
[c. 55] King ^thelstan left the battle ; but his men followed
up the pursuit. He rode back to the castle, and took his first
night's rest in the castle. But Egil pursued, and followed them
far, and slew every man he reached. Then he turned back
with his company, and went to the place where the battle had
been, and found there his brother Thorolf slain ; he took up
his body, and washed it, and laid it out after the custom.
They dug a grave there, and set Thorolf in it with all his
weapons and clothes ; then Egil clasped a gold ring on each
of his arms, before parting from him ; then they piled up
stones, and sprinkled earth over him. Then Egil sang these
verses : " The earl's slayer, dreading nothing, advanced eagerly
in the great clashing of Odin^; the strong-minded Thorolf fell.
The earth grows green over my renowned brother, near the
Vi'n ^ ; it is a deadly loss, but we shall veil our tears."
And still he sang : " I heaped the field in the west with the
dead, before the banner-poles. Violent was the steel-storm in
which I attacked Adils with the blue Adder. The young Olaf
had steel-thunder with the English ; Hring fought in the
assembly of weapons ; the ravens starved not."
Then Egil went with his company to king ^Ethelstan, and
came at once before the king, where he sat at the drinking.
There was great noise of merriment. And when the king saw
1 I.e. "battle."
^ yino ncer ; the river of Vin-heath, probably = " Wine."
DEFEAT OF THE SCOTS 423
that Egil had come in, he said that the lower bench should be
cleared for them ; and said that Egil should sit there in the
high-seat, facing the king. Egil sat down there, and cast his
shield before his feet. He had a helmet on his head, and he
laid his sword upon his knees ; and he half drew it now and
then, and again drove it back into the scabbard. He sat
upright,! and was very bowed. Egil was broad-faced and had
a broad forehead ; bushy brows, a nose not long but extremely
thick ; bearded lips, broad and long ; a chin remarkably broad,
and so too his jaws : he was thick necked and large-shouldered,
outstandingly beyond other men ; of stern appearance, and
fierce, when he was angry. He was well made, and taller than
every man ; [he had] wolf-grey hair, and thick, and grew early
bald. . . . Egil was black-eyed and beetle-browed.^ . . .^
' I.e., without leaning back.
^ skolbruiin : " with eyebrows meeting," according to Halldorsson and
Jonsson. This description of Egil's appearance may have some ethno-
logical value.
^ Egil twisted his brows and refused drink. yEthelstan gave him a gold
arm-ring: Egil was pleased, and drank. "After that the king had two
chests brought in ; two men carried each ; both were full of silver."
/Ethelstan gave these to Egil for Skallagrim, in atonement for Thorolfs
death : he offered to Egil such honour and rank in England as he should
choose. Then Egil became cheerful. He remained that winter with
^thelstan. He composed a eulogy on vEthelstan ; " yEthelstan then
gave further to Egil as reward for the poem two gold rings, and each
weighed a mark ; and in addition a costly mantle, which the king himself
had formerly worn."
In spring, (promising to return) Egil went to Norway, to look after
Thorolfs property and widow, Asgerd, Biorn's daughter. He found her
with her kinsman Arinbiorn, who had succeeded his father Thori, Hroald's
son. Egil remained with Arinbiorn the next winter [926-937, according to
Jonsson], and married Asgerd before the spring. He sailed to Iceland,
after 12 winters' absence, and spent the ne.xt winter there with his father
Skallagrim [927-928, u.s.] ; with them at Borg were Thorfinn the Strong,
and many others. Thorfinn married Steunn, Skallagrim's daughter, and
settled in Iceland. My estimate of the dates would be one year later than
Jonsson's.
When Egil had been at Borg for several winters [927-932, u.s.] he heard
that yeoman Biorn had died, and that Berg-Onund, Biorn's son-in-law,
with king Eric's support had taken Asgerd's inheritance. Egil went to
Norway [933, u.s.] and failed to get justice from Eric ; the Thing at which
he claimed it broke up in disorder [934, according to Jonsson] ; Egil
challenged Berg-Onund to battle, and cursed all who should usurp Biorn's
property. Egil was outlawed by Eric. This was in the year [?935] of
424 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Eric's campaign in the Vik, the summer after Harold Fairhair's death
(cc. 57, S9 ; PP- i8i) 183. Cf. H., Harold Fairhair, c. 43 ; Icelandic Annals,
CA, s.a. 932, D, s.a. 934).
Egil killed Berg-Onund and Ronald, Eric's son, and several others, and
returned to Iceland (c. 58), before Hakon, j^^thelstan's foster-son, went to
Norway (in ?936 ; see below, p. 427) (c. 59).
Egil did not divide the money ^thelstan had given him, either with
Skallagrim or with any one else (cc. 56, 58 ; pp. 167-168, 191) ; he hid it
before he died (c. 85, pp. 292-293). Similarly Skallagrim had hidden his
money on the night before he died [•''935] (c. 58, pp. 191-192): and Egil
buried no money with him (p. 193). The stories told of Egil in the saga
represent him as being ambitious in acquiring riches, and perhaps ready
to exaggerate his achievements.
PART XVI
End of Constantine's Reign. Reign of Malcolm
927
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 448, s.a. 926 or 927 = 927
Maelbrigte, Toman's son, successor of Patrick and Columcille,
rested in happy old age.^
^ Similarly in C.S., 196; Hennessy's year 926 = 927.
A.I., 37, O'Conor's year 911=927 (19 years after 908, 4 years before 931,
which years are indicated by epacts and ferial numbers): "The rest of
Maelbrigte, son of Toman " (read " Tornan "), " abbot of Armagh, and abbot
of lona of Columcille."
F.M.; ii, 616, s.a. 925 = 927 (and "the 8th year of Duncan," king of
Ireland) : " Maelbrigte, Tornan's son, successor of Patrick, of Columcille,
and of Adamnan, head of the rehgion of all Ireland and of the greater part
of Europe, died after attaining distinguished old age, on the 22nd of
February. And in commemoration of his death it was said : ' In the
twelfth year (not trifling) [after] Fland was buried on the eighth of the
Kalends of July [24th June, 913 ? See A.U., i, 424, s.a. 911 or 912 = 912]
Maelbrigte, most distinguished of the valiant Irish, [died] on the eighth of
the Kalends of noble March [22nd February]. Since the divine Son of
God was born into the world, 925 years [had passed] to the death of
Maelbrigte . . . \tar ?zf\. It was not an uneventful year ; unripe was the
abbot of Armagh, Maelbrigte, the crown of Europe, [and] Cormac,
[abbot] of Glendalough."
In the list of Patrick's successors, in L.L., 42 (R.S. 89, ii, 544) :
" Maelbrigte, Tornan's son, 33 [years ; he was] successor of Patrick, and of
Columcille, and of Bridget. . . ."
Martyrology of Gorman, p. 40, February 22nd : " Maelbrigte without
dangers."
Martyrology of Donegal, p. 54, February 22nd : " Maelbrigte, Dornan's
son, successor of Patrick and of Columcille : a man full of the grace of
God, and a vessel of the wisdom and of the knowledge of his time."
List of mothers of Irish Saints, in L.L., 372, d : " Saerlaith, daughter of
Cuilebath, son of Baethgal : [Saerlaith was] mother of Maelbrigte,
Tornan's son." The Book of Lecan makes Maelbrigte 13th in descent from
Conall Gulban (Reeves, Adamnan, 392).
425
426 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
934
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 149, s.a. 928
yEthelstan, king of Saxons, preyed and spoiled the kingdom
of Scotland to Edinburgh, and yet the Scottish men compelled
him to return without any great victory.
934
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 28
In the year 934, king ^thelstan wasted Scotland as far as
Dunnottar and Werter-moors,^ with a land army ; and with a
naval army, as far as Caithness : because Constantine broke the
bond of the treaty.^
934-937
Theoderic, Historia de Antiquitate Regum Norwagiensium,
c. 2 ; Storm's Monumenta, p. 7
To Harold [Fairhair] succeeded his son, Eric by name. . . .
The aforesaid Harold had sent one of his sons, Hakon by
name, to ^thelstan, king of the English, to be fostered and
taught the manners of the nation ; and him the Norwegians
recalled, because of the cruelty of his brother [Eric], and [more]
especially of [Eric's] wife Gunnhild ; and they appointed him
king.
And Eric sailed to England, and was honourably received
by the king. He died there.
Eric reigned for three years ; two of them alone, the third
with his brother [Hakon].^
^ usque Dunfoeder et Wertermore.
" This is derived from English sources. See E.C., 68-69 ; and cf. Bain,
ii, 112 ; Fordun, IV, 23.
An obscure poem, written to salute king ^thelstan, (926 x 937 ; perhaps
926 X 934) seems to speak of king Constantine as ^thelstan's vassal. See
E.H.R., xxvi, 483. These verses seem to mention also Higuel, king of
Wales. Cf. year 926.
^ Cf. Agrip, c. 5 ; F.S., x, 380 : "Eric Bloodaxe . . . held Norway for
5 winters altogether, including the two winters when he was greeted as
king in the land while Harold lived, and three [winters] afterwards."
Ibid., 380-381: "Then wise men called Hakon back to the land
secretly, two winters after the death of Harold Fairhair ; and he came
with two ships from the west, and sat for the winter in such a manner that
^THELSTAN INVADES SCOTLAND. KING ERIC 427
he had not the name of king. . . . He was nearly 20 years old when he
came to the land. . . ."
For the dates of Harold's reign see above, pp. 322-323. The numbers
given are perhaps approximate, and the dates must be accepted as
approximate only.
Harold reigned for 70 winters to his death (Ari ; Theoderic ; Agrip) :
for 60 winters as king of all Norway, from the battle of Hafrsfiordr to his
death (Agrip, c. 4 ; F.S., x, 380. Theoderic, p. 6, erroneously implies
that "he held alone the kingdom of all Norway for 70 years, and died").
For the last 2 years of his reign, his son Eric was the ruling king.
The sagas, however, give Harold 70 years' reign (80 years of age)
before he abdicated in Eric's favour (H., and Snorri's St Olaf's Saga.
Egil's Saga, c. 57, p. 180 : " Harold had been 70 winters king when he
gave up the kingdom into the hands of his son Eric"). The 3 years
during which Eric reigned after Harold's death, they give to Eric after
Harold's abdication ; they therefore say that Harold lived for 3 years after
his abdication (Olafs Saga, c. 11 ; H., Olaf Tryggvi's son, c. 45 (Fr., 62-63) ;
Egil's Saga, u.s. ; F., 23). Some writers go further, and add these 3 years
to Harold's reign (Historia Norwegiae, Storm's Monumenta, 104 ; Olafs
Saga, c. 2, F.S., i, 5 ; F., 23 ; Konungatal, FL, i, 583). In consequence of
this error, 3 years were added to Harold's life (e.g. in Snorri's St Olafs
Saga, c. 6, p. 7) ; and in order to make up Eric's reign to 5 years, the
sagas say that he reigned 2 winters after Harold's death, the second
winter with Hakon. H. ; Olaf's Saga, c. 15 ; Egil's Saga, 193, c. 59: F.,
25, 26, 31 ; Fl., i, 224 (R.S. 88, i, 10). Similarly Historia Norwegiae,
p. 105, and the Konungatal in Fl., i, 583, say that Eric reigned one year.
The Icelandic Annals, trying to follow the sagas, say that Hakon came
to Norway in 935 (BD ; 934, E ; 933, OCAl), and that Eric was driven
from Norway in the following year (936, D ; 934, CAI).
The error that runs through the sagas is a natural one, and we need
have no hesitation in rejecting their evidence here in favour of that of
Theoderic and the Agrip.
From these we deduce that Eric reigned 932-934 while Harold lived,
934-937 after Harold's death : that Hakon went to Norway in 936, Eric to
Orkney in 937.
Eric was the son of Harold Fairhair and Ragnhild, the wife for whose
sake Harold was said to have put away nine wives ; Olaf Tryggvi's son's
Saga, c. 2 (F.S., i, 6) ; H., Harold Fairhair, c. 21.
Eric's nickname Bloodaxe meant, according to Theoderic, "brother's
slayer" (Storm's Monumenta, 7). But the Agrip, F.S., x, 380, says: "He
put to death [ref/i] his brother Olaf Thick-leg, and Biorn, and more of his
brothers ; he was called Blood-axe because the man was an overbearing
man and cruel, and most of all when he followed [Gunnhild's] counsels."
F., 30, says that he earned the nickname by his plundering in the British
islands.
If Hakon was 19 in 936 ("nearly 20" according to the Agrip, and F.,
26), he must have been born in 917, when his father was 63 years old.
428 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
917
Annals of the Pour Masters, vol. ii, p. 632, s.a. 935=937
Angus, Muirchertach's son, a scholar, anchorite, and tanist-
abbot of lona, died.^
937
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 456, s.a. 936 or 937 = 937
A great battle, lamentable and terrible, was savagely fought
between Saxons and Northmen ; and in it fell many thousands,
which have not been counted, of the Northmen. But their
king, Olaf [Godfrey's son], escaped with a few. And on the
This is less unlikely than the Heimskringla's statements that Harold was
nearly seventy when his son Hakon the Good was born (u.s., c. 40) ; and
that Hakon was 15 winters old when he was acclaimed as king ("Harold
the Fairhaired came again, and grown young a second time"; see H.,
Hakon the Good, c. i).
Hakon's birth is placed by the Icelandic Annals in 921 (KBDE ;
918, CA).
Egil's Saga, c. 59, p. 193 : " King Eric ruled over Norway for one
winter [933-934, according to Jonsson] after the death of his father, king
Harold, before Hakon . . . came to Norway . . . ; and the same summer"
(in reality 936?) "Egil Skallagrim's son went to Iceland. Hakon went
north to Trondhjem, and was there received as king ; Eric and he were
both kings in Norway for the winter. But afterwards in spring" (i.e. 937?)
" each collected an army. Hakon had by far the greater number of men "
( M S. W adds : "because he established laws in the land that every man should
own his heritage and odal lands, while before king Harold had oppressed
every man, both rich and poor"; similarly MS. K; Samfund 17, 213).
" So Eric saw that he had no other choice but to flee from the land. Then
he went away with his wife Gunnhild and their children. Chief Arinbiorn
was king Eric's foster-brother, and the fosterer of his child [Harold
Grey-cloak]. He was the dearest to the king of all the barons holding
lands of the king : the king had placed him as lord over the whole country
of Firdir. Arinbiorn went from the land with the king.
" They went first west beyond the sea to the Orkneys. There [Eric]
gave his daughter Ragnhild in marriage to earl Arnfinn." (This is
probably erroneous ; see the Heimskringla, below, p. 465. For Eric's
visit to England, see below, pp. 455-459.)
' Also the " 1 8th year of Duncan," sovereign of Ireland.
^ ianaisi abbaidh lae. The abbacy of lona was held by " Colnmcille's
successor," elected in Ireland, and resident there (cf. years 927, 938).
Probably Angus was the chief of the reduced community in lona.
BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH 429
other side, a multitude of Saxons fell ; but ^thelstan, the king
of the Saxons, obtained a great victory.^
937
Annales Camtoriae ; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. i68, s.a. [938] ^
The battle of Brune.^
937
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 28
In the year 937, Olaf, the king of Ireland, entered the
mouth of the river Humber, with six hundred and fifteen ships ;
and king ^thelstan and his brother Edmund met him at
Brunanburh, and fought a battle. They killed five kinglets and
seven earls, and returned with triumph.*
' F.M., ii, 632, s.a. 935 = 937: "The Foreigners of Dublin left their
fortress, and went to England." Under the next year, A.U. say: "Olaf,
Godfrey's son, was in Dublin again"; F.M. : "Olaf, Godfrey's son, came
to Dublin again. . . ." Olaf "abandoned Dublin," according to F.M.
(ii, 638), in 937 = 939.
^ Placed 4 years after the "490th year" after 444.
3 B.T. in R.B.H., 261: "And there was the war of Brun." This is
placed between years 930 and 940 ; under 935 in MS. D of Ab Ithel's ed.,
20. Similarly in B.S. in M.A., 656, s.a. 935. B.S. in M.A. 656, under
.(Ethelstan's reign, s.a. 924: "And the men of Denmark came against
[vEthelstan], to seek to conquer the island. He gave them battle ; and in
that conflict were killed the king of the Scots, and five kings of Denmark,
and twelve earls, and their hosts."
^ This is derived from F.W. (cf. E.G., 69-73). Cf Fordun, IV, 22-23.
See also ^Ifric, epilogue to Book of Judges (Grein, Bibliothek der angel-
sachsischen Prosa, i (1872), 265).
The true scene of the battle may have been the Solway Firth and
Burnswark. This district is, according to Dr G. Neilson (S.H.R., vii,
37-55)i thfi locality of the battle described in Egil's Saga : see above,
year .'926.
This was an attempt made by Scandinavians and Scots to throw off
such subjection as had been imposed upon them in 921, 926, and 934 ; and
especially by Sigtrygg's sons, to recover Northumbria, which had been
taken from them in 926.
F.W. says that Olaf, "king of the Irish and of many islands," was the
son-in-law of king Constantine. The Olaf who was king of Dublin at this
time was Olaf Godfrey's son. Godfrey, Ivar's grandson, king of the
Northmen [of Dublin ?], died in 934 (A.U.).
430 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
938
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 456, s.a. 937 or 938 = 938
Dubthach, the successor of Columcille and of Adamnan,
reposed in peace.^
939
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 458, s.a. 938 or 939 = 939
yEthelstan, king of England, summit of the nobility of the
western world, died a peaceful death.^
1 F.M., i, 634, s.a. 936 = 938 (and "the 19th year of Duncan" as
sovereign of Ireland) : " Dubthach, the successor of Columcille and of
Adamnan in Ireland and Scotland, . . . died."
Dubthach was abbot of lona (probably in Kells) and of Raphoe ; cf.
Reeves, Adamnan, p. 393. Cf. years 947, 954.
Dubthach's name stands under October 7th in the Martyrology of
Gorman, p. 192 ; see also the Martyrology of Donegal, p. 268, October 7th.
He was 14th in descent from Conall Gulban, according to the Book of
Lecan ; and Duban's son (Reeves, Adamnan, 393).
^ The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle says that ^Ethelstan reigned from 925
(AF ; 924, BCDE), for 14 winters and 10 weeks (ABCD), to 940 (ABCDEF ;
941, W), October 27th (ABCD). He died "about forty winters, but one
night, irom the time when king Alfred died" (ABCD). Alfred died in 901,
October 26th (ABCDEF). yEthelstan's successor, his brother Edmund,
reigned for 6J winters (ABCD) to 946 (ABCD ; 948, EF), May 26th
(ABCD). These reign-lengths suggest that vEthelstan died in 939.
No charters of ^Ethelstan dated in 940 have been preserved ; but there
are several of Edmund dated in that year (Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus
ii, 217, ff.). This evidence favours the earlier date ; probably ^thelstan
died in 939.
Heimskringla's Hakon the Good, c. 4, says that ^thelstan reigned for
14 years, 8 weeks, and 3 days. The Icelandic Annals (CDE) say that
".^thelstan reigned for 14 years" from 921 ; and "Edmund, ^thelstan's
brother, for 6 years, 11 months" from 935 (C ; similarly in A).
Under 933, the Annals of Clonmacnoise note (151): ".(Ethelstan
[Aduhfon], king of England, died. The sun for one day appeared like
blood until noon the next day. . . ." This is evidently not an eclipse.
A.C., Y Cymmrodor, ix, 168, s.a. [940] (7 years, read 6 years (with
Phillimore), after the " 490th year " after 444) : " ^thelstan died " (" king
of the Saxons," add MSS. BC ; ed. Ab Ithel, 17). His death is placed in
940 by B.T. in M.A., 689 ; in 939, by B.S. in M.A., 656, with Edmund's
succession under 940.
EDMUND SUCCEEDS .ETHELSTAN 431
940
Annals of the Four Masters, vol. i, p. 640, s.a. 938 = 940 ^
Olaf Cuaran went to York ; and Blacaire, Godfrey's son,
went to Dublin.- . . .
A victory [was gained] by [Edmund], the king of England,
over Constantine, Aed's son ; Anlaf or Olaf, Sigtrygg's son ;
and the Britons.^
940x941*
Life of Catroe, in Colgan's Acta Sanctorum, pp. 495-497 ^
. . . There was a man of royal blood, of remarkable wealth,
Fochertach ^ by name, who had obtained a wife, called Bania,
1 Also "the 2ist year of Duncan" as sovereign of Ireland.
^ Similarly in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 152, s.a. 933.
The death of a king of Danes of Northumbria (in 944 or 945) is
recorded by the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 154, s.a. 937 : "Duncan, king of
Ireland, died.
"The king of the Danes was killed by the Saxons at York.
" Congalach, Maelmithid's son, reigned 20 years."
King Duncan's death is placed by A.U. in 943 or 944 = 944, after 25
years' reign (his predecessor Niall died 15th November 919). Congalach
died in 956 (A.U., s.a. 95S). In the next year-section (s.a. 941) the Annals
of Clonmacnoise note the death of Edmund (7946).
^ In 944, Edmund acquired Northumbria, and drove out its kings — Olaf,
Sigtrygg's son, and Ronald, Godfrey's son. In 945 he plundered Cumbria,
and drove Olaf over to Ireland : and made an alliance with Malcolm, who
was engaged to hold the land, apparently on condition of keeping the
Dublin kings out of England.
A.U., vol. i, p. 464, s.a. 944 or 945=945 : " Blacair abandoned Dublin,
and Olaf [was king there] after him."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 154, s.a. 937: "Blacair [Blacairey] was
banished from Dublin, and OXaS^Awley] succeeded him to the government."
In 948, " Blacair, Godfrey's son, king of the Foreigners, was killed by
Congalach, Maelmithid's son ; and sixteen hundred [Foreigners] were
killed or captured" (A.U.).
* This is the date of Catroe's final departure from Scotland. He was
then about forty years old (below) ; therefore he was born about the year
900. He died not long after 971.
^ Under 6ih March. Nearly the whole of this passage was republished
by Skene, in P. & S., 109-116, (with some additional misprints) from
Colgan's Acta Sanctorum. A corrected text is in the Bollandists' Acta
Sanctorum (1865), March, i, 474-476 (6th March).
" Faiteach in Colgan's text and Skene's. According to Colgan (Acta,
502, note 42), the MS. seems to have read Fothereach j A.S. has Fochereach
(U.S., 475)-
432 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
his equal in riches and nobility. In the flower of her youth,
she had had sons by her previous husband ; but afterwards she
remained barren, in her union with [Fochertach]. And so,
after many intercessions of the saints, directed by her to the
most gentle ears of almighty God, she approached with her
husband the merits of St Columba.^ And she was not dis-
appointed in her wish ; for after they had passed the night in
fasting and prayers at his tomb, they had scarcely fallen asleep
when they both alike saw themselves each holding a lighted
candle ; and while they watched these with gladness, they
marvelled to see them suddenly united in one light. And
behold, a man in splendid raiment appeared, and said :
" Woman, thy tears have wetted my stole, and thy prayers
have stood in God's sight ; and He who granted Samuel to
Anna's prayers, and who gave conception to Rebecca at Jacob's
asking, has commanded that thou shalt conceive, and bear a
son, Catroe" by name, a future light of the church; and in
accordance with the virtue of his name, as a warrior he shall
rise up unconquered in the Lord's camp, resisting like a wall,^
ready to stand in battle for the house of Israel."
So they awoke from sleep, and blessed the vision,* rendering
thanks ; and returned home in exultation, doubting not the
promised mercy. That they were to receive such offspring
was a cause of general rejoicing.
Meanwhile the woman conceived, and bore a son, to whom
they gave (according to the Lord's command) the name of
Catroe. The news of the boy's birth had run through the
neighbouring districts ; and a crowd of nobles,' of both sexes
and diverse ages, came in haste, as is the custom of the land,
eager to bring up the boy. And the mother, fearing the
' Beati Columbani. Similarly below.
^ Kaddroe. So again below ; but afterwards the name is printed
Cathroe, because of Colgan's etymology, deriving the name from Irish cath
" war," and roe " battle-field." It is Kaddroe throughout in A.S. This
form shows that the d was unaspirated, and that the first part of the name
was Welsh cat.
The form of the name is probably Welsh. Cf the Irish Cathrue, in
A.U., i, 262, s.a. 785 = 786.
^ bellator in castris Domini invictus ascendet, ex adverso opponens muriim.
* congratulantur visioni {congratidabantury in A.S.).
5 vulgus nobile.
LIFE OF CATROE 433
hostility of so great and powerful nobles, replied that she could
not withhold him from the one to whom God should command
him to be given. It chanced that she had lain down upon a
couch, and sleep had overtaken her among them all; and
scarcely had it relaxed her limbs, when it caused her to see as
it were that a hawk encircled the house, and after removing all
the rest, settled upon the head of a certain matron. Thereupon,
awaking, she related to the by-standers what she had seen.
Then by the common advice of all, [the child] was given to the
matron to be reared. And he was carried to the woman's
house, and weaned.
And his father, already in [the child's] tender youth fore-
seeing his future industry, attempted to educate him in secular
matters. But the boy's cousin, Bean^ by name, who had
rejoiced in Christ's service from his earliest age, being very
vigilant in prayers and devoted to works of charity, was
[Catroe's] preserver ; for he, wishing if it could be done to draw
all men to Christ, turned to God for the boy's salvation, and
applied himself wholly to prayers. And presently God's
clemency appeared, and in a vision he commanded the old man
1 Bean, Catroe's cousin {patruelis), belonged to the community of lona
(see below) : he was not its abbot, but may have been its ruler under
Maelbrigte of Armagh.
The usual form of the name in Catroe's Life is Beanus, but once below
Beoanus occurs.
Kirkbean in Kirkcudbrightshire may have been named after Bean.
A St Beoan from Britain is commemorated at October 25th in the
Martyrology of Tallaght ; Book of Leinster, 364 f (26th October in the
Brussels version ; Kelly, xxxvii-xxxviii). Cf. the Martyrology of Oengus
October 26th, with notes in Rawlinson B 505 and 512 saying that Beoan
was from Britain (1905 Oengus, 228). Cf. Martyrology of Gorman,
October 26th. Beoan is called bishop in the Martyrology of Donegal,
October 26th. This Beoan is placed also under October 27th in the
Martyrology of .Tallaght ; Book of Leinster, 364 ; October 28th, in the
Brussels version, Kelly, xxxviii. Cf. the Breviary of Aberdeen, ii, 3, 132,
October 25th (" St Beanus, bishop and confessor"). Since the Martyrology
of Oengus was written ca. 800, this day did not originally belong to the
Bean who instructed Catroe ; but more probably to Beoan or Beoaid,
Mobi's father (cf. L.H., i, 184), Pbishop of Ardcarne (f 524 ; A.U.).
The Bean of the Aberdeen Breviary is the Beyn whom Fordun (IV, 40)
represents to have been the first bishop of Mortlach ; a diocese extending
from the Dee to the Spey. He is said to have been appointed by king
Malcolm II ; but the matter is very much in doubt. See H. & S., ii, 210-21 1.
2 E
434 EARLY SOUECES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
to claim the boy from his father, for the schools. The old man
[Bean] came, and approached the man [Fochertach] concerning
the matter. Fochertach refused, and mocked the old man as a
dotard.
Being commanded to take up the matter again, [Bean] went
again to the boy's father, revealed the commands laid upon
him, and insisted that the boy should be restored to Him who
had given him. Then the man replied that he was ill-pleased
to be molested with importunity by [Bean, with regard to]
things that he refused to concede ; that the old man was
wandering in his judgement ; that he could not lose a son born
to him by promise in his mother's old age — the staff of his
parents' age, one whom so great a family awaited as their lord.
Thus the old man returned without success ; and the Lord
visited the boy's mother, and she conceived again, and bore a
son, called Matadan ^ ; and the Lord also warned the old m.an
again, saying, " Go, say to the boy's father : ' Look thou, I ask
the boy from thee again at the command of God, who has given
thee the other in his place.' And if he refuse, say that the
wrath of God's chastisement threatens him."
Without delay, [Bean] went to the man, to speak to him in
the matter. And when he refused, [Bean] said, " Yield, lest
the punishment of Heaven's vengeance overtake thee in thy
resistance. But in case thou attribute my speaking thus to my
own impulse, uncommanded ; as a sign of the anger that
threatens thee, the best horse that thou hast is dying."
Marvellous [was] the swiftness [of fulfilment] : the words
were not yet out of the old man's mouth, when the stable boy
announced its death. Terror fell upon the man when he heard
this, and he grew stiff, and warmth forsook his bones. Finally
he burst into tears ; and, although unwillingly, he went with
the child's mother to the tomb of St Columba, and brought
the child to God who required him ; and gave him to the old
man aforesaid to foster. So the old man christened the boy
whom he had received, and instructed him as well as he could
in divine law.
Already [Catroe] had left infancy behind ; and, being very
near to adolescence, he excelled those of his own age in the
keenness of his sharp intelligence. Meanwhile certain men,
^ nomine Mattadanum, a diminutive of mafad " dog."
LIFE OF CATROE 435
moved by a baleful spirit, plundered the foster-parents of the
child of former time ; and they, having no force to resist,
appealed to the young lad, and made complaint of their
wretched state. For it is one of the country's customs that,
when nobles foster a child, he provides for them aid thence-
forward in everything, no less than for his parents. And to
incite the youth to their aid, they said : " When we fostered
thee, had we [instead] reared ^ sheep or horses we should
better have fared from the enemies' violence, being fed by
[sheep's] milk and [drawn] in a vehicle of horses; since in thy
presence we are the victims of pillage and devastation."
It happened that Bean was absent when the youth was
incited to take up arms; and [Catroe] called upon his friends,"
and planned to pursue the enemy. And already they had
reached the bank of a flooded river, beyond which the enemy
was ; and [Catroe] was seeking out ships to use, when one of
the number of his comrades, by rank a priest, who had been
appointed the youth's guardian, announced the matter to the
old man [Bean], upon his return. Then indeed [Bean] clapped
his hands, and broke into tears, saying, " A good guardian of
the youth have I left behind in thee ! " But when [the priest]
made excuse that he had not been able to prevent it. Bean
said, "Cease delaying, and compel him to await me." And
when [the priest] said that the youth would by no means desist
from his undertaking, the old man said, producing the copy
that he was accustomed to use, " Take him this Gospel, and
call me to witness, that it may be opened."
The priest went in advance, carrying the old man's
commands with [this] token ; and he compelled [Catroe] to
stay upon the bank, though weeping and resisting. Bean
followed, and inquired the cause of the young man's anger.
And [Catroe] related the affair, and refused to admit as possible
for him that he should suffer his fosterers' grief to remain
unavenged. But the old man soothed his fierce passions.
And when he did not yield, the old man said to him, "Then
seek in this the will of Him to whom thou hast promised faith " ;
and, that he might know it, [Bean] opened the book, which he
had got back from [Catroe], and took the first verse that he
' lavassemus. So also in the Bollandists' text. Read levassemus.
^ socios. Cf. below.
436 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
found. It was : " If any one take from thee what is thine, seek
it not again."! And since this did not satisfy [Catroe], he
turned up again another verdict, and one against ^ the youth
appeared ; it was : " All who take the sword shall perish by the
sword." ^ And when he turned up a third, this appeared:
" Wicked slave, I have pardoned thee all thy debt, because
thou didst ask me ; oughtest thou not to have pity upon thy
fellow-slave, even as I have had pity upon thee?"* And since
[Catroe] could not oppose these [passages], he returned with
the man of God in peace, and more closely applied himself to
reading and prayer.
One day, the old man had laid his weary ^ limbs upon a
couch, and Catroe with his friends was resting not far off, when
there appeared to the man of God, [Bean,] a maiden excelling
in the brightness of her countenance the brightness of the sun ;
so ancient, that one would not have thought her of our day,
although she seemed young ; and clad in a seven-fold robe, in
which was woven everything that can be named or imagined.
The old man marvelled at her, and inquired who and whence
she was. Then she said, " I am Wisdom ; and I dwell in
consultations, and am present in learned deliberations. And
I have come to adopt this young man." She vanished from
the eyes of the watcher, and the youth was seized by the love
of learning; one would have thought that he would have died,
had he not been passed on to secular studies. The man of God
understood what he had seen ; and after those things had been
prepared which were necessary for the journey and the schools,
he sent the youth to Ireland ; and [Catroe] closed himself in
the mill of training at Armagh,'^ not fearing after divine
1 Cf. Luke, VI, 30.
^ For iiccurrit juveni conirarium reading incurrit . . . contraria
(as in A.S.).
3 Matthew XXVI, 52.
* For om?ie read iionne (as in A.S.) ; and read conservi fuiior Skene's
conserveniui. The quotation is from Matthew XVIII. '
^ Yorfesia rea.Am^ fessa (as in A.S.).
" Colgan's text and Skene's are corrupt. Read with the Bollandists :
adolescentem Hibemiam ?nittit, gut apicd Arttnacham in pistrino dis-
ciplinarum se reclusit.
Maelbrigte, abbot of Armagh (888 - f 927), was also abbot of the
community of lona when he died. He appears to have succeeded in this
office the abbot Fland, who died in 891.
LIFE OF CATROE 437
doctrines to study mundane literature, so that, being more
perfectly versed in this,^ he might by investigation better
extend what he had formerly studied : since he had read that
Plato, the gentiles' philosopher, had gone to Egypt, led by the
renown of Jeremiah ^ ; and conversing with that prophet had
learned that above all things was one God, whom he had not
previously known. So [Catroe] was instructed, and he explored
from end to end the school of Wisdom, she herself conducting
him ; and he excelled by far his fellows and contemporaries.
In short, all that poet has sung or orator spoken, all that
philosopher has imagined, he learned ; nothing escaped him.
He exhausted everything that has been discovered by any one
through number, measure, and weight, through touch ^ and
hearing ; and lastly, the hidden movements and courses of
the stars he described with compasses* more learnedly than
Eginus, than whom I doubt if any is more distinguished in
the hierarchy of the sky.
Having been thus instructed, he crossed the sea again, and
returned to Bean. And to his fellow-servants throughout all
Scotland he faithfully served out the wheat of wisdom entrusted
to him : for the Scots have many thousand teachers,^ but they
have not many fathers. [Catroe] was those [teachers'] father^
in training in the arts. And so, because his lips instructed very
many, he had no associate in affliction '' ; because from the time
of his arrival none of the sages had crossed the sea ; but they
continued to dwell in Ireland.
The old man [Bean] rejoiced in the youth's advance, and in
his having no equal in all that he took up.
Meanwhile time was passing, and the man of God prayed
1 Ms lucidius elimahts (in Skene's text, wrongly, climatus).
2 For eximiae reading Jeremiae, as in A.S. For Plato's visit to Egypt,
cf. Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica, I, 96, 98 (1828).
2 T. A. Archer, in the Dictionary of National Biography, under Cadroe,
would read tractu for tactu : " the sciences of number, measure, weight,
motion, hearing, and astronomy."
4 radio doctius egino . . . designavit.
'■> paedagogoriim.
" hie illos genuit.
' non sociabaticr ei afflicto (Colgan), "he had no associate in affliction";
si afflicto in Skene's text ; non sociabitiir ei afflictio in A.S. ("he shall not
be visited with affliction ").
438 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
that the Lord would direct the youth in the way of salvation.
Nor was God's pity far away, wherewith he ever hears those
who call upon him in truth. When, wearied with one night's
vigils, after the hymns [Bean] had laid his limbs upon a couch —
which is often taken to, and is pleasant, in the early morning, —
slumber had come upon the old man ; but he had not wholly
fallen asleep, nor was he altogether awake, but was rapt in a
kind of trance. He saw that a gathering of great men was
being held ; and as he marvelled at these, he hoped that they
would do something great. Then one of them, more reverend^
than the rest, said : " It is fitting that we should increase the
eternal king's army, appointed from the ages. Do you enrol
from the youths who are resting here certain others, who must
leap in the presence of the emperor. And He that came
leaping upon the mountains, leaping over hills,^has directed it,^
and commands us to show to this man who beholds us what
the youths must jump over." And so Bean was conducted, and
saw three caverns dug in the earth ; the first and the second
of these were * of no small extent, while the third was in depth
exceedingly dreadful, and of enormous breadth. Its farther
bank was full of glory and joy.
The old man delayed not to ask what these things meant,
and he was answered that the youths must leap over these
[caverns], if they would have the emperor's favour. And to
the old man's fears of danger for Catroe, that splendid one
said : " Fear ^ not, mortal ; for they shall leap across, although
unequally : but he shall excel the more successfully, for whom
thou art the most in dread. And that thou think not the vision
meaningless," learn what the caverns imply. The first is
voluntary loss of possessions ; the second is departure from
one's native land ; the third is practice of monastic life. And the
shore of that exultation is attainment of eternal life." There-
upon the vision vanished, and the old man started from his bed.^
After this, not many days had passed, when the Lord said
^ Reading reverendior for revere7itio7:
2 Song of Solomon, II, 8.
3 For rfz'jr^r// reading direxit, as in A.S.
^ For erujii reading erant, as in A.S.
^ Colgan's text /aa^aj, Skene's /««caj-.
'' Reading cassam for caussam.
' excutititr lecto.
LIFE OF CATROE 439
to Catroe himself: "Depart from thy land and from thy
kindred, and from thy father's house, and come into the land
which I shall show thee.^ And I shall appoint thee a leader of
my people, and shall exalt thee above the height of the clouds,
and shall feed^ thee on the heritage of thy father, Jacob."
When the youth awoke, he was seized with the desire for
pilgrimage ; and he left everything, and entered the way of
pilgrimage. Rumour had published the matter, and sorrow
and grief came upon all the rich and poor. Every age and
every class hastened to him, and the tearful outcry of all [was]
as if the ruin and devastation of the whole of Scotland was
approaching : " Why dost thou desert us, father ; and to whom
leavest thou the fruits of thy labour? Wherefore has it
pleased thee to go abroad, since we are all strangers in God's
sight, and when at thy teaching we lament that our dwelling
was prolonged in^ the habitation of Kedar? We beg thee,
consider the result thou canst achieve in teaching men so great,
with whom it is necessary to share the wealth of knowledge.
Hast thou no regard for the Father's eternal word in the Vision
of John, and what it bids thee ? It says, ' He who hears, let
him say. Come.' " *
Moved by these lamentations, [Catroe] dwelt there for a
while, and he was divided against himself.
Near by flowed a stream of very rapid current ; and beside
it, as often happens, had sprung up the great mass of a certain
tree. And so he used to go-' there at nights, God alone being
witness ; and to put off his clothes and place himself in the
horrors of the greatest cold in the river. And not to be carried
headlong by the force of the flood, he held in his hand a rope,
which he had made fast to the tree. And he stood there so
long as was needed to repeat from the i i8th Psalm to the issrd.**
1 Acts, VII, 3 ; and Genesis, XII, i.
2 Colgan's text cibabo, Skene's citabo. Cf. Isaiah, LVIII, 14.
3 For habitatione . . . prolongaris reading z« habitatione . . . prolongari.
Cf. Psalm CXIX, 5.
■• Apocalypse, XXII, 17.
5 accednes, Colgan and Skene ; read accedens, with the Bollandists.
6 I.e., Psalms CXIX-CXXXIV, in the English version. This is the
reading of the Bollandists' text. Colgan's has "down to the 103rd." The
123rd contains the pertinent passage: "perchance the water would have
swallowed us" (verse 4 ; in English version. Psalm CXXIV, 4),
440 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Meanwhile winter passed, and the waves subsided, and he
turned anew to the way of his purposed pilgrimage. Then
again sorrow and grief filled the whole district ; and all hastened
to him ; and the king that ruled the land, Constantine by name,i
hastened to hold back the man. Already part of the journey
had been performed ; and Catroe had entered for prayer the
house ^ of the blessed Bridget, when a crowd of nobles and
peasants filled the church, having been summoned from different
quarters. They all asked the man not to forsake his country.
And turning to them, he answered this only to the king and
to all ; he said, " I shall not forsake you, since wheresoever I
am I shall keep you in remembrance." Then an outcry of the
people arose ; and they placed before him relics of the saints,
and adjuring him by them besought him to yield to their wish.
But he^ said : " If you adduce the relics of the saints for this
purpose, to restrain me from my design and wish, then seek
with me their aid, that they may deign to show whether I have
entered the way of salvation. For when Christ began [with
promises] to those who forsook father and mother, brothers and
sisters, and all their possessions, he added nothing of your
advice.* It was counted to Abraham also for righteousness
that, obeying God, he departed from his land, and from the
house of his father."^
Since therefore he did not yield to the king, who laboured
with the people and made the greatest promises in vain, his
parents were angry ; and, moved with wrath, they said : " If
we cannot prevail with prayers, we shall restrain thee with
imprisonment and iron chains." " This is in your power," he
' This was the Constantine who died in 952, and reigned probably
900-943.
2 aedem, i.e. "church." The Bollandists (A.S., March, i, 476 ; February,
i, 108-109) followed by Archer (D.N.B., viii, 188) would locate this church
at Abernethy, where there was a church dedicated to St Bridget. The
story implies that the district was a populous one. It was some distance
from the place of Catroe's pious exercise in the river ; but Archer con-
jectures that that river was the Earn.
2 For illb reading ille^ with the Bollandists.
* cum relinquentibus . . . sua guaegue praejioneref, 7iihil . . . submtulit,
in Colgan's text and Skene's. sua praemia proponeret, in A.S., i.e.
"declared the rewards of those who." Cf. Matthew, XIX, 29.
5 Cf Genesis, XV, 6,
LIFE OF CATROE 441
said ; " but so long as I am in chains, I shall by no means drink
nor eat."
It happened that with the king had come a certain abbot,
called Maelodair.i And he, being a just man in counsel, said :
" If we cannot prevail to turn this man from his design and
wish, let us each as best he can render him help upon the way,
that we may be sharers in the reward of his labours." Then
all emulously rendered assistance with gold and silver, with
raiment and horses; and they sped him with God's blessing ;
and conducted by the king himself he came to the Cumbrians'
land.^
King Donald ruled over that people^; and because he was
a relative of the man [Catroe],he came to meet him with all
joy. And after keeping him with him for some time, he con-
ducted him to the city of Leeds,* which is the boundary of the
Northmen and the Cumbrians. And there he was received by
a certain noble man, Gunderic, by whom he was led to king
Eric in the town of York,^ because this king had as wife a
relative of the godly Catroe.'^ Departing thence he reached the
city of London ; and he was received [there] by a certain old
man, called Ecgfrith ; and he remained there for the night.
By carelessness, that city was set on fire, and the larger part
of it was already consumed ; triumphant flame was licking what
remained. Then God chose to declare what merit Catroe had
in him. He was asked by the old man to rescue the perishing
by prayer. Trusting in the Lord, [Catroe]' ran between the
fire and what was left [of the city] ; and, turning to the Lord,
' Mailodarius.
2 Within three years of this incident, king Constantine entered the
monastery of St Andrews, as its abbot. See year 943.
3 Donald, Aed's son, became king of Cumbria before 943 (see that
year). Catroe's visit was probably made before the devastation of 945.
* usque Loidain Civitatem.
^ ad regem Erichium in Eiiroacum Urbem.
" For Eric's kingship of Northumbria, see below, pp. 455-459- He may
have reigned there 937x941, and 952-954. This passage is evidence that
Eric reigned there before 941. But if Eric's wife Gunnhild was related to
Catroe, she was strangely different in character ; and the sagas' account of
Gunnhild's origin would shut out the possibility of any such relationship.
But their account was perhaps invented to explain her character. She
was more probably a Danish lady. See pp. 456, 462.
' For mi reading qui., with the Bollandists.
442 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
said : " Lord, everything that is obeys thee> Bid then the
terrors of the raging flames to cease." This he said, briefly;
and he raised his hand, and commanded the conflagration to
retire. Then one might see the flame bent back as by the force
of the wind, and gradually subsiding die out. Thus the city
was delivered, to the joy of all. .
These are thy works, God, who [art] glorious in thy virtues,
to the glory of thy name ; who didst formerly, at Moses' prayer,
command to be quenched the conflagration that had arisen
against the murmuring people,^ and didst at this time deliver
a city from flames through thy servant, Catroe.
The report then spread,^ and filled the whole district ; and
even reached the king, by name Edmund,* who was in the city
of Winchester. Summoning the man to him forthwith, he
besought him to come ; and asking him to remain with him for
some time, he was delighted with his conversation ; and he had
him conducted by the archbishop of the same town. Otto by
name,'' as far as the harbour that is called Lympne.^ So there
he went on board ship ; and when they were putting out to
sea, a wind arose, and they were brought back to the beach.
Thinkest thou, reader and hearer, that God would not that this
man should cross the sea? Did not Paul, sailing to the crown,
to Rome, narrowly escape from shipwreck, storm, and hunger?^
All were disturbed, but Catroe was attacked by grief; and
the coming day had not closed, when he betook his limbs, worn
' Tibi . . . om7ie giiod est famulahir. In Skene's text wrongly <)r«^r^.
2 Cf. Numbers, XI, 1-3.
^ In Colgan's text transvolans j in Skene's, wrongly, transvolens.
* Hegmundicm. This was Edmund, who fought in the battle of
Brunanburh, and reigned from 939 to 946.
'" Otthonem nomine. No such name appears in the list of bishops of
Winchester (Hardy's Le Neve, iii, 5). This may have been Odo, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, who died, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
(F, and insertion in A) in 961. Odo was bishop in 940 (Kemble, Codex
Diplomaticus, ii, 218).
" In Colgan's text hymen j the Bollandists read Limen, pointing to
Ptolemy's (cai^fis Xi/iiji', 1° W., 60' S., of North Foreland, Kent (see Ptolemy,
Geographia, 1883 ed., i, 87). No doubt the harbour meant is Lympne, the
Romans' Partus Letnanis (Itinerarium Antonini, 1848 ed., 225), and the
Limene-mutha of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (see 893 ABCD, 892 EF). It
is near the mouth of the Rother, 2 miles from Hythe.
' Here Skene's reprint ends.
LIFE OF CATROE 443
out with grief and fasting, to his couch. A man stood by him,
and spoke to him thus: "All those" he said, "that are with
thee shall not be able to cross the sea, lest they molest thee in
God's way that thou hast entered. Persuade therefore thy
nephew and some with him to return ; and then, after crossing
the sea, rejoicing thou shalt be received by the farther shore."
Rising, he communicated the vision to his companions, and
he gave conveyance and expenses to the youth, and bade him
return. And so they loosed their ship, and were driven with
full sails to the harbour of Boulogne.^
^ They went thence by land to Peronne (in Somn^e ; Parronam\ a
monastery founded by S. Fursaeus. Not far from there ihey were offered
by a noble lady, called Hersendis, " a sacred place, St Michael's by name,
in the wood of Terrasson" (in sylva Theorascense); there Catroe and his
12 followers remained long, appointing Machallanus their "lord and father.''
Afterwards Machallanus became a monk at Gorze, under abbot Agenald
(apparently the Agenold called abbot in 947 and 953 by Flodoard ; M.G.H.,
Scriptores, iii, 394, 402 ; sec Chronicon Median! Monasterii, ibid., iv, 89 b ;
cf. Sigebert, Vita Deoderici, ibid., iv, 478. Gorze was a branch of the
monastery at Metz) ; and Catroe became a monk at Fleury. Machallanus
became the prior of St Michael's of Terrasson, and afterwards abbot of
Wassor (cf also Historia Walciodorensis Monasterii, M.G.H., Scriptores,
xiv, 522), by command of king Otho, afterwards emperor. Catroe was prior
of Wassor (cf also the Historia, U.S.). On a day of St Gorgonius he visited
Metz, and was set over a place near that town, by bishop Adalbert. After
35 years in the bishopric, Adalbert died [in 964] ; he was succeeded by
Theodoric, of imperial rank. Theodoric appointed Catroe abbot of St
Felix and St Clement, near Metz (cf also Historia, u.s.).
Empress Adelaide [of Burgundy], mother of the emperor Otho (.•. x 983),
summoned Catroe to her presence. He went to her at Erstein, in Alsace, on
the Rhine. He died upon the way back. (This part of the Life is in M.G.H.,
iv, 483-484.) His body was carried to Metz. Catroe died after passing the
70th year of his life, and the 30th year of his pilgrimage (.'. 971 x 980), prob-
ably not many years after 971. The Historia Walciodorensis Monasterii
(u.s.) says that he died in 998 ; but its account of those times is incorrect.
Wassor {Walciodorus) had been given to "certain servants of God,
coming from Scotland for the sake of pilgrimage, and desiring to live under
the rule of St Benedict," by "a certain noble man, Eilbertus," and his wife,
Heresindis : the grant was confirmed by Otho I on 19th November, 946.
See Le Mire, Notitia Ecclesiarum Belgii (1630), p. 99 ; Diplomata Belgica
(1628), 278-279. The grant was confirmed and extended, to bishop
Theodoric, by Otho I and Adelaide, on i6th January, 968 ; Notitia, u.s.,
119. The Historia, u.s., xiv, 511-512, and the list of abbots in abbot
Wibald's Epistolae (ibid., xiii, 294), say that Forannan was the first abbot
of Wassor ; but the Life of Catroe implies that Machallanus was the first
abbot, with Catroe as his prior.
444 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
941
Chronicon Scotorum, p. 202, Hennessy s year 940 = 941
Olaf, Godfrey's son, king of the White-foreigners and Black-
foreigners, died.
941
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 29, s.a. 941
After burning and wasting the church of St Baldred in
Tynningham, Olaf presently perished. And the .son of Sigtrygg,
Olaf by name, reigned in the place of his father.^
941
Chronicon Scotorum, pp. 202-204, Hennessy's year 940 = 941 ^
A fleet [was led] by Muirchertach, Niall's son, and plundered
in the islands of Scotland.
941
Annals of the Four Masters, vol. ii, p. 640, s.a. 939 = 941 ^
A fleet [was led] by Muirchertach, Niall's son, and plundered
and brought many spoils from the Hebrides, after obtaining
victory and triumph.*
900-943
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 9
Constantine, Aed's son, held the kingdom for forty years.
And in his third year the Northmen plundered Dunkeld, and
all Scotland.^
In the following year, the Northmen were slain in
Strathearn.'^
' This is derived from S.D. Cf. E.G., 73.
^ After the death of Olaf, Godfrey's son.
^ Also " the 22nd year of Duncan " as sovereign of Ireland.
* In the next year, F.M. record the death of Aed Albanach (" Aed of
Scotland"), a leader of the Dublin Danes, along with other leaders.
^ The next sentence certainly refers to the events recorded by Irish
annals in 904 ; therefore the invasion seems to have continued from 903
to 904, and Constantine's 3rd year seems to be 903.
" See year 904.
KINGS OLAF, CONSTANTINE, AND DONALD 445
And in his sixth year king Constantine and bishop Cellach
upon the Hill of Credulity near the royal city of Scone, pledged
themselves that the laws and disciplines of the faith, and the
rights in churches and gospels, should be kept in conformity
with [the customs of] the Scots.^ From that day the hill has
deserved this name — that is, the Hill of Credulity.^
And in [Constantine's] eighth year, fell the most exalted
king and archbishop of the Irish, in Leinster^; that is, Cormac,
Culennan's son.*
And in [Constantine's] time died Donald, king of the Britons ^
' pariter cum Scottis. This was understood by Skene to mean on a
footing of equality with the Scots, with reference to the inequality spoken
of in the same chronicle above ; see p. 288 ; cf. 365. (S.C.S., i, 340.)
The sentence is thus arranged : ac in vi. anno Co7isfantiniis rex et
Cellachus episcopus leges, disciplinasgue fidci, atque jura ecdesiarum
ewangelior unique, pariter cum Scottis in colle credulitatis, prope regali
civitati Scoan, devoverunt custodiri.
^ meruit nomen . . . collis credulitatis. This can only mean that the
Picts did not do what they promised. For the place, cf year 728, note.
By Constantine's 6th year (905-906) probably the year 906 is meant.
^ apud Laignechos (but cf Skene's facsimile, p. 3, col. i, 1. 29). Possibly
"by the hands of Leinstermen" {la Laignibh in Berchan's Prophecy,
stanza 45).
'' A.U., i, 420-422, s.a. 907 or 908 = 908 : "A battle between the men of
Munster and of Cond's Half" (northern Ireland) " and the men of Leinster,
and there Cormac, Culennan's son, king of Cashel, was killed, with other
distinguished kings. . . . Fiand, Maelsechlaind's son, king of Tara ;
Cerball, Muirecan's son, king of Leinster ; Cathal, Conchobar's son, king
of Connaught, were the victors. The battle of Ballaghmoone " (south of
County Kildare ; in Mag-ailbe ; Hogan). In the margin of MS. A is this
added note, referring (as is shown e.g. by Berchan's Prophecy, stanza 45)
to this battle: " In Mag-ailbe, on the festival of Dagan of [Inber]-daile ;
that is to say, the Ides of September, on Tuesday, and the 13th [of the
moon]." 13th September was Tuesday in 908. Therefore 13th September
908 was within Constantine's 8th year. (The battle of Ballaghmoone was
fought on 17th September, according to the poem of Dalian, Mor's son,
quoted by P.M., ii, 570, s.a. 903, and the 27th year of Fland : ibid., 564.
The battle was fought on a Tuesday, according to the same poem, quoted
by Duald's Third Fragment, p. 216 ; on the 7th of December, ibid., 218
(z sept December cloisiodar, which should be a line of 7 syllables ; read id
September?). There is a marginal note " 17th." Duald's Fragment places
the battle in A.D. 900, Fland's 30th year.)
5 This Donald (Dumnagual .') was probably king of Strathclyde. The
kings of North Wales were Anaraut, Rotri's son (t9i6), and lutgual,
Anaraut's son.
446 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
(and Donald, Aed's son, was chosen as king i) ; and Fland, son
of Maelsechlaind^; and Niall, Aed's son,^ who reigned three
years after Fland ; etc.
The battle of Tinemore* took place in [Constantine's]
eighteenth year, between Constantine and Ronald; and the
Scots had the victory.^
And the battle of Brunanburh '^ [took place] in his thirty-
fourth year '' ; and in it fell Constantine's son.^
And one year afterwards died Dubucan, son of Indrechtach,
mormaer of Angus.^
^thelstan, son of Edward king of the Saxons, and Eochaid,
Alpin's son, died.^°
And in his old age, being decrepit, [Constantine] took the
staff,ii and served the Lord ; and gave up the kingdom to
Mal[coIm], Donald's son.^^
' It seems to be implied that this Donald, Aed's son, became king of Strath-
clyde ; and it would appear that Donald was the brother of Constantine,
Aed's son. This Donald is mentioned in the LifeofCatroe ; above, 940x941.
^ Fland, Maelsechlaind's son, king of Tara, died on Saturday, 25th
May, 916 ; A.U., i, 432, s.a. 915 or 916 = 916 ("bissextile").
^ Niall Glun-dub, Aed's son, king of Ailech, was killed on Wednesday,
15th September, 919, the 3rd year of his reign, according to A.U., i. 438,
s.a. 918 or 919 = 919 (919 being indicated also by the date of Easter).
* I.e., Tyne-moor : the locality is uncertain.
^ I.e., in 918, q.v.
^ belluni Duinbrufide.
'' Read "37th" {xxxuii instead oi xxxiiii)^ i.e. year 937, q.v.
^ Constantine's son's death ("young in warfare") is mentioned by
A.S.C.'s verse-passage, s.a. 937 : see E.C., 72.
^ Dubucan filius Indrechtaig, morinair Oengusa. Probably Dubucan,
not Indrechtach, was the mormaer, although the spelling of the text
implies the contrary.
1" ^thelstan died in 940 ; see above.
^^ I.e., entered monastic life.
'^ If Constantine reigned for 40 years, his abdication would have
occurred in 940. But he gave up the kingdom to Malcolm (see year 954,
note) ; and version A implies that there was no interval between their
reigns. Malcolm seems not to have reigned before 943.
Versions DFGIKN, and the Verse Chronicle, say that Constantine
lived in religion for 5 years, until his death ; and Irish annals say that he
died in 952 : therefore he would have entered monastic life in 947. But
this is at variance with version A, which imphes that Malcolm succeeded
in 943 (see year 954) ; and with the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which says
that Malcolm was king in 945 (E.C., 74).
KING CONSTANTINE 447
900-952
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 151
Constantine, Aed's son, reigned for forty years; and he
resigned the kingdom of his own accord, and served God for
five years in the habit of religion, becoming abbot in [the
monastery of] the celi-de of St Andrews. There too he died,
and was buried.^
900-952
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, pp. 26, 225, s.a. 908 ^
In the same year [908] perished Donald, king of the Scots.
And after him, [Constantine, Aed's son, [became] king of the
Scots ^].
" Constantine also, whose father was Aed the White, had
lived as king for thirty years. He was for five years in the
town of St Andrew*; he died there, enjoying the law of
religion."*
900-952
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 148-154, in Skene's Picts and
Scots, pp. 91-93
Welcome, welcome ! if he it is, who has long been
prophesied : a king of the kings (it is no foolish saying") whose
name is the Midaise.^
1 Similarly in versions F (ibid., 174), G (301), I (288) ; and to the same
effect in K (205), and N (305).
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 62 : " Constantine — bold was his
fighting — passed forty-six years [on the throne]."
2 Also in P. & S., 178.
^ " Constantine . . . Scots," an addition in the outer margin.
* Andree sancH fuit hie qiiingueniiis in urbe.
^ The passage in inverted commas is in verse in the original.
'' tii rud m-baisse ; rud obscurely written. Read nl rddh ni-bdise ?
MS. b has ni radh m-braise, "it is no hasty saying," wrongly.
'' diaainid ainiin an mhidhaise, rhyming with baisse. MS. b has ati
Midhaise, more correctly.
This is the loth king mentioned after Kenneth, but seems to be
Constantine II, Aed's son.
448 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Scotland will be full from his day. This will be a fair,
long reign ; . . .^ for seven and two score years :
With fruit ^ upon slender branches, with ale, with music,
with good cheer; with corn, with milk, with nimble cattle;
with pride, with fortune, with . . .^.
Battles will not stand against his face ; every counten-
ance will be pale before his might (?)*; [weapons'] points
will not pierce his skin : God, the son of man, is faithful
to him.^
When the king is most active (?),•' and after he has cast his
enemies into nothingness, afterwards the Red-limbed one^ will
come, and drive him out of Scotland.^
And afterwards (it is sufficiently sad) the men of Scotland
will be under the feet of a pack of wolves. [They will be] like
sheaves of flax being steeped ; without sovereign, without
rescue.^
Afterwards God has called him away, to the abbey-church
on the brow of the wave.^° In the house of the apostle ^^ he
will die ; the pilgrim will be faithful.
' d ba caire coinise cafk, with which da fhichid in the next line should
rhyme. MS. b has Ba ba caire and da fhichead, with O'Connell's conjecture
Ra ba Caire. The line is corrupt.
^ vies ; probably acorns.
^ CO n-erbhas, rhyming with m-brais, for which read ni-bras ; m-bras
and go n-earbhas in MS. b. If this is for ern-bhds "slaughter," the long d
gives imperfect rhyme.
■* fria dhuis in both MSS. ; rhyming with gni'ds. Cf. dids "warrior"?
O'Connell in MS. b suggests " i. dtiiseact" ; di'dseacht " vigilance " (Dinneen).
Cf Archiv fiir celtische Lexicographic, iii, 273, 283 ; Stokes, Saltair na
Rann (1883), 50, 136.
* mac anf\]i\ir dia do dhilcs, rhyming with chnes.
•^ an trdth bhtis deitie righ an ri. In MS. b, Righe a7i Ri. These
readings give the line a syllable too many. The last word ;-/ rhymes with
neiinhfiii, and must be in the nominative case. For rigk read ri.
^ roficfa an ball derg iar-sin. MS. b reads ro fhichfaidh, wrongly.
* cona 7narbha.dh a hAlbain. MS. b writes marbhadh in full. Read
inarba. Cf the Verse Chronicle, above.
" gan iomshndighe J read io?nshnadkadk, to rhyme with bad[k'\ad{h'\.
^^ go redes for bhra iui?ine. MS. b ha.s for bhru Tuinne {" upon the
brink of the wave"). Perhaps bru has been substituted for the less
common bra. Cf stanza 145, year 900 ; and stanza 157, year 954.
1' a ttigh an apstail theid ar ceal : the line has a syllable too many.
The monastery dedicated to an apostle was probably St Andrews.
COMMENDATION OF CUMBRIAN LAND 449
945
Annales Camlbriae; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 169, s.a. [946] ^
And Strathclyde was wasted by the Saxons.^
945
Brut y Tywyssogion ; Rhys and Evans' Red Book of
Hergest, p. 261
Strathclyde was devastated by the English.^
945
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 30
In the year 945, king Edmund wasted the land of the
Cumbrians, subjugated it to himself, and commended it to
Malcolm, king of the Scots.*
946
Annales Oambriae ; Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix, p. 165, s.a. [947]^
Edmund, king of the Saxons, was slaughtered.
' 2 years after the " 500th year " after 444.
^ I.e. by the English. This annal is not in MS. C (Ab Ithel, 18).
The king of Strathclyde at this time was perhaps Donald, Aed's son,
who became king before 943. See also year 975.
^ This stands between the years 940 and 945. It is dated 944 in
MS. D of Ab Ithel's ed., p. 20. Similarly in B.S. in M.A., 656, s.a. 944.
Cf B.T. in M.A., 690, s.a. 943 : — " In the same year Strathclyde was
ravaged by the English, who slew cruelly those whom they found in their
way, of the Britons to whom it belonged " {o'r Bryttaniaid a berthytiai
yddynt: I am indebted for the translation to Mr H. J. Bell, of the MSS.
department, British Museum. Professor Sir John Morris Jones suggests
a correction of the text, \ac\ a bertkynai ydynt, "of the Britons [and] those
who belonged to them" : this seems very likely to be the correct reading).
^ This is derived from English sources (see E.G., 74), but without
mention of the terms of fealty. Similarly, also, as a memorandum, in fo.
53 of the same chronicle, p. 233. Cf Bain, ii, 112.
° Placed 3 years after the " 500th year " after 444.
P.M., ii, 656, s.a. 944 = 946 (and the "2nd year of Congalach," Mael-
mithid's son, as king of Ireland) : "^thelstan, renowned king of England,
died." (For " ./Ethelstan " read "Edmund" ; otherwise the entry is too late
by six years.)
Annals of Clonmacnoise, s.a. 941 : " Edmund, king of the Saxons, was
killed by his own family."
Edmund died in 946 (A.S.C., 946 ABCD, 948 EF) ; the date 946 is
supported by charters in Kemble's Codex Diplomaticus.
2 F
450 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
946
Chronicle of Melrose, p. 30
In the same year, [946, Eadred] acquired Northumbria,
[which was] in rebellion against him ; and the Scots submitted
to him without fighting.^
947
Annals of the Four Masters, vol. i, p. 656, s.a. 945=947^
Cainchomrac, abbot of lona, . . . died.
9493
950
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 466, s.a. 949 or 95o = 9So
Higuel, king of the Britons, died.*
1 This is derived from English sources (see E.C., 74-75)-
Chronicle of the Kings, version A, records a Scottish invasion of
England in 948 or 949. See year 954.
2 And the " 3rd year of Congalach " as sovereign of Ireland.
3 In this year (or at least between 948 and 950) the Chronicle of the
Kings, version A, says that king Malcolm, Donald's son, "plundered the
Enghsh as far as the Tees" ; see year 954.
* Similarly in the Annales Cambriae, Y Cymmrodor, ix, 169, s.a. [950]
(6 years after the "500th year" after 444) ; but MS. B adds "the Good,"
and MS. C reads : " Higuel, surnamed the Good, king of the Britons, died ;
and Owen, his son, succeeded him. But two sons of lutgual intervened,
namely lacob and leuaf. Higuel had expelled them from their kingdom ;
and they fought against Owen near Nant-Carno, and they were the victors"
(Ab Ithel's ed., 18). (Cf. MS. A, s.a. [951], "the battle of Carno.")
The last entry in MS. A is, s.a. [954] (the "510th year" after 444):
"Rotri, Higuel's son, died." This Rotri's death is placed in 951 by B.S.
in M.A., 657.
Higuel Da's father was Catell, king of South Wales. Cf. year 877,
note.
The first Genealogy appended to the Annales Cambriae is (Y Cymmrodor,
ix, 169-170): "Owen, son of Higuel, son of Catell, son of Rotri, son of
Mermin, son of Etthil, daughter of Cinan, son of Rotri, son of lutgual, son
of Catgualart, son of Catguollaun, son of Catman, son of lacob, son of Beli,
son of Run, son of Mailcun. . . ."
For Higuel Da (or Hywel Dda) cf. a Welsh Triad, in M.A., 407 (59) ;
Loth's Mabinogion, ii, triad no. 136. S.D. dates his death in 951 ; B.T. in
M.A., 690, and B.S. in M.A., 657, in 548.
SUBMISSION TO EADRED 451
951
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 468, s.a. 950 = 951
Godfrey, Sigtrygg's son, with the Foreigners of Dublin,
plundered Kells, Donaghpatrick, Ardbrackan, Dulane, and
Kilskeer, and other churches besides. They were all harried
from Kells ; and in them were captured three thousand people,
or more, along with the greatest spoil of cows and horses, of
gold and silver.^
952
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 470, s.a. 951 or 952=952 ^
. . . Constantino, Aed's son, king of Scotland, . . . died.^
A battle [was fought] against the men of Scotland and the
Britons and the English, by the Foreigners.*
954
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 470-472, s.a. 953 or 954 = 954°
. . . Malcolm, Donald's son, king of Scotland, was slain.*" . . .
. . . Robartach, successor of Columcille and Adamnan,
rested in Christ.''
1 Similarly in F.M., ii, 664, s.a. 949 = 951 (and "the 7th year of Conga-
lach," sovereign of Ireland) ; but they add Castlekieran to the places
pillaged, and say : " They took away more than three thousand captives,
besides gold and silver, clothing and various kinds of wealth, and goods
of every kind."
C.S. (210; Hennessy's year 950 = 951): "Godfrey, Sigtrygg's son, took
Dublin, and plundered Kells, and Donaghpatrick, and Ardbrackan, and
Dulane, and Castlekieran, and Kilskeery. But God avenged it ; he died
in a short time. And there were taken 3000 men, and the greatest quantity
of gold and silver."
^ With the marginal note "bissextile."
^ Similarly in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, s.a. 947 = 952.
* F.M., ii, 666, s.a. 950 = 952 (and "the 8th year of Congalach" as
sovereign of Ireland): "A victory [was gained] by the Foreigners over
the men of Scotland, the Britons, and the Saxons ; and in it many fell."
Skene thought this battle to have been one fought by Eric Blood-axe
and the Scandinavians settled in Northumbria, against an invasion of
Scots, Cumbrians, and Bernicians. But the evidence for this is meagre.
The events of 926, 934, and 937, made Cumbria an English province.
It must have been an unruly one, or Edmund would not have given it into
the custody of the Scottish king, as he did in 945. Cumbria was the
452 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
943-954
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. lo
Malcolm, Donald's son, reigned for eleven years.^
Malcolm went with his army into Moray, and slew Cellach.
In the seventh year of his reign,^ he plundered the English
as far as the river Tees ; and he seized a multitude of the
people, and many herds of cattle. And the Scots called this
raid the " raid of the Albidosi " (that is, Nainndisi).^
But others say that Constantine made this raid; asking*
of the king, Malcolm, that the kingship should be given to him
for a week's time, in order to visit the English. In fact, it was
not Malcolm who made the raid, but Constantine incited him,
as I have said.
stepping-stone between the Norwegians of Ireland, Wales, and Galloway,
and the Danes of Northumbria.
^ The next year-section has epact and ferial number : the epact
indicates 955, but the ferial number is incorrect.
" C.S., 210, Hennessy's year 952 = 953: "Malcolm, Donald's son, king
of Scotland, was slain by his [subjects]."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 156, s.a. 948 = 953: "Malcolm, Donald's son,
king of Scotland, died."
' C.S., 210, Hennessy's year 95 3 = 954: "Robartach, Columcille's successor,
reposed."
F.M., ii, 668-670, s.a. 952=954 (and "the loth year of Congalach,"
sovereign of Ireland),: " Robartach, successor of Columcille and Adamnan,
. . . died." He was presumably abbot of Kells and of Raphoe. Cf. year
938. An abbot of lona died in 947 (q.v.).
' Most other versions say, for 9 years ; see above, p. cxxxviii. Since 952
was Malcolm's tenth year, his first was 943 (942 x 944) ; and 954, the year of
his death, was his 12th. Therefore we must accept version A's number (11
years), although it differs from the numbers given by all the other versions.
^ His tenth was 952, therefore his seventh would have been 949
(948 X 950).
^ Predam albidosoruin idem nainndisi. The last two words are probably
a gloss. The inn- of inndisi can scarcely h^find (as Skene would have had
it), because/ would not have disappeared after 7ia. The meaning of these
words is obscure; possibly read na n-i?tdisi=na 7i-inse^''oi the islands"?
(Cf. Innisibsolian in the same chronicle ; above, year 900). Albidorsorum
might mean "of the white-backs."
■* In text querens; read querentem = quaercntem.
KING MALCOLM 453
And Constantine died in [Malcolm's] tenth year/ under
the crown of penitence, in good old age.
And the men of Mearns slew Malcolm in Fetteresso ; that
is, in Claideom.^
943-954
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 151
Malcolm, Donald's son, reigned for nine years; and he was
killed by the Moravians by treachery, and was buried in the
island of lona.^
943-954
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, pp. 29, 225, s.a. 943 *
Constantine, king of the Scots, died.
" King Malcolm succeeded him, for nine years ; he was the
son of king Donald. The men of Moray slew him in Ulum ^ :
he fell by the deceit and guile of an apostate nation."^
' Constantine died in 952 ; above.
^ Et occidenint viri na Moerne Malcolaim in Fodresach, i. in Claideom.
^ Similarly in versions F (ibid., 174), G (301-302), I (288) ; but instead
of " killed ... by treachery," F reads : " killed in Vlurn by treachery by
the Moravians " ; so also in I, but with the reading " in Ulnem."
Confusedly in K: "Malcolm, Donald's son, reigned for 21 years. He
was killed by treachery by the Norwegians ; and this occurred in the time
of the first Edward, ^thelstan's father." Edward died in 925. Eadred
was king in 954.
Malcolm's reign is omitted by N.
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 62 : " Malcolm [passed] four years [in
the kingdom]." The Duan allows 50 years to the reigns of Constantine
and Malcolm (900-954) ; here too there are a few years unaccounted for.
Cf. Fordun, IV, 24-25!
■t Also in P. & S., 178-179(3.).
^ Vlrum, B.
" The passage within inverted commas is in verse in the original.
454 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
943-954
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 155-157, in Skene's Picts and
Scots, p. 93
Then for a long time the Red Crow ^ will take high Scotland
of fair plains.^ Travellers will be beloved by him,^ in a foreign
land without neglect.
His kingdom will not be wearisome^ (I shall relate to you,
it will be a tale of truth) to the others, at every time in every
place, to foreigners and to Gaels.
He will have nine years in the kingdom, traversing their
boundaries. An expedition upon the brow of Dunnottar*;
the Gaels will shout about his grave.
' an bodhbh dercc.
This is the loth king after Kenneth in the Prophecy ; he appears to be
Malcolm I.
^ daigh-lercc in MS. a, changed by O'Connell to drech-lercc ; daigh-learg
in MS b, changed to drech-learg, with O'ConnelPs note, "read, drechharg."
^ beitt astraigh gradhddh leis, MS. a ; beitt (in MS. b, beid) is probably
dissyllabic; final dh oi gr-adhddh is blotted. Read gi-ddhaigh? MS. b
has Gradha.
■* Nidh ba fadhdl a righe, MS. a. Nid ba fadhal a Righe, MS. b, with
O'Connell's note Ni ba sadhal a Righe ("his kingdom will not be pleasant " ?)
Read ni bafadal?
^ for bra duna foiteir fecht. Fetteresso is near Dunnottar. Berchan
and Chronicle A may be preferred to the other Chronicles of the Kings,
which evidently mean that Malcolm fell at Blervie, in Moray.
PART XVII
Eric's Sons
937-954
Heimskringla, Hakon the Good's Saga, cc. 3-5 ^
When [Eric Blood-axe] saw that he had no means of
resisting the army of Hakon, he sailed to west beyond the sea
with all the army that would follow him. He went first to the
Orkneys, and took from there a great force. Then he sailed
south for England, and harried in Scotland, everywhere he
came to land ; he harried also in the north of England.^
^thelstan, king of the English, sent a message to Eric, and
bade him take territory from him in England ; and said that
just as king Harold, his father, had been a great friend of king
.(^ithelstan's,^ so would it be with his son.
' With this passage cf. the reconstructed part of c. 8 of Orkneyinga
Saga; i, lo-ii. Cf. also Olaf Tryggi i's son's Saga, cc. 15-16 (F.S., ii,
22-25; Fh, i, 50-51).
''^ Before 948 ; see below, p. 459, note.
^ The sagas have pleasant tales of the intercourse between yEthelstan
and Harold; see Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 8 (F.S., i, 15-17; Fl., i,
46-47) ; H., Harold Fairhair, cc. 39-40 (and Fr., 61-62). Cf. F., 20-23.
Theoderic, c. 2, in Storm's Monumenta, p. 7: ". . . the Norwegians
recalled [Hakon] because of the cruelty of his brother [Eric], and especially
of that of [Eric's] wife Gunnhild ; and they appointed [Hakon] their king.
But Eric too sailed to England, and was honourably received by the king ;
and he died there. . . ."
The Historia Norwegiae and the Agrip differ from all the other accounts
in saying that Eric died in Spain.
Historia Norwegiae, in Storm's Monumenta, pp. 105-106: "When
[Eric] had reigned for a year, and had pleased no one because of his wife's
excessive insolence, he was deprived of the kingdom by his brother Hakon,
the foster-son of v^ithelstan, king of England, by the counsel of the nobles
of Norway ; and he departed as a fugitive to England. There he was well
received by his brother's fosterer \_pcEdagogo\ and washed in the fountain
of baptism, and appointed earl of all Northumbria. And he was most
welcome to all, until his wicked wife arrived there. The Northumbrians
455
456 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Then men went between the kings ; and it was agreed that
by special privilege king Eric should take Northumberland, to
hold it of king ^thelstan, and to protect the land there from
Danes and other vikings. Eric was also to have himself
baptized, and his wife, and their children, and all his army,
which had followed him thither.
Eric made this choice, and he was then baptized and accepted
the true faith.'-
Northumberland is called the fifth part of England. [Eric]
had his residence in York, where men say that Lodbrok's sons
had dwelt before.^ Northumberland was mostly inhabited by
Norwegians, since Lodbrok's sons had won the land. Danes
could not endure her pestilential madness, and immediately cast off their
intolerable yoke.
"And while he was conducting a piratical expedition in Spain, he was
attacked and fell ; but she with her sons returned to her brother, Harold,
the king of the Danes." But the sagas say that she was the daughter of
Ozur Toti. The statement that Eric died in Spain is probably incorrect :
it is opposed by the elegy which was composed at the time of his death.
The Agrip (F.S., x, 385) says that Eric "fled with a ship-force west to
England, and was there in outlawry and in warfare ; and he begged favour
of the king of England, as king ^thelstan had promised him. And he
received from the king the earldom in Northumberland. But he conducted
himself there, by counsel of his wife, Gunnhild, so cruelly and harshly,
that he appeared scarcely to be endurable. Therefore he set out on warfare,
and on piracy, widely in the western lands ; and Eric fell in Spain, in
piracy. But Gunnhild betook herself afterwards to Denmark, to king
Harold. . . ."
' Fagrskinna, 26: "... yEthelstan gave Northumberland to king
Eric, as a place of refuge and of visitation [a/ fri'Slannde ok ivirsocji\.
Then Eric took baptism, and the true faith. . . ."
Eric's sons abandoned Christianity when they returned to Norway :
Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 32 ; H., Harold Greycloak, c. 2. Of. Odd's
Olafs Saga, ed. Munch, p. 2.
2 Of. the Tale of Ragnar's sons, in Hauksbok, ii, 463, 464. Cf. Ragnar's
Saga, 161-168.
Snorri's St Olafs Saga, c. 9, p. 9 : "[Eric] went first to the Orkneys;
and he took with him a great army. Then he sailed south to England, and
harried there, ^thelstan, king of the English, sent a message to Eric, and
bade him receive from him a kingdom in England ; and, to effect peace
between the brothers, Eric and Hakon, he would do this, and give [Eric]
Northumberland, which is called the fifth part of England. Then Eric
chose this, and he was king in Northumberland as long as he lived. Eric
fell in western piracy. . . ."
According to Jonsson's table of Egil's Saga's dates, Eric fled from
ERIC KING IN NORTHUMBRIA i57
Norway in 935 ; but the date deducible from the Agrip and Theoderic
would be 937.
Egil's Saga, c. 59, pp. 193-194: "Then [Eric] sailed with his army
south [from Orkney] along Scotland, and plundered there ; thence he
sailed south to England, and plundered there.
"And when king ^thelstan heard that, he collected an army, and
went against Eric. And when they met, an agreement was proposed
between them, and it was arranged that king ^thelstan gave to Eric
Northumberland to rule, but [Eric] was to be king ^thelstan's land-
defender against the Scots and Irish.
" King yEthelstan had made Scotland tributary under him, after the fall
of king Olaf ; but yet that people was always unfaithful \otrictf'\ to him.
" King Eric always resided in York. It is said that Gunnhild had a
charm made, and had, this spell put upon Egil Skallagrim's son, that he
should never have peace in Iceland until he should see her" (because she
wished to take revenge upon him).
"But in the summer [?937; but according to Jonsson's chronology of
the saga, in 935] in which Hakon and Eric had met and contended over
Norway, it was forbidden [to go] to other lands from Norway ; and no
ships came that summer to Iceland, and no news from Norway. Egil
Skallagrim's son remained at his farm ; but the second winter that he lived
at Borg, after the death of Skallagrim, Egil became melancholy, and his
distress grew greater as the winter passed. And when summer came "
[?938 ; according to Jonsson's table, 936] Egil announced that he intended
to make ready his ship for voyaging in the summer. So he took oarsmen,
intending to sail to England ; there were thirty men on board. Asgerd
[Egil's wife] remained behind, and took charge of their farm-stead : but
Egil purposed to go to king yEthelstan, and to claim fulfilment of the
promises which [jEthelstan] had made to Egil at their parting.
" Egil was not quickly ready, and when he put to sea the wind was
rather light ; autumn began to approach, and the weather became rough.
"They sailed past the north of the Orkneys. Egil would not land there,
because he thought that king Eric's dominion must extend everywhere in
the islands. Then they sailed south past Scotland, and had much storm
and unfavourable winds ; they beat up past Scotland, and so to the north of
England. . . ."
They were wrecked in Eric's dominions, saving all their men and some
of their cargo. In despair of evading Eric, Egil appealed to Arinbiorn.
Through Arinbiorn's support, by falsehood and by composing a song ("the
Head-ransom") in Eric's praise, Egil escaped from the vengeance of Eric
and Gunnhild (cc. 59-61). Arinbiorn went with Egil to yEthelstan in
London; Egil's men joined him there during the winter [? 938-939;
936-937 in Jonsson's table], (Egil's "Head-ransom" is in the Corpus
Poeticum, i, 267-271 ; J.S., i, A 35-39, B 30-33.)
Thorstein, son of Eric Very-wise, and Egil, asked ^thelstan to induce
his foster-son Hakon to give them back their lands in Norway. yEthelstan
asked Egil to be the commander of his army, and Egil promised to return
458 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
and Norwegians plundered often there, since they had lost
dominion in the land. Many names of the land there are given
in the Norse tongue : Grimsby, and Hawkfleet, and many
others.
[c. 4] The fall of king Eric}
King Eric had many supporters about him ; he kept there
many Norwegians, who had gone from the east with him ; and
besides, many of his friends had come since then from Norway.
But because he had little land,^ he went on warfare every
(c. 62). Thorstein and Egil went to Norway during the winter, and
succeeded in vindicating their claims (c. 63). Next summer [?939, as before]
Egil went to Iceland. "Egil was there at his farm [of Borg] for not very
few winters " (c. 66).
" Egil learned this news from east beyond the sea, that Eric Blood-axe
had fallen in western piracy [in 950, according to Jonsson's chronology of
the saga] ; and that Gunnhild and their sons had 'gone south to Denmark,
and that all the army that had followed Eric there had left England.
Arinbiorn had then come to Norway ; he had taken up the grants and
possessions that he had owned, and had come into great affection with
king [Hakon]. Now Egil thought the best thing to be done was to go to
Norway. These tidings also fallowed, that king ^thelstan was dead ; his
brother Edmund was then ruling over England" (c. 67, pp. 221-222).
(Edmund reigned 939-946.)
Egil passed the winter with Arinbiorn ; they plundered together next
summer and autumn, in Saxony and Friesland. Then Arinbiorn joined his
foster-son, Harold Greycloak, Eric's son, in Denmark, and remained with
him. (Arinbiorn became Harold's commander-in-chief; see c. 78, p. 260.)
Egil returned to Norway, and passed the winter with Thorstein, son of
Arinbiorn's sister, Thora, in the Vik (c. 69). Egil collected taxes for Hakon
in Vermaland (c. 74). In the summer he sailed north along Norway, and
across to Iceland ; he passed the winter in Borg (c. 76), and never afterwards
left Iceland (c. 78, p. 260). It is implied that king Hakon (t96i) reigned
for a long time [after Egil went back to Iceland]. Therefore Egil's Saga
supports the chronology of the Heimskringla.
The sagas cannot stand against the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in the
chronology of English events of this period ; and yet there is doubt,
because the Norwegians had special reason to be interested in the history
of England at this time : king Eric had gone to England and become
a ruler there, while his successor in Norway, king Hakon the Good, was
the foster-son of ^thelstan. See below.
Egil's Saga, c. 85, p. 291 : "In the earlier days of Hakon the Mighty"
(who reigned 976-995), "Egil Skallagrim's son was in his eighties. . . ."
Therefore Egil was born 886 x 896.
1 Cf Frisbok, 66-67.
^ Cf Fagrskinna, 27.
EXPEDITION OF ERIC 459
summer/ and plundered in Scotland and the Hebrides, Ireland
and Wales, and thus carried off treasure for himself.
King ^thelstan died of disease ; he had been king for
fourteen winters, and eight weeks, and three days.^ After that,
his brother Edmund was king in England. He cared not for
the Norwegians ; king Eric was not in favour with him, and
the word passed about that king Edmund would put another
king over Northumberland. And when king Eric learned that,
he went into western piracy^; and he took with him from the
Orkneys Arnkel and Erlend, sons of Turf-Einar. Then he
went to the Hebrides ; and there were many vikings and war-
kings there, and they joined the army of king Eric. Then he
proceeded with the whole army first to Ireland, and got from
there as many men as he could. Then he sailed to Wales, and
^ Therefore Eric became king more than one year before yEthelstan's
death (.'.937x938). If this is correct, we know from the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle that he must have been deposed in 941, soon after yEthelstan's
death ; he may have gone then, as the sagas say, to the Hebrides. If so, he
reoccupied Northumbria from 952 to 954 ; he was driven out, and probably
fell, in 954.
An elegy was made for king Eric by Gunnhild's command : a remarkable
fragment of it is preserved (F., 27-30; J.S., i, A 174-175, B 164-166;
Corpus Poeticum Boreale, i, 260-261). Eric is there said to have fallen
with five other kings.
Eric had plundered in western Scotland before he became king of
Norway ; F., 30 (quoting Glum Geirason). According to Olaf Tryggvi's
son's Saga, c. 3 (F.S., i, 8), and H., Harold Fairhair, c. 33 : "When Eric
was twelve winters old, king Harold gave him five long-ships ; and he
sailed in warfare, first in the eastern way, and then south about Denmark
and Friesland and Saxony. And he passed four winters in this expedition.
After that, he sailed west beyond the sea, and harried about Scotland and
Wales \_Bretla7td'\, Ireland and France [ Vallancf[ ; and he passed there
other four winters. After that, he sailed north to Finnmark, and as far as
Biarmaland. . . ." On this last voyage he is said to have found Gunnhild,
whom he married. See below, p. 461.
^ See above, year 939.
5 The sagas imply that Eric left Northumbria soon after jEthelstan's
death [1939] (in ?94i ; see below), and that he fell in Edmund's reign
(.■.939x946). The facts seem to be that he left Northumbria in the
beginning of Edmund's reign, but returned and was killed during Eadred's
reign. See below, 950x955, note. Below (950x955) we deduce from
Heimskringla and Fagrskinna that Eric fell in Hakon's i6th year on the
throne ; i.e., in 950, according to the sagas' chronology. This is a more
nearly correct date than that which the sagas' story implies. This incon-
sistency weakens the sagas' case.
460 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
plundered there. After that, he sailed south into England, and
plundered there as in other places ; and wherever he went, all
the people fled.^
And because Eric was a great man of valour, and had a
great army, he trusted so much to his army that he went far
up into the land, and plundered, and looked for men.
Olaf^ was the name of a king whom king Edmund had
' This must have been in 952. See below.
2 This is not in agreement with the more trustworthy account given by
the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. It is there said that ^thelstan had become
king of Northumbria in 926 (D) ; but in 941, after his death, "the
Northumbrians forsook their allegiance, and chose as their king Olaf of
Ireland" (D). Olaf died in 942 (EF). With this account, cf. S.D., ii, 197 :
"The last king of that province [of the Northumbrians] was Eric, whom
the Northumbrians made their king, violating the oath that they had sworn
to king Eadred. Offended by this, the king ordered that the whole province
should be completely laid waste. Their king was expelled, and slain by
Maccus, the son of Olaf; and the Northumbrians immediately appeased
king Eadred with oaths and gifts ; the province being committed to earl
Oswulf . . ." (See E.G., 77, note.) According to the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle, king Edmund received Olaf [Sigtrygg's son] and Ronald
[Godfrey's son], at their baptism, in 943 (ABD ; 942, C) ; but in 944
(ABCDE) he drove these kings out of Northumbria ; and he conquered
the Danes of Cumbria in the following year. In 945, according to A.U.,
Olaf became king of Dublin (i, 464 ; s.a. 944 or 945=945).
Version D of A.S.G. (here fuller than the other versions) says, under
948 : " In this year, king Eadred harried all the Northumbrians' land,
because they had taken Eric as their king ; and then was burnt, in this
harrying, the great monastery at Ripon, which St Wilfrith had built. And
while the king was [returning] homewards, the army from within York
overtook him — the rear of the king's army being at Ghesterford — and made
great slaughter there. Then the king became so angry that he determined
to march in again, and destroy that land entirely. When the Northumbrians'
council perceived that, they forsook Eric, and they made reparation for the
deed to king Eadred." (Cf E.G., year 946 ; p. 75 note ; p. 77.) S.D. dates
this reign of Eric 949-950.
Under 949, versions E and F of A.S.G. say : " In this year Olaf Guaran
came to Northumberland." Versions ABCD are blank. According to
A.U., Olaf Guaran led the Danes of Dublin in 947 ; Godfrey, Sigtrygg's
son, led them in 951 (i, 464, 468 ; s.aa. 946 or 947, and 950 or 951).
In the year-section that contains the depredations of 951 (above), and
immediately after them, the Annals of Glonmacnoise say (156, s.a. 946):
"Olaf was king of York for a year after" ; i.e., 951-952.
Under 952, versions E and F of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle say: "In
this year the Northumbrians drove out king Olaf, and received Eric,
Harold's son." (ABC are blank, D has other affairs.)
DEATH OF ERIC 461
placed there, to protect the land. He drew together an over-
whelming army, and went to engage with king Eric. A great
battle took place there, and many English men fell ; but where
one fell, three came down from the land in his place ; and in
the latter part of the day the slaying went against the
Norwegians, and many men fell there. And at the end of that
day king Eric fell, and five kings with him.^
These are their names : Guthorm, and his two sons, Ivar
and Harek; there fell also Sigurd and Ronald. There fell
also Arnkel and Erlend, sons of Turf-Einar. A very great
slaughter of the Norwegians took place there ; but those who
escaped sailed to Northumberland, and told these tidings to
Gunnhild and her sons.^
Under 954, versions DEF have: "In this year the Northumbrians
drove out Eric, and [king (F)] Eadred seized the kingdom of the
Northumbrians." Eadred was king of the English from 946 (A.S.C.,
ABCD ; 948, EF) to 955 (ADEF ; 956, BC), November 23rd (AF).
If the king who defeated Eric was named Olaf, he must have been Olaf
Cuaran, Sigtrygg's son. See year 980.
For the suppression of the kingdom of Northumbria, and appointment
of the first earl, Oswulf, in 952, see S.D. (cf. below, year 1073, note).
1 Similarly in F., 27: "Eric had so great an army, that five kings
followed him ; because Eric was a valiant man, and victorious. Then he
trusted so much to himself and his force, that he went far up on land ; and
he went everywhere with warfare. Then came against him king Olaf;
he was a tributary king of king Edmund. They fought, and Eric was
routed by the army of the land ; and he fell there, with all his force. And
there fell with him the sons of Turf-Einar, Arnkel and Erlend. . . ."
^ Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 12 (F.S., i, 19-20), and H., Harold Fair-
hair, c. 44 : " Eric was a big man, and handsome, strong and valiant ; a
great warrior, and victorious ; a very impetuous man in disposition, cruel,
unfriendly, and silent.
" Gunnhild, his wife, was a very beautiful woman ; wise, and with much
knowledge, pleasant-speaking, and very guileful, and the cruellest person.
"The children of Eric and Gunnhild were these : Gamli was the oldest ;
Guthorm, Harold, Ragnfrod, Ragnhild, Erling, Godfrey, Sigurd Slefa.
All Eric's children were handsome and manly." Cf Historia Norwegiae,
Storm's Monumenta, 105 ; F., 23-24 ; Snorri's St Olafs Saga, 9.
Cf. Agrip, c. 5 (F.S., X, 380).
See year 956, below.
A fairy-tale is told about Gunnhild in Olafs Saga, c. 3 ; Fl., i, 43 ; H.,
Harold Fairhair, c. 33. According to the sagas, she was a daughter of
Ozur Toti (Ozur Lafskeg, in Agrip, u.s.) of Halogaland, and was said to
have been found by Eric in Finnmark. Cf Egil's Saga, c. yj, p. no;
F., 23.
462 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
[c. 5] The voyage of Gunnhild' s sons}
When Gunnhild [and her sons] were aware of this, that king
Eric had fallen, and had previously harried the dominion of the
English king, they thought it certain that no peace would be
offered them there; so they set out at once from Northumberland,
taking all the ships that king Eric had had ; they had also all
the people that would follow them, and movable property which
had been got together in taxes in England, and some had been
taken in warfare.
They proceeded with their followers north to the Orkneys,
and they established themselves there for a time. The earl
there was Thorfinn Skull-cleaver, Turf-Einar's son.
Then Eric's sons took under themselves the Orkneys and
Shetland, and had the taxes from them ; and they abode there
in the winters; and they sailed into western piracy in the
summers, and plundered in Scotland and Ireland.' . . .
950x955
Heimskringla, Hakon the Good's Saga, c. 9 ^
Of king Tryggvi.
That same autumn,* king Tryggvi, Olaf's son, came [to
Gunnhild is said to have been a relative of Catroe ; see the Life of
Catroe, above, p. 441.
Theoderic says that Gunnhild was the sister of Harold, Gorm's son ;
the Historia Norwegiae says: "... Eric . . . acquired the kingdom,
marrying a wife from Denmark, Gunnhilda by name, an evil-doing"
{maleficamj perhaps "spell-working") "and most wicked woman, the
daughter of the most foolish Gorm, king of the Danes, and of Thyra, a
very prudent woman" (Storm's Monumenta, 105). In this, these 12th
century works may be preferred to the sagas' fairy-tale.
1 Cf. Frisbok, 67.
2 Here is a verse-quotation of 16 lines, from Glum Geirason ("in
Grafeldar-drapa," according to Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga). These lines
say that Harold had fought successfully in Scotland. Cf Corpus Poeticum
Boreale, ii, 39 ; J.S., i, A 75 ; B 65-66.
Eric's sons left Orkney in or before 955 (see below). If they left
Northumbria after Eric's death, they can hardly have passed more than
one winter in Orkney : but it seems more probable that they had left
Northumbria when Eric was driven the first time from that land (940 x 941).
2 Similarly in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 18 (F.S., i, 28 ; FL, i, 53).
Cf Fr., 69.
■* The year of Hakon's invasion of Jutland, after Eric's death in England.
Fagrskinna, 32 : "In the 17th year of his reign, [king Hakon] gave the
ERIC'S SONS IN ORKNEY 463
Norway] from western piracy ; he had been plundering there,
in Ireland and Scotland.
In the spring, Hakon went north in the land, and set king
Tryggvi, his brother's son, over the Vik, to protect it from
dispeace, and to possess such lands as he could of those that
king Harold had made tributary in Denmark, the previous
summer. . . }
Agrip af Noregs Konungasogum, cc. 14-15 ; Fornmanna
Sogur, vol. X, pp. 390 391
But after [Tryggvi's] fall, Astrid, whom Tryggvi had married
in the Uplands, fled away to the Orkneys, with Olaf, her son
and Tryggvi's, three winters old, to escape the wiles of Gunn-
hild and her sons, and also of earl Hakon ; these were all still
struggling for Norway, because Gunnhild's sons were not yet
taken from life.
And she came to the Orkneys with three ship's-crews. But
name of king to his brother's son, Tryggvi, son of Olaf, Harold's son ; and
gave him dominion in the Vik eastwards." Hakon's 17th year was 951,
according to the sagas ; perhaps 953 in reality. But since Tryggvi returned
after Eric's death (954 x ), his appointment must have been made in or
after 955.
' 8 lines of verse are quoted here. They say that Tryggvi "had come
thither before, guilelessly, in ships, with a sea-army, from the Irish."
(These lines are said to have been taken from Guthorm Sindri's Hakonar-
drapa, in Olafs Saga, F.S., i, 29 ; cf. Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ii, 21 ; J.S., i,
A 62 ; B 55-56.)
King Hakon had appointed Tryggvi and Godfrey, his brother Olafs
sons, kings over districts in Norway, in the first winter of his reign : they
were then children (H., Hakon the Good, c. 2. Cf Snorri's St Olafs Saga,
p. 8). This was in 938, according to the Icelandic Annals (BD ; 933, AC) :
but more probably in 937 (see above, p. 427).
Hakon now [?955] placed Tryggvi "over the Vik eastwards" (Egil's
Saga, c. 76, p. 251) ; and he had to resist Eric's sons, but was defeated by
Godfrey, who took his kingdom (956 x ).
The death of Tryggvi, and birth of his son Olaf, are placed in 969 by
the Icelandic Annals (KBD ; 968, CA). Cf. Olafs Saga, c. 36 ; H., Harold
Greycloak, c. 9.
According to the sagas, Tryggvi's wife Astrid fled with her infant son,
Olaf, to her father, Eric Biodaskald, in Ofrostadir ; and afterwards to
Sweden, to Hakon the Old ; then to Russia, to her brother, Eric. H.,
Olaf Tryggvi's son, cc.i, ff. Odd's Olafs Saga, ed. Munch, pp. 4, ff. Fl., i.,
71, ff.
464 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
because her journey could not be concealed, and many deceits
could be practised, she sent the child away with the man that
some called Thorolf Lusarskegg ; and he brought the child
secretly to Norway, and conveyed it with a large following to
Sweden ; and from Sweden he wished to go to Holmgardr,
because some of his kindred were there ; but Esthonians fell
upon the ship that he was in, and some of its people were killed,
some taken war-prisoners. His fosterer was killed, but he was
made prisoner of war upon the island that is called Osyssel,
and was then sold as a slave.
[c. 15] But God, who had chosen this child for great things,
arranged his liberation in this way : a man came to Esthonia,
a messenger from the king of Holmgardr ; he was sent to take
tax from the land. And he was a relative of the child, and
ransomed his relative, and brought him to Holmgardr ; and he
was there for a while, in such a way that not many men had
knowledge of his descent. . . }
956
Heimskringia, Hakon the Good's Saga, c. 10^
0/ Gunnhild' s sons.
King Harold, Gorm's son, then reigned over Denmark. He
was greatly displeased that king Hakon had plundered in his
land,^ and the word went round that the Danish king would
' He made known who he was by killing the slayer of his foster-
father, Thorolf. Soon afterwards he got some followers and took to war-
fare. See below, years 993-995.
The Historia Norwegiae says that Olaf was not yet born when Tryggvi
died; and that "Astrid, now with child, went to the Orkneys with three
ships, and a fitting company ; and was there most loyally afforded a retreat.
And the fortunate mother brought forth a son, a future king, whom she
named Olaf Through him, Norway at last received Christ's most whole-
some commands" (Storm's Monumenta, iii).
Olaf's birth is dated in 969 (and the 32nd year of the emperor Otho the
Great [967-968], and the first year of the reign of king Edward [975]), in
FL, i, 71.
2 Similarly in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga (c. 19, F.S. i, 29-30 ; c. 18,
FI. i, 53-54)- Cf the reconstructed part of c. 8 of the Orkneyinga Saga,
i, II. C£ Fr., 69-70.
3 Hakon had invaded Jutland in retaliation for Danish marauding
in the Vik.
Harold Blue-tooth, Gorm's son, was king of Denmark, according to
ERIC'S SONS IN DENMARK 465
wish to take revenge ; but yet that did not take place so
quickly.
When Gunnhild and her sons learned this, that there was
discord between Denmark and Norway, they prepared their
journey from the west. They gave Ragnhild, king Eric's
daughter, to Arnfinn, son of Thorfinn Skull-cleaver; and
Thorfinn established himself as earl in the Orkneys, • when
Eric's sons departed. Gamli, Eric's son, was by somewhat
the eldest of them, yet he was not a full-grown man.^
And when Gunnhild came to Denmark with her sons, she
went to visit king Harold, and received a good welcome there.
Harold gave them so great gifts in his kingdom that they were
well able to support themselves and their men. And he took
into fostering Harold, Eric's son, and set him on his knee^; he
was brought up in the court of the Danish king. Some of
Eric's sons went upon warfare, as soon as they were old enough,
and procured wealth for themselves. They plundered in the
east-way.^ . . .
the Icelandic Annals, from 936 (D ; 940, I) to 1985 (KBODA ; 976, E).
But Harold reigned for 47 winters, according to the Jomsvikinga Saga,
c. 21 ; and died in [992], according to Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 86
(F.S., i, 164), of a wound received in battle with his son, Sven Forkbeard,
who succeeded him (ibid., cc. 84, 85). Cf. H., Olaf Tryggvi's son, c. 34.
These sagas therefore imply that Harold reigned in Denmark from 945 to
992. (Knytlinga Saga says that Harold reigned for fifty winters ; c. 4, F.S.,
xi, 183. Cf. F.S., xi, 419.)
^ From this it is clear that none of Eric's sons was old enough for
warfare in the beginning of Edmund's reign ; they could not then have
fought on their father's side, and would probably not have remained in
Northumbria after Eric had left it (? 939x941). They probably went to
Orkney after Eric's first departure from Northumbria. They went from
Orkney to Denmark soon after Eric's death (.'. 954 x ).
The sagas consistently leave a long interval between Eric's death and
his sons' invasion of Norway. Their evidence cannot outweigh that of the
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for events that occurred in England. To reconcile
their conflicting accounts, we must conjecture that the sagas have cut short
the interval between Eric's first departure from Northumbria and his
return and death, and have erred in saying that Eric died before his sons
left England.
2 I.e., adopted him.
3 Afterwards they plundered in Norway also (H., Hakon, cc. 10, 19, 20 ff).
Fagrskinna omits mention of the visit of Eric's sons to Orkney ; pp.
30-31: "Then Gunnhild went away from England, with her sons, to
Denmark. She got a place of refuge there from king Harold, Gorm's
2 G
466 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
son. He took Eric's son Harold into fosterage, and set him on his knee ;
and [Harold] was ever within the court. But Gamli and Guthorm took
to warfare, first in the eastern way and then in Norway ; and they did all
the evil they could in the dominion of king Hakon."
"When Hakon had been king in Norway for 20 winters," according to
Heimskringla (i.e., in 957), Eric's sons fought a battle with king Hakon at
Rastarkilfr ; and Gamli, the oldest of the brothers, was killed (H., Hakon,
cc. 22-26). Similarly also in Olafs Saga, c. 25 ; and in Fl., i, 58. But
F. (32) says this was "in the 20th year" of Hakon's reign (i.e., 956-957) ;
and Frisbok's text of Heimskringla reads (76) : " when king Hakon had
been 20 winters in Norway" (i.e., in 956) ; and the date 956 is supported
by Theoderic.
Harold Greycloak was now the oldest son of Eric.
"When Hakon had been king for 26 winters" (H., U.S., c. 28), i.e. in 961
(so also in Olafs Saga, c. 26 ; and Fl.), Eric's sons were defeated in battle
at Stord ; but king Hakon was wounded to death, and the kingdom passed
to Harold Greycloak, with his mother and brothers (H., u.s., cc. 28-32 ;
Olafs Saga, cc. 26-30 ; Fl., i, 59-62 ; F., 35-49). An elegy by Eyvind
Finn's son upon king Hakon is preserved ; Corpus Poeticum Boreale,
i, 262-266 ; J.S., i, A 64-68 ; B 57-60.
Snorri's St Olafs Saga (c. 10, p. 9) says that " Hakon ruled over
Norway for 27 [years]." Similarly in the Historia Norwegiae. Both
these include in the number Hakon's first year in Norway, without the
kingly title.
Theoderic says (c. 4; Storm's Monumenta, pp. 9-10): "Hakon . . .
reigned for 25 years. . . . He reigned in peace for 19 years ; after that,
his brother's sons rose up against him. . . . This war between them lasted
for 5 years. . . ." According to these figures, Eric's sons began to invade
Norway in 956, and must have left Orkney before that date. This is the
most trustworthy account ; and it agrees very well with the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle's date of Eric's death (954 x ).
Agrip, c. 5, F.S., X, 382 : " After [Hakon] had held Norway for 15 winters
in friendship and peace, the sons of Eric Blood-axe invaded Norway. . . ."
This places the beginning of their invasion of Norway in 952.
Similarly the Agrip (c. 6) says that Eric's sons' final battle with king
Hakon [in 961] was fought "nine winters' space after the brothers had
come to Norway in war " ; if this were correct, they must have left Orkney
before 952. (See above, p. 462.) In agreement with this, the Icelandic
Annals place Gamli's death in 953 (CDA) ; but these dates are too
early.
Cf also Egil's Saga, c. 67, where it is said that Eric had fallen, and that
Gunnhild and Eric's sons were in Denmark, before king Edmund's death
(t 946).
All accounts agree that Gunnhild's sons did not invade Norway until
after Eric's death ; and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle shows that Eric did not
die before 954.
According to the Icelandic Annals, Harold Greycloak, Eric's son, was
KING HAROLD GREYCLOAK 467
born in 928 (CDA) ; became king with his brothers in 961 (KBODE ;
960, CA) ; and fell in 976 (KBODE ; 975, CA).
Harold Greycloak reigned for 15 winters, according to Olafs Saga,
c. 53, F.S., i, 89 ; for 12, according to cc. 59, 470, of the Flatey-book version
(Fl. i, 85, 583), and in Theoderic, c. 4 (Storm's Monumenta, 10 ; for xii
read xu " 15 "?) ; for 14, in Historia Norwegiae (ibid., 107).
Fagrskinna, Harold Greycloak, c. 13, p. 57 : "King Harold Greycloak
was always out in the summers with his army, to various countries. . . .
He went with his army south to Denmark. . . . Another time he plundered
west in Scotland and in Ireland, and had the advantage in both places. A
third summer he went with his army east to Gothland. . . ."
A vassal of Harold Greycloak was Asgrim, who held half of the
Faroes under him. Asgrim's wife was Gudrid, a daughter of Snasulf,
a Hebridean (fl. ?9So), who "had fled from the Hebrides because of
a killing, and his quarrelsomeness" (Faereyinga Saga, p. 16).
PART XVI II
Reigns of Indulf, Dub, and Culen
959
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 474. s.a. 958 or 959 = 959
. . Dubduin, successor of Columcille, . . . [diedj.i
962
Chronicon Scotorum, p. 214, Hennessy's year 960 = 962
Indulf,2 j^ing of Scotland, died.^
954-962
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 10
Indulf held the kingdom for eight years. In his time, the
fortress of Eden* was evacuated, and abandoned to the Scots
until the present day.
A fleet of vikings^ were slain in Buchan.
1 Similarly in P.M., ii, 676, s.a. 957 = 959 (and "the 3vd year of Donald,"
Muirchertach's son, sovereign of Ireland). But they repeat the event under
the succeeding year ( = 960), ii, 678, thus : " Dubduin, grandson of Stephen,
and successor of Columcille, . . . died."
C.S., 212, Hennessy's year 958 = 959 : "Dubduin, Columcille's successor,
reposed."
" He was of the Cinel Fergusa, a branch of the Cinel Eoghain (Book
of Lecan, fo. 64)," Reeves, Adamnan, 394.
^ Illulbh. Iwulfe in Annals of Clonmacnoise.
Indulf seems to have died very early in the year. See year 966, note.
^ Similarly in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, 157, s.a. 956 = 962.
* Oppidum Eden. Since this chronicle is written in Latin, it is not
certain that the d of Eden was aspirated. If it was aspirated, the name
would have been a translation of Cair-eden. Qi. Cormac's Capitula in
Gildas's De Excidio Britanniae ; M.G.H., Auctores, xiii, 18, " Kair Eden, a
most ancient city, about two miles distant from the monastery of Abercurnig,
which is now called Abercorn." The modern Abercorn is 4 miles east of
Blackness in Carriden parish. Blackness had an important position at the
4G8
KING INDULF. CARRIDEN ANNEXED 469
end of the Roman wall ; and it seems to be the place intended by the
writer of the Capitiila. Carriden is therefore the modern form of
Cair-Eden, although it is scarcely the form we should have expected that
name to take.
There was a castle near the Eden, in Fife. It is called Etheneburc etc.
in charters. This was within Scottish territory ; and there is no reason to
suppose that it had been occupied by Danes.
If the d of {Oppiduni) Eden was unaspirated, the name might have
been a translation of Dun-etin, a postulable name of Edinburgh (see year
ca. 640).
^ Classi Somarlidioruni ; read classts, a fleet ? The Icelandic word
sicmarlidi meant viking, i.e. invader, not settler ; see Cleasby-Vigfusson,
s.v. ; cf. S.C.S., i, 365. Skene understood that the fleet of the sons of Eric
Blood-axe was meant (S.C.S., i, 365-366, note). The remnants of Eric's
army went with Gunnhild from Northumbria to Orkney, probably in 954 ;
they left Orkney before 956. They might have plundered in Scotland
(954x956), but this is uncertain.
An instance of an invasion of Denmark by Norwegians settled in
Aberdeenshire occurs in the fabulous Hrolfs Saga Sturlaugssonar, c. 8
(Fomaldar Sogur, iii, 259-260) :
"A man was named Tryggvi, and was Ulfkel's son ; he belonged, to a
family in Buchan-side, in Scotland \hann var cettd&r af Btikafisy^ic af
Skotlandi id S., in MS. B)]. He was the greatest champion and berserk ;
he remained at sea with many ships, both winter and summer. He had
a foster-brother, who was called Vazi" (" Vaxi" in MS. B) ; "he was also
the most giant-like man, in regard both to his size and to his strength.
Thorgny had killed Tryggvi's father, when he was on piracy.
"Tryggvi had now got twelve ships, and all well equipped with men
and weapons ; he proceeded with this army to Denmark, and wished to
avenge his father on earl Thorgny. Vazi was with him, and many another
warrior. As soon as they came to the dominion of earl Thorgny, they
proceeded in warlike fashion, and plundered the inhabited lands, and slew
men, and robbed all the treasure they came to. And when the earl
learned these tidings, he sent out the war-arrow, and summoned an army
to him ; but because he was old, he set over the army as captains [Going-]
Hrolf [Sturlaug's son], and Stefni. This was in the second winter, when
Hrolf was first in Denmark.
"Then Hrolf and his followers went against Tryggvi, and he had ten
ships. They met beside an uninhabited island ; they had curt speech, and
began to fight at once. Tryggvi and Vazi had a great dragon[-ship] ; they
were very vehement ; it was difficult to get up on the dragon, for its height
above water. They threw down stones from the dragon upon Hrolf and his
men ; many men of the force of Stefni and his followers fell, and many
were wounded, and then the battle turned against their men. . . ."
Going-Hrolf (Sturlaug's son) saved the battle for the Danes. For
Tryggvi's adventures, see ibid., pp. 260-262, 319-321. Tryggvi killed
Thorgny in another battle, but afterwards he too fell.
470 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
954-962
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 151
Indulf, Constantine's son, reigned for nine years ; and he
was killed by the Norwegians in Inver-cullen,^ and was buried
in the island of lona.^
954-962
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, p. 225, s.a. 952 ^
Malcolm, king of the Scots, was slain.
"After him, Indulf reigned for the same number of years*;
he was the son of Constantine, Aed's son. Fighting in battle
at the mouth of the river Cullen,^ he perished immediately by
the swords of the Danes." '^
954-962
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 1 58-161, in Skene's Picts and
Scots, pp. 93-94
A gpod king will again take Scotland, after a good father.'
Woe to his enemies through the son,^ whose name is the
Aggressor.^
' Innercolan, D ; liter tolan, F ; Innircolan, G ; Invertolan, I. I.e.,
" the mouth of the Cullen " ?
^ Similarly in versions F (ibid., 174), G (302), I (289).
K reads (205) : " Indulf, Constantine's son, reigned for 10 years ; and he
was killed by the Norwegians." Similarly in N (306), but with the reading
" 9 years."
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 62 : « Indulf [londolbk] [had] eight
[years] of sovereignty."
Cf. Fordun, IV, 25.
3 Also in P. & S., 179 (MS. B).
* I.e. 9 years.
'' Collin. B reads Colli.
" The passage in inverted commas is in verse in the original.
' dath athar, attracted to dathrach (for d' atkarach) in the previous line.
Read dagh athar. This father appears to have been Constantine II
(see year 942).
8 lais an jnac, MS. a, changed by O'Connell (wrongly) to lais a much,
the reading of MS. b.
^ an t-ionsaighthecJi. This is the iith king mentioned after Kenneth;
he appears to be Indulf, Constantine's son.
KING INDULF. ABBOT DUNCAN 471
Alas for Britons and Saxons, in his time ; in the time of
the Aggressor, of splendid weapons. Joy to Scots, through
him ; both the people and the church.
Scotland of boats (?),i long and white, cuts no curtailment
from him ; she will find more for him, from a foreign land,
by force.
He ^ has nine years and a half in the sovereignty of Scotland
(a bright period); he dies in the house ^ of the same holy
apostle, where his father will die.
963
Annals of the Pour Masters, vol. ii, p. 682,
s.a. 961 =963''
Fothad, Bran's son, scribe, and bishop of the islands of
Scotland, [died].^
964
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 47?,, s.a. 963 or 964 = 964''
Dubscuile, Kenneth's son, Columcille's successor, reposed.''
965
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 480, s.a. 964 = 965
A battle [took place] among the men of Scotland themselves,
and there many were slain, including Duncan, the abbot of
Dunkeld.^
'■ Ni gerraidh gearradh agii \ Alba ethrach \fK\ind-fh6da. In MS. b the
rhyming words are aga, fhionn-Jhada. For gerraidh (MS. b gkearraidh)
read gherra or gherrfa. For agu read oca. With ethrach (''of boats")
cf. eathar-bhinn in stanza 134 ; year 889. O'Connell has changed ethrach
in MS. a to etracht ("brilliant"), and has added in MS. b (which reads
eathrach) the note edroct fhion7i-fhoda. etrocht may be the correct reading ;
cf. stanza 165, year 971.
2 For dhoibh reading dho.
8 Apparently St Andrews ; see year 943.
* And "the 7th year of Donald," sovereign of Ireland.
^ This was presumably the head of the lona community. Cf. below,
year 966.
^ With the marginal note " bissextile."
' So also in C.S., 214, Hennessy's year 962.
8 See the Chronicle of the Kings, version A ; below, pp. 472-473-
472 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
96s
Ohronicon Scotorum, p. 216; Hennessy's year 963 = 965
Aed, Maelmithid's son, died in pilgrimage^; that is to say,
in St Andrews.'^
966
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, versions DEF, s.a. 966
In this year Thored, Gunner's son, ravaged Westmoreland.
966
Ohronicon Scotorum, 216, Hennessy's year 964 = 966
Fingin, bishop of the community of lona, reposed.^
966
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 480, s.a. 966 or 967 = 967 *
Dub, Malcolm's son, the king of Scotland, was killed by the
Scots themselves.
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 10
Dub,5 Malcolm's son, reigned for five years.
Bishop Fothach rested.
[A battle was fought] between Dub and Culen," upon the
1 So far, also in F.M., ii, 686, s.a. 963 = 965 (and "the oth year of
Donald").
^ hi Cind ri\^monaidh.
In the previous year-section, p. 214 : " Muirchertach, son of Congalach,
son of Maelmithid, was killed by his brother, Donald, by mishap"
iinfeliciter). This follows the death of Dubscuile, above.
A.U., i, 478-450, s.a. 963 or 964 = 964 : "Muirchertach, the royal heir of
Tara, son of Congalach, son of Maelmithid, was slain by Donald,
Congalach's son." So also in F.M., ii, 684.
Congalach, king of Ireland, fell in 956. Maelmithid, king of Brega, fell
with king Niall, Aed's son, at Dublin, in 919. (A.U.)
^ F.M., ii, 686, s.a. 964 = 966 (and "the loth year of Donald") : "Fingin,
anchorite and bishop of lona, died."
* The first event in the year-section. It ought apparently to have been
entered under the previous year ; see below.
^ Niger; i.e. Dub, "the Black."
" Canicuhun; i.e.- Culen, "the Whelp."
KINGS DUB AND CULEN 473
ridge of Crupi; and in it Dub had victory. And there fell
Duncan, abbot of Dunkeld, and Dub-don[d], lord 2 of Athole.
Dub was driven from the kingdom, and Culen held it for a
short time. Donald, son of Cairell, died.
962-966
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 151
Dub, Malcolm's son, reigned for four years and six months ;
and he was killed in Forres, and hidden away under the bridge
of Kinloss. But the sun did not appear so long as he was
concealed there ; and he was found, and buried in the island
of lona.*
962-966
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle
of Melrose, pp. 32, 225-226, s.a. 961 *
Indulf, king of the Scots, was slain. And after him, " king
Dub reigned for four summers and a half; a son of Malcolm,
wielding royal authority. Him the treacherous nation of Moray
^ super dorsum Crup. Cf. the name Duncrub, in Dunning parish
Perthshire.
^ Satrapas ; i.e., governor of a province.
^ Similarly in versions FGIKN (174, 302, 289, 205, 306) ; but F omits
"and he was found," and I reads instead "and he vi^as killed." K reads :
" He v?as found, and carried to the island of lona, where all his ancestors
from Kenneth, Alpin's son, had been buried, excepting him who was abbot
of St Andrews." N omits the place of concealment, and the place of
burial.
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 63 : " Seven years of Dub-fota the
vehement."
It is implied that the sun was eclipsed on the day of Dub's death, or in
the morning after that day. According to L'Art de Verifier les Dates,
there was an eclipse in 966, on July 20th, at 4 p.m., Paris time ; and there
seems to have been no other eclipse visible in Scotland within the possible
period. If he died on 20th July, 966, after reigning 4 years and 6 months,
he would have succeeded in January, 962. The length of his reign is not
to be accepted literally, but he must have become king early in 962.
Fordun (IV, 26) says that he was surprised by robbers at night,
dragged from bed, and murdered.
* Also in P. & S., 179.
474 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
slew ; he was slain by their swords in the town of Forres. The
sun hid his rays while [Dub] lay hidden under a bridge, where
he was concealed, and where he was found." ^
962-966
Eerchan's Prophecy, stanzas 162-164, in Skene's Picts and
Scots, pp. 94-95
After that,^ two kings reign over Scotland, both of them
plundering equally ^ : the White and the Black together.* Alas
for [the land] that takes them in joint sovereignty !
They have nine years in their reign : alas for the land
that takes them as equals ! Scotland will suffer through it ;
alas for those who wait for them !
One of these kings will go upon a futile expedition, across
Muna in the plain of Fortriu.^ Though he goes, he will not
come back again. Dub of the three black verses will fall.
969
Annals of the Four Masters, vol. ii, p. 692, s.a. 967 = 969
The plundering of Kells by Sigtrygg, Olafs son, lord of
the Foreigners ; and by Murchaid, Find's son, king of Leinster.
And Donald, Niall's grandson, king of Ireland, overtook and
defeated them.
970
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 482, s.a. 969 or 970 = 970
Kells was plundered by Olaf Cuaran.''
^ The passage in inverted commas is in verse in the original.
^ After the death of Indulf (apparently) ; year 962.
^ inn dhis doibh a ccomhargain, MS. a. Read in dis [an Dis, MS. b).
* fio7m is dubh (read ocus for is ? The line lacks one syllable). This is
the 1 2th reign mentioned after Kenneth's. Culen and Dub appear to be
meant. Their reigns extended over nine years, the period mentioned in
the Prophecy.
^ Or " into the plain of Fortriu " (dar Mima i maigh Fortrenti). Since
i is not elided, Miina is probably for Monaidh (cf the -munid^ -mujied, in
the charter spellings of Kilrimund, Balrymonth, and Kinninmonth) ; an
inflected case of Moin, or else a Pictish cognate of Welsh mynydd. Cf.
m6na\idl{\ in Berchan's stanza 184 (below, year 1034 ; and note). The
" plain of Fortriu " should mean the southern part of Strathmore. Perhaps
the magh mhonaidh which appears to be used in later poetry as a synonym
of Scotland was originally the same district as magh Fortrenn.
8 F.M., vol. ii, p. 692, s.a. 968 = 970: "Kells was plundered by Olaf
KINGS DUB AND CULEN 475
971
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 484, s.a. 970 or 971 =971
Culen, Indulf'si [son], king of Scotland, was killed by
Britons ^ in a field of battle.^
971
Chronicon Scotorum, p. 218, Hennessy's year 969
Culen, Indulf's son,* king of Scotland, was killed by Britons
in a house on fire.^
966-971
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 10
Culenring ^ reigned for five years.
Marcan, son of Breodalach, was slain in the church of
St Michael.
Leot and Sluagadach went forth to Rome.
Bishop Maelbrigte rested.
Cellach, son of Ferdalach, reigned.
Maelbrigte, son of Dubican, died.
Culen and his brother, Eochaid, were slain by the Britons.
Cuaran, along with the Foreigners and men of Leinster ; and he took great
tribute [boraimhe] with him, and lost many of his company, including
Bresal, Ailill's son. . . ."
C.S., 218, Hennessy's year 868 : "'Kells was plundered by Olaf Cuaran,
with the Foreigners and Leinster-men, and he carried off with him great
tribute \boru??ta\ ; and he left behind a company of his people under Bressal
Ailellen's son, and routed the Ui-Neill at Ard-maelcon " (Ardmulchan on
the Boyne).
1 In text Illuilb.
2 I.e., Britons of Strathclyde. This battle was probably fought late in
the year, because Culen's 5th year began on the 20th July, 971, and most
of the chronicles say that he reigned for some time (" 6 months ") afterwards.
See above, p. cxxxviii, note.
^ irroi catha.
* Cuilen mac lluilb.
■^ attigh tenedh.
" This form of Culen's name is probably corrupt. Nevertheless it is
possible that -rijig was a Scandinavian epithet {Jiringr) ; his father seems to
have borne a Scandinavian name (Indulf : probably = Danish Hildulf).
476 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
966-971
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 151
Culen, Indulf s son, reigned for four years and six months ;
and he was killed by Aradarch,i Donald's son, for the sake of
his daughter, in Ybandonia.^
966-971
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, pp. 33, 226, s.a. 965 ^
Dub, king of the Scots, was slain. And after him, "the son
of Indulf also was king for the same number of years, Culen
by name ; he was a foolish man. It is said that Radhard
slaughtered him in the Lothians,* because of the rape of his
daughter, whom the king had carried off for himself."^
966-97 1
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 165-166, in Skene's Picts and
Scots, pp. 95-96
After [Dub], the White ^ will take Scotland, after it has
been in affliction'^; . . . bright Scotland, white and long.^
' ab Andarch, in F ; Amdrach, G ; Radharc, I ; Amthar, K.
'^ propter filiavi suam,'DYG\'i^; pur safeile, K. FGI add: "in Lothian."
Perhaps Abington, in Lanarkshire, on the Clyde, is meant ; but that place
is many miles south of the present boundary of Midlothian. Otherwise the
passage stands similarly in FGIK (174, 302, 289, 205) ; but K reads
"4 years, 7 months," and "for his daughter, who had been killed in
Lothian " {Lowiies). N reads (306) : " Culen [reigned] for 4 years, and was
killed because of his daughter."
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 63 : "And four [years] of Culen."
3 Also in P. & S., 179 (MS. B.).
* apud Loinas : B. reads Lennas.
^ The passage within inverted commas is in verse in the original.
Fordun (IV, 27) follows this interpretation of the somewhat ambiguous
words of the chronicles.
" anfionn. Apparently Culen.
'' fo ainneis, MS. a ; fo aindeis, MS. b.
^ go techthain deinais acu, \ A\r\bci, etcrocht fhinn-fhoda. MS. b reads: —
Go teactain deinis aga \ Attain ettroct fhionnfoda. O'Connell has added
a note : '■^vel Tectai?i defhnis." The writer of MS. a probably thought
of deineas " violence " (O'Reilly) ; but considering the preposition that
KING CULEN 477
The grave of the White [will be] on the brink of the wave
... 1 in a foreign land . . . ^ ; he will be slain by the Britons.^
follows, I take the word to be dinnis " reproach." For alliteration, one would
expect go to be co «-, and that the true reading was Alba, in the nominative.
For acu, rhyme requires oca; but \i Albain is the true reading, the rhyming
syllables might have been ocai, -fotai. With a little wrenching the lines
might be made to have various meanings. I suggest with diffidence
the reconstruction : co tdchta in dinnis ocai \ Albain Mrocht find-fotai ;
" Lawfully [is] the reproach upon her — bright Scotland, white and long."
^ for bhri'i tuinne tinnfes rind, MS. a. Possibly "that will drive against
us"? The lines are wrongly divided in both MSS. Two syllables should
go to the last word.
Possibly the Clyde, with reference to its falls near Lanark ? But else-
where in Berchan, " the wave " is a synonym for the North Sea. See years
900, 943.
" a n-ialth aineoil ar ttaighidh, MS. a ; arttaighidh, MS. b, with
O'Connell's note ardaighidh. Possibly read arthraighidh "[the grave] is
seen " ? But the verse requires that the last word should not have more
than two syllables.
3 bidh le brelhnuigh a bhith aidhidk, MS. a. Read Bretna. If this
implies that he was killed in Strathclyde, it supports the assumption
that Abington was the place of his death.
PART XIX
Reign of Kenneth II
973
Annales Cambriae, MS. C ; Ab Ithel's edition, p. 19
The collection of ships in the town of Chester, by Edgar,
king of the Saxons.^
973
Chronicle of Melrose, pp. 33-34
In the year 973, Edgar the peaceful king of the English
was at last consecrated king of the whole island, with the
greatest honour and glory, in the city of Bath,^ by the blessed
archbishops Dunstan and Oswald, and by the other bishops of
the whole of England ; in the thirtieth year of his age, on the
day of Pentecost.^
Some time afterwards, after sailing round northern Britain
with a huge fleet, he landed at the city of Chester ; and eight
under-kings met him, as he commanded them, and swore that
they would stand by him as his vassals,* both on land and on
sea : namely Kenneth, king of the Scots ; Malcolm, king of the
Cumbrians^; Maccus, king of very many islands; and other
five :— Dufnal, Sigfrith, Higuel, Jacob, Ulfkil.s
With these one day he entered a boat, and, placing them at
1 This MS. was written in the end of the 13th century.
Cf. E.C., 76 ; and B.S. in R.B.H., 390.
^ in civitate Accamanni. Acemannes-ceaster in A.S.C.
^ nth May, 973.
^ Quod sibifideles . . . assistere sibi vellent.
^ According to Fordun, IV, 28 r "Also as soon as he was crowned,
Edgar [king of the English] willingly received as regulus of Cumbria,
under the accustomed oath of fealty, Malcolm, Dub's son [Kenneth's
nephew] ; the next to succeed [to the kingdom of Scotland], if he had
lived." See years 1000, 1005. But Malcolm was probably Donald's son.
° " Mact, Harold's son," had invaded Anglesey a few years before. See
B.S. in M.A., 656, s.a. 969 ; B.T. in M.A., 691, s.a. 968 (where his name is
478
SUBMISSION TO EDGAR 479
the oars, he himself took the rudder's helm, and skilfully steered
along the course of the river Dee, and sailed from the palace
to the monastery of St John the Baptist, the whole crowd of
earls and nobles accompanying him in similar craft. And after
praying there, he returned to the palace with the same pomp :
and as he entered it he is related to have said to the nobles
that then only could any of his successors boast that he was
king of England, when he obtained the display of such honours,
with so many kings submitting to him.^
974
Annals of the Four Masters, vol. ii, p. 698, s.a. 972 = 974"
The plundering of Inishcathy^ by Magnus, Harold's son,
along with the Lawmen of the islands*; and Ivar, lord of the
spelt "Macht"). He seems to have been a brother of Godfrey, Harold's
son, who invaded Anglesey in the following year.
The king of Strathclyde at this time seems to have been Donald or
Dunguallaun, Owen's son. See year 975.
Sigurd was not yet earl of Orkney.
Higuel the Good, king of Wales, had died in 950. Jacob may have
been the son of lutgual ; Ulfkil [Ulkzf] is an error for lutgual, perhaps
Jacob's father. F.W. reads Juchil.
^ This passage is derived, but not exactly, from F.W. (i, 142-143. E.G.,
76-77). There is a nearly contemporary reference to this submission, in
^Ifric's Life of St S within (written ?996). ^Ifric's Lives of Saints, ed.
Skeatj i (1881), 468: — "[King Edgar's] kingdom had enduring peace, so
that one heard not if there were any other fleet, but that of the people them-
selves who held this land. And all the kings that were in this island, of
Cumbrians and of Scots,^-eight kings — came to Edgar one day ; and they
all yielded to Edgar's rule" {gebugoii to Eadgares wisstmge). See W. H.
Stevenson, in E.H.R., xiii (1898), 505-507. ^Ifric is probably the source of
the eight-king version of the story. Names that are false, and circum-
stances that are not ascertainable, were added by later writers. It seems,
however, that Kenneth was among the local rulers who met and formally
accepted the superiority of Edgar. Their submission was voluntary, or
brought about by peaceable means. This is implied by another reference
of j^^lfric to the same affair, at the end of his Book of Judges (Grein,
Bibliothek der angelsachsischen Prosa, i (1872), 265 ; cf. Stevenson, u.s.,
506-507) : — "And for [Edgar] God willed that his adversaries \wi^erwinnan\,
kings and earls, came to him without any fighting, desiring peace ; and
were subject \i.mderthe6dde\ to him, in [all] that he would. And he was
honoured widely through the land."
' And "the i8th year of Donald" as sovereign of Ireland.
^ Scattery Island. It is in the Shannon, County Clare (O'Donovan).
* CO l-Lagmannaibh na n-innsedh imbi.
480 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Foreigners of Limerick, was taken out from there, with
violation of [the sanctuary of St] Senan.i
975
Brut y Tywyssogion, Rhys and Evans' Red Book
of Hergest, p. 262 -
And then died Edgar, king of England ^ : and Dunguallaun,
king of Strathclyde, went to Rome.*
975
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 486-488, s.a. 974 or 975 = 975 ^
Donald, Eogan's son, king of the Britons,'^ died in
pilgrimage.^ . . .
976
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 339^
Cellach, son of Findguine ; Cellach, son of Bard ; and
Duncan, son of Morgand, [were] then three mormaers of
Scotland.
^ A similar violation by Brian, king of Cashel, in 977, is described by
Tigernach, R.C., xvii, 339 (2 years after [975]) : "[The sanctuary of] Inish-
cathy was violated by Brian, Cendetig's son, against the Foreigners of
Limerick, namely Ivar, and Olaf, [Ivar's] son, and Dubcend, his other son."
This is in the same year-section as the death of Olaf, Indulfs son. It
appears very similarly also in C.S., 224, Hennessy's year 975 = 977 (reading
"Ivar and his two sons, Olaf and Dubcend"). Similarly also in Annals of
Clonmacnoise, 158, s.a. 970 = 977.
2 Placed between 960 and 980 A.D. Placed in MS. C, s.a. 974;
Ab Ithel's ed., 26.
^ Edgar's death is placed in 975 by A.S.C., ABCDEF ; in 972, in B.T.
in M.A.
"■ Similarly in B.S. in M.A., 658, s.a. 974. B.T. in M.A., 691, s.a. 975 :
" Dunguallaun, the king of Strathclyde, went to Rome, and there he took
the crown" (i.e., was tonsured). See below.
^ In this year-section of the same annals (and the corresponding one
of T. and C.S.) is placed the death of Edgar, who died in 975.
'^ I.e., the Britons of Strathclyde.
' Tigernach, in R.C., xvii, 338 (2nd year-section after the gap) : " Donald,
Eoan's son, king of the Britons, [reposed] in pilgrimage." Stokes supplies
quievit from C.S., 222, Hennessy's year 973 : " Donald, Eogan's son, king
of the Britons, reposed in monastic life" (in clericatu).
^ Placed I year after [975].
DUNGUALLAUN. TURF-EINAE'S SONS 481
935-976
Heimskringla, St Olaf's Saga, c. 96
After Turf-Einar, the rulers of the lands were his sons
Arnkel, Erlend, Thorfinn Skull-cleaver. In their days Eric
Blood-axe came from Norway, and then the earls were subject
to him.i Arnkel and Erlend fell in warfare,^ but Thorfinn
ruled the land and grew old.^
[Thorfinn's] sons were Arnfinn, Havard, Hlodve, Liot, Skiili.
Their mother was Grelod, daughter of Duncan, earl of Caithness ;
her mother was Gro, daughter of Thorstein Red.
In earl Thorfinn's later days,* the sons of [Eric] Blood-axe
came from Norway, having fled before earl Hakon. Great was
their tyranny in the Orkneys.
Earl Thorfinn died of sickness. After him, his sons ruled
the lands ; and many tales are told of them. Hlodve lived
the longest of them ; and he ruled the lands alone. His son
was Sigurd the Fat, who took the earldom after him. [Sigurd]
was a powerful man, and a great warrior.
976
Heimskringla, Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 16
The voyage of Gunnhild's sons from the land.
Earl Hakon [Sigurd's son] went north along the land with
' Year 935.
2 Probably in 954 (954X955)-
3 Cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 97 (F.S., i, 197-198).
^ Year 976. This passage of Heimskringla's St Olaf's Saga contradicts
Heimskringla's Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, below. This contradiction is
one of the things that show that cc. 96-103 of Heimskringla's St Olafs
Saga are inserted from a different source ; probably an older source, and
possibly the original larlabok. If, as seems to be the case, this insertion
has the greater authority, the present passage would prove that Thorfinn
was still alive when Eric's sons occupied Orkney for the second time.
Thorfinn would appear to have been earl before 954 and after 977, with two
periods of virtual suspension, 954-955 ^^^ 976-977.
Ronald flourished in 874, and died in or soon after 894. His son, Turf-
Einar, was probably young when he became earl of Orkney, some years
after 889 ; and he ruled Orkney for a long time after 894. Thorfinn, his
youngest son, ruled after him. Thorfinn's son, Arnfinn, married about 955,
or earlier. Thorfinn was earl along with his elder brothers, who died
ca. 954 ; he ruled the whole earldom from ca. 955 to 976, and died (976 x)
in old age. The possible period of Thorfinn's birth is accordingly about
880-920 ; he was probably born ca. 900.
2 H
482 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
his army.i And when Gunnhild and her sons learned these
tidings, they gathered an army, but it went ill with them for
men. So they followed the same plan as before, to sail with
such people as would follow them to west beyond the sea,
going first to the Orkneys and dwelling there for a time.
Before this the earls there were Thorfinn Skull-cleaver's sons,
Hlodve, and Arnfinn, Liot, and Skuli.^
Heimskringla, Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 17^
King Ragnfrod, Gunnhild's son, and Godfrey, another son
of Gunnhild, were all the surviving sons of Eric and
> Earl Hakon became king after the deaths of Harold Greycloak
(ibid., c. 14), and of Gold-Harold, Cnut's son (ibid., c. 15). The Icelandic
Annals place Hakon's accession in 976 (BDEA ; 975, CI).
Earl Hakon was king in Norway for 20 winters, according to Olafs
Saga (cc. 59, 104, in F.S., i, 85, 219 ; Fl., i, 85, 239. Cf. F.S., i, 55 ; FI., i, 64).
So also in the Konungatal, Fl., i, 583. So also in the Agrip (F.S., x, 382).
But in reality he fell in the beginning of his 20th winter. He seems to have
reigned 976-995. See above, pp. xcii-xciv.
The Mantissa (c. 3 ; Origines Islandicae, i, 269-270) pLits Harold Grey-
cloak's death and earl Hakon's accession So winters before bishop Isleifs
consecration to the see of Iceland ; therefore in 976. According to the
Icelandic Annals, Isleif was consecrated in 1056 (KCEPA ; 1057, O), and
went to Iceland in 1057 (CPA). He died in 1080 (KOCEPA).
2 Cf Frisbok, 105,
The same passage stands in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 55 (F.S.,
i, 90-91 ; cf Fl., i, 86). Thorfinn's sons are there named in the same order,
with the same omission of Havard. The last-named saga, c. 97 (F.S., i,
198) ; " His sons were five : Arnfinn, Havard, Liot, Skuli, and Hlodve," is
contradicted by H., St Olaf (perhaps the best authority) : "His sons were
Arnfinn, Havard, Hlodve, Liot, Skiili."
Ragnhild married Arnfinn [ x 95 5](H., Hakon the Good), secondly Havard,
thirdly Liot ; the Scottish king supported Skiili against Liot after the deaths
of Arnfinn and Havard (according to the story of Ragnhild, in Orkneyinga
Saga and Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga). The same story says that Havard,
Liot, and Hlodve, held the earldom in succession. King Olafs speech in Olaf
Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 98, says that Arnfinn was earl before these three.
Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga and the Heimskringla's Olaf Tryggvi's son here
omit Havard, although they name Arnfinn, vyho (according to the story of
Ragnhild) died before Havard ; they name the other sons of Thorfinn in
wrong order ; and they are further in conflict with Heimskringla's St Olaf,
which says that Thorfinn was still earl at that time. Preference must be
given here to Heimskringla's St Olaf.
5 Very similarly also in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 55 ; F.S., i, 92
(Fl., i, 86-87).
ERIC'S SONS RETURN TO ORKNEY 483
Gunnhild. . . } Ragnfrod prepared his journey in the spring,
after he had been one winter in the Orkneys. Then he
proceeded east to Norway, and he had with him a chosen
company, and great ships. . . .^
977x991
Orkneyinga Saga, cc. 8-1 1 ; vol. i, pp. 11-14^
[Thorfinn Skull-cleaver] was a great ruler, and warlike.
He died of disease ; and he was buried in [South] Ronaldshay,
and thought to have been a great man.
[c. 9] Thorfinn had five sons : one was called Havard, the
Season-prosperous ; another Hlodve, the third Liot, the fourth
Skuli, the fifth Arnfinn. Ragnhild Eric's daughter planned her
husband Arnfinn's death, in Murkle in Caithness ; and she was
given to his brother, Havard, the Season-prosperous. Havard
took the earldom, and was a good chief, and prosperous in
harvests. . . .*
Liot [Havard's brother] took the earldom, and became a
great chief . . .
[c. 10] Skuli, Liot's brother, went up into Scotland, and was
given the name of earl by the Scottish king; then he came
down to Caithness, and got an army to him there, and sailed
thence to the islands, and contended with his brother Liot for
the realm. Liot gathered an army, and went to meet Skuli ;
1 8 lines of verse are here quoted from Glum Geirason's Grdfeldar-
drapa.
2 He repulsed earl Hakon by sea (c. 17), but next summer was beaten
by land, and fled from Norway (c. 18) ; i.e. in 978.
3 With the whole passage cf. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 97 (F.S., i,
198-199 ; Fl., i, 224-225). O.S. has less authority than H.
* Ragnhild persuaded Havard's sister's son, Einar Buttered-bread, to
kill Havard, promising him marriage and the earldom. Havard fell at
Stennis (afterwards called Hdvar^s-teigar "Havard's fields") in Hrossey
(Pomona). Then Ragnhild promised marriage and the earldom to Einar
Hard-jaw, son of another sister of Havard, if he would avenge Havard, and
kill Einar Buttered-bread. But after he had done so, Ragnhild married
Liot, the brother of her two former husbands.
"Einar Hard-jaw had now slain his relative, but was no nearer to the
earldom than before ; he was very dissatisfied with his lot, and now wished
to gather men to him, and acquire the islands by force. But he was ill
off for men, because the Orkneymen wished to serve the sons of Thorfinn
Skull-cleaver. And some time afterwards earl [Liot] had Einar Hard-jaw
slain" (ibid., 13).
484 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
and [Liot] had the greater number of men. But when they
met, Skuli would do nothing but fight.
A hard battle was fought there ; and Liot had the victory,
and Skuli fled over to [Caithjness, and up into Scotland ; and
thither Liot pursued him, and abode there for a time, and
gathered many men.
Then Skiili rode down from Scotland with a great army,
which the Scottish king and earl Macbeth ^ had provided ; and
he and Liot met in the Dales in Caithness, and a great battle
took place there. And the Scots were the most vehement in
the beginning of the fight. Liot bade his men take shelter,
and hold their position as strongly as possible. And when the
Scots could do nothing, Li6t urged on his men, and was himself
the most vigorous. And after things had stood like this for a
time, the ranks of the Scots were broken ; and after that they
fled ; but Skuli kept up the battle, although he fell at the end.
Liot took Caithness under him ; and there was great enmity
between the Scottish king and earl Liot, because the Scots
were ill-pleased with their defeat.
When earl Liot was in Caithness with few men, earl
Macbeth came down from Scotland with a great army ; and
earl Liot and he met at Skidmoor in Caithness, and earl Liot
had no force with him. But earl Liot went forward so stoutly
that the Scots yielded before him ; and there was but a short
battle before those who chose life fled ; but many were wounded.
Liot turned back with victory, but many of his people were
wounded. Earl Liot too had got the wound that caused his
death ; and his death was much lamented.
[c. ii] Hlodve, Thorfinn's son, took the earldom after Liot,
and was a great ruler. He married Edna, the daughter of
Kiarval, the Irish king : their son was Sigurd the Fat. Hlodve
died of disease, and his barrow is at Hofn, in Caithness.
977
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 339"
Olaf, Indulf's' son, king of Scotland, was killed by Kenneth,
Malcolm's son.*
' Presumably mormaer of Moray. Cf. below, p. 501, note.
^ Placed 2 years after [975].
^ Illuilb. In A.U., Ailuilb ; in Annals of Clonmacnoise, Illulfe. This
BATTLE OF SKIDMOOR. KING OLAF 485
978
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 488, s.a. 977 or 978 = 978
Fiachra, prior ^ of lona, reposed.'^
979 X 986 ^
is probably the Danish name Hildulf; of which Indulf appears to have
been a corruption.
'' So also in C.S., 224, Hennessy's year 975 = 977. Similarly in Annals
of Clonmacnoise, 158, s.a. 970 = 977.
Cf. A.U., i, 488, s.a. 976 or 977 = 977 : "Olaf, Indulf's son, the king of
Scotland, was killed by Kenneth, Donald's son."
^ airchinnech ("herenagh").
^ P.M., ii, 704, s.a. 976 = 978 (and "the 22nd year of Donald" as
sovereign of Ireland): "Fiachra Ua-hArtacain, abbot of lona of Colum-
cille, [died]."
^ Floamanna Saga, Fornsogur, 133-134 : "A man was named Thorstein,
and was called the White ; he was a baron \lend-inwSr\ of earl Hakon "
(.".976x995). "He had friends, and owned property near to the lands of
Thorgils [son of Thord the Drowsy]. They had great friendship between
them, and were both on the earl's side. ... At that time, Eric the Red
also was on the earl's side ; an Icelandic man, who afterwards found and
settled in Greenland" (.'. X986). "He was a young man, and courteous,
and the greatest friend of Thorgils.
" One day, Thorgils went to the earl with the tribute for his lands.
Earl Hakon replied : ' I am well pleased with thy action ; but 1 am not
certain that 1 know how enterprising a man thou mayst be. Also I shall
not give up this property, unless thou seem to me to assist me somewhat in
thy deeds. And thou must fetch from the Hebrides my taxes, which I have
missed for three winters'" (.-. 979X ). "Thorgils asked him to give him some
lord for the expedition, 'and I shall follow him, as well as my prowess may.'
'Thou shalt be the leader' said the earl, 'of this expedition, because thou
provest so much the more thy merit and thy manhood.' Thorgils said,
'Let Thorstein White go with me.' 'He shall decide' said the earl.
Thorstein said that he would go, if Thorgils wished.
"Then they made ready; and they had two ships, not fully manned.
But when they came to the islands, they asked for the tributes, and
got little from them. In autumn they proceeded to Caithness, and were
wrecked, and lost the money. All the men were saved.
"Olaf was the name of the earl who ruled over that dominion. He got
word of earl Hakon's men, and bade them go to him ; they accepted, and
were there for the winter.
"Svart Iron-skull was the name of a man, a great viking, and the
greatest evil-doer ; he lay out far in the western lands. One custom of his
was, if women were fair and well-born, that he used to take them to himself
486 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
980
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 490, s.a. 979 or 980 = 980 ^
The battle of Tara was gained by Maelsechlaind, Donald's
son, over the Foreigners of Dublin and of the islands ^j
and there great slaughter was made of the Foreigners:
and the Foreigners' power was put out of Ireland. And
in [that battle] fell Ronald, a son of Olaf, the king of the
Foreigners ; and Conamail, son of a foreign governor ; and
many others.
Donald, Niall's grandson, sovereign of Ireland, died in
Armagh, after penitence.
for a while ; and men could not resist him. Olaf s sister was called Gudrun ;
she was a fair woman to look on, and well skilled in womanly crafts. . . ."
Svart wished to take Gudrun. Thorgils and Thorstein and Olaf fought
with Svart ; and Thorgils killed him.
Ibid., 135 : " . . . And the laws were then that men obtained the heritage
of those who were killed [by them] in duel. . . . Then [Thorgils] took all
[Svart's] ships, and his treasure ; and then married Gudrun, earl Olafs
sister. Thorgils had now no lack of men or money.
"In spring they told the earl that they wished to plunder in the
summer. Now they proceeded to the Hebrides, and gave the inhabitants
the choice either to endure warfare and slaughter, or to pay tax to earl
Hakon ; and they chose to pay as much as was laid on them. Then every-
thing was concluded. After that [Thorgils and Thorstein] went east to
Norway, and came to earl Hakon : he received them well. . . ," They
passed the winter with him, and the next summer in plundering, part of the
time in Ireland Next winter also they passed with earl Hakon, and the
next. Thorgils passed one winter in Sweden, and went in the following
summer to Iceland (135-137).
This story is probably quite unhistorical.
Two pirates in the west (976x995), who first fought against each other,
and afterwards united forces, were Sigmund, Bresti's son, from the Faroes ;
and Harold Iron-skull. See Faereyinga Saga, c. 21, pp. 88-92.
' With the marginal note " bissextile."
2 So also in F.M., ii, 708, s.a. 978 = 980. The parallel passages in T.
(R.C., xvii, 341-342 ; 5 years after 975), and C.S. (224-226 ; Hennessy's
year 978 = 980), do not mention the presence of the islanders. A.I., 43,
O'Conor's year 962 = 980 (with f n. and e. of 980) : "The death of Donald,
Niall's grandson, king of Tara.
"A great battle between Maelsechlaind and Olafs son, and a slaughter
of the Foreigners, including Ronald, Ivar's son, at Tara. . . ." (/. fe ilte 7
fe in nund, in O'Conor's text ; ready^r iotfef).
NORWEGIANS DEFEATED AT TARA 487
980
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 342 ^
Olaf, Sigtrygg's son, sovereign of the Foreigners of Dublin,
went to lona in penitence and pilgrimage after the battle [of
Tara, and] died.^
^ Placed 5 years after [975].
^ a n-aithrighe 7 a n-ailithri iarsin cath inoriuus est.
The passage stands similarly in C.S., 226 (Hennessy's year 978) ; but
there it concludes thus : a n-deoraidhacht, tar sane*, iar n-aithrighe " on
a pilgrimage, [and] died after holiness and penance," according to
Hennessy.
F.M., ii, 708, s.a. 978 = 980: "And thereafter" (i.e. after the battle of
Tara) " Olaf went across the sea, and died in lona of Columcille." Ibid ,
710-712, s.a. 979 = 980 ("the first year of Maelsechlaind," sovereign of
Ireland) : " Olaf, Sigtrygg's son, chief lord of the Foreigners of Dublin,
went to lona on pilgrimage ; and he died there, after penance and good
life."
D.A.I., 49, s.a. 980: "Olaf, Sigtrygg's son, died in lona of Columba,
after [receiving] unction, after repentance " {iar n-tingadh, iar n-aithridhe).
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 159, s.a. 974 = 980: "Olaf, Sigtrygg's son, king
of the Danes of Dublin, went a pilgrimage to the island of lona \^Hugh\ in
Scotland, and there after penance died."
Wars of the Irish with the Foreigners, p. 46 (after the battle of Tara) :
"And Olaf, Sigtrygg's son, sovereign of the Foreigners, went into pilgrimage
to lona of Columcille."
Whether Tigernach's text ("after the battle") is correct or not, these
annals all imply that Olaf went to lona soon after the battle of Tara, and
that he did not return to Ireland. He seems to have been Olaf Cuaran.
The sagas say that Olaf Cuaran's daughter Gyda married a "mighty
earl" in England [in Cumbria?] ; and after his death ruled his lands, till
she married Olaf, Tryggvi's son, in or after autumn of 993 (OlaPs Saga,
c. 80) ; and that Olaf Tryggvi's son was living with Olaf Cuaran in Dublin
in 995, when Thori Klakka found him. This last statement is shown by the
Irish annals to be false, because Olaf was not in Dublin after 980.
Olaf Cuaran's son, Gluniairn, was "king of the Foreigners" at his
death in 989 (T. ; A.U., s.a. 988 = 989; A..I., O'Conor's 971=989). " Ivar
fled from Dublin before Olaf's son, with three ships' companies" in 993
(A.I., O'Conor^s 975 = 993). "Sigtrygg, Olafs son, was driven out of
Dublin" in 994 (A.U., s.a. 993 = 994). "Ivar [was] in Dublin after Olaf's
son " in 995 (Tigernach) ; but in the same year, " Ronald, grandson of Ivar,
king of the Foreigners" (A.I.), "was killed by Leinstermen ; Ivar escaped
again, and Sigtrygg took his kingdom" (T.). Dublin was defeated by the
Irish under Maelsechlaind, king of Ireland, and Brian Boroime, in 998 ;
Sigtrygg lost his son Artalach, and his brother Harold (T, A.U.). Next
year, Sigtrygg, "king of the Foreigners," captured the king of Leinster,
Duncan, Donald's son ; but was driven out of Dublin by Brian (T., A.U.).
488 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
980
Annals of Innisfallen, Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores,
vol. ii, part 2, p. 44, O'Conor's year 963 = 981 ^
The repose of Mugron, Columcille's successor.^
985x994
Adam of Bremen, Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae
Pontiflcum; in M.G.H., Scriptores, vol. vii, p. 318
After vengeance upon the crimes that he had committed
against the churches of God and the Christians, [king Sven,
conquered,]^ and forsaken by his followers, as one whom God
forsook, came, wandering and helpless, to the Norwegians, over
whom at that time reigned Tryggvi, Hakon's son. Because
[Sven] was a pagan, [Tryggvi] felt no pity for the exile. So
[Sven] in his misfortune, cast out by all the world, crossed over
to England, seeking solace in vain from enemies. At that
time ^thelred, Edgar's son, ruled over the British. He,
remembering the injuries that the Danes had inflicted upon
the English of old, rejected the exile.
And at last the king of the Scots took pity upon his
In the year 1000, Sigtrygg, "king of the Foreigners of Dublin," fled from
battle to Ulster (A.I.); but he made terms with Brian, and returned to
Dublin, giving hostages (T., A.U., A.I.).
1 With f.n. and e. of gSr.
^ C.S., 226, Hennessy's year 978 = 980 (immediately before the death ot
Olaf Cuaran) : " Mugron, abbot of lona, scribe and bishop, reposed."
A.U., i, 490, s.a. 979 or 980 = 980 (after Donald's death): "Mugron,
Columcille's successor both in Ireland and in Scotland, ended his life
happily."
F.M., ii, 708, s.a. 978 = 980 : " Mugron, abbot of lona, scribe and bishop,
[chief] scholar of the three parts, . . . died" (i.e., of Ireland, Scotland, and
Man). Ibid,, 708-710: "In commemoration of [Donald, Muirchertach's
son, sovereign of Ireland,] Dub-da-leithe said : ' Since the Son of God was
born, (it is not falsehood) 978 [years] to the death of Mugron (who increased
verse), the comely successor of Columba ; [and] to the battle in strong
Tara. . . .'" F.M. have changed the number in the second line of the
verse-passage from 980 to 978, in order to make it suit their own chronology.
For Dubdaleithe, see year 989.
' Not in MS. I. Sven Otto, Harold's son, king of Denmark, was driven
from his kingdom by Eric, king of Sweden ; Adam, U.S., 316-317.
DANES IN SCOTLAND 489
misfortunes, and received him kindly ; and there Sven was in
exile for fourteen years, to the death of Eric.
These dangers of the parricide, his grandfather, king Sven
[Ulf's son] related to our astonishment. . . }
986
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 494, s.a. 985 or 986 = 986^
The Danes came to the shore of Dalriata,^ that is to say,
three ships ; and seven score of them were hanged, and others
were sold.*
lona of Columcille was plundered on Christmas night ^ ; and
they killed the abbot, and fifteen of the elders of the church."
^ Sven Ulf's son was king of Denmark from about 1047 to f 1076.
Sven Harold's son recovered the kingdom of Denmark (Adam, u.s., 319),
and reigned till 1014. He had ejected his father, Harold, from the kingdom
in 985 or 986 ; Harold died of a wound received in the fighting. Adam,
U.S. 315.
He took revenge upon yEthelred in the invasion of 1014. Adam, u.s.,
324. But he had other motives also.
According to the Icelandic Annals, Sven reigned in Denmark from 958
(KBODE) to 1008 (KOCD ; 1007 E). Sven's exile is borrowed from Adam
of Bremen by the Annals of Lund, M.G.H., Scriptores, xxix, 200-201. It is
adapted from the same source in the l6th century Oddveria Annall —
Icelandic Annals, version L — s.a. 999 (Storm's Monumenta, 465) : "... The
fourth time, king Sven was driven from the land before the Swedes,
because king Eric the Victorious harried in Denmark, and drove Sven from
the land. At last king Sven fled to Scotland ; and when he came there, he
began to repent his sins, and took the true faith. He had himself baptized
in Scotland ; then he came back to his kingdom. And when he came to
Denmark, he wished to turn his subjects to the true faith. . . ." The
same annals say that Sven had been baptized with his father Harold by
emperor Otho ; that Harold died in 985, when Thorleif was lawspeaker in
Iceland [985] ; and Sven succeeding flung off Christianity, and destroyed
the churches that his father had built. See also the ist and 2nd Saga-
Fragments, in F.S., xi, 419, 420; and Danish Chronicles (B77 and C 67) in
Samfund, 18, 38, 39 ; Saxo Grammaticus, X (1886 ed., 336-337).
Even in its original form, the story sounds rather fabulous.
^ The previous year is shown to be 985 by f.n. and e.
^ i n-airer Dailriaiaij equivalent to " Argyle."
"• ocus CO ro renia olchena. F.M. read: ocus ro mudhaighedh "and
were destroyed," (perhaps "mutilated"?) "after they had been defeated."
° I.e., the night or evening preceding Christmas day. F.M. add: "by
Danes."
" The whole passage stands similarly in F.M., ii, 718, s.a. 985 = 986.
490 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
986
Annals of Innisfallen ; Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores,
vol. ii, part 2, p. 45, O'Conor's year 968 = 986^
The plundering of [lona of] Columcille by Foreigners; and
the islands were wasted by them, and the bishop of lona was
killed by them.
986
Chronicon Scotorum, p. 230, Hennessy's year 984 = 986
Maelciarain Ua - Maigne, Columcille's successor, entered
bloody martyrdom " at the hands of the Danes of Dublin.^
ca. 986
Ari, Islendingabok, cc. 6-^, p. 7
The land that is called Greenland was found and settled
from Iceland. Eric the Red, of Breidafiordr, was the man
who sailed out there from here,* and took there the land that
is since called Eiriksfiordr.
' With f.n. and e. of 986.
^ do dill dei-g iiiartra.
2 Similarly in F.JM., ii, 718, s.a. 985 = 986 (and "the 7th year of
Maelsechlaind").
* From Iceland.
Heriolf, son of Bard, son of Heriolf the associate of Ingolf the Settler
(cf Landndmabok, c. 302, p. 105), according to Landndmabok, c. 352, p. 124,
" sailed to Greenland, and came into the sea-mountains \haf-gerdingar\.
In his ship was a Hebridean, who composed the Hafgerdinga-drapa, of
which this is the beginning :
AUir hlydi ossu fulli
amra fialla Dvalins hallar."
See also the Landnamabok, cc. 77-79. In c. 79, p. 35, it is said: "A
man was called Heriolf, the son of Bard, Heriolfs son. He sailed to
Greenland with Eric. With [Heriolf] in his ship went a Hebridean, a
Christian, who had composed the Hafgerdinga-drapa, of which this is the
refrain :
Mfnar bid ek munka reyni
meinalausan farar beina.
heidis haldi harar foldar
hallar drottinn of mer stalli."
Similarly also in the Tale of the Greenlanders ; Storm's Eric the Red's
Saga, 53 (Fl., i, 430-431). See Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ii, 54; J.S., i,
A 177 ; B 167.
Another tenth-century Norse-Hebridean poet was Orm of Barra ;
DISCOVERY OF GREENLAND 491
He gave the country its name, and called it Greenland, and
said that the land's having got a good name would encourage
people to sail out there.
Dwellings of men were found there, both in the east and in
the west of the land ; and fragments of boats, and stone utensils,
whereby one might perceive that such people had lived there as
have occupied Vi'nland, and the Greenlanders call Scrceli?igar}
The time when [Eric] began to settle in Greenland was
fourteen or fifteen winters before Christianity arrived here in
Iceland ^ ; so Thorkel, Gelli's son, was told in Greenland, by one
who himself had accompanied Eric the Red.
fragments of his work are preserved in the Edda. See Corpus Poeticum,
i'; 55-57 ; Sturlunga Saga, i, 20 ; J.S., i, A 143, B 135.
An early but inexact description of Greenland is in Adam of Bremen's
Gesta Pontificum ; M.G.H., Scriptores, vii, 385 (cf. 344, 365).
' I.e. Eskimos ? See Eric Red's Saga, and the Tale of the Greenlanders.
The natives of Vmland used stone weapons (Eric Red's Saga, c. 11, p. 41),
and were unfamiliar with steel (ibid. 42) ; but they seem to have terrified
the Icelanders by throwing some kind of explosive bomb (ibid. 40). The
Icelanders attributed to them magic powers.
^ fyrr an crisine quajiie her d Island. This reckoning can only be to the
time of the acceptance of Christianity at the Icelandic assembly, in looo.
Although Thangbrand is mentioned here, the Icelanders did not receive
Christianity from him.
It is so rendered in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 220 (F.S., ii, 215 ; Fl., i,
430) : "That was 15 winters before Christianity was made law in Iceland"
(i.e. in 985).
Of this expedition, LandnAmabok says (c. 78, p. 35): "So says Ari,
Thorgils' son, that that summer 35 ships sailed for Greenland from Borgar-
fiordr and Breidafiordr ; and 14 arrived there. Some turned back, and
some were lost. That was 16 winters before Christianity was made law
in Iceland" (.'. 984). This is probably taken from Ari's older work. The
Islendingabok is Ari's revised work, and is to be preferred.
Landnamabok (c. yj, pp. 34-35) says that Eric had gone to Greenland
4 years earlier, and passed 3 winters there ; then had returned to Iceland,
and passed one winter with Ingolf before setting out again. This account
is abbreviated in Eyrbyggia Saga (c. 24, p. 82) : " In this expedition Eric
Red found Greenland ; and he was there for three winters. And then he
sailed to Iceland, and was there for one winter, before he went to settle in
Greenland ; and that was 14 winters before Christianity was made law in
Iceland." I.e., Eric was in Greenland from 982 to 985, and returned there
in 986. This agrees with the account in Eric the Red's Saga, c. 2, pp. 8-9
(Hauksbok, ii, 427).
Cf. the Abstract, and Chronological Tables, in Antiquitates Americanae
pp. xxviii-xl, 463-465.
492 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
[c. 7] King Olaf, son of Tryggvi, son of Olaf, son of Harold
Fairhair, brought Christianity into Norway, and to Iceland.
According to the Tale of Eric Red, Biarni Heriolf's son sailed for
Greenland in 986, but came first to Vinland (Fl., i, 430-432 ; Storm's Eiriks
Saga, 54-55). But in this the Flatey-book differs from all the more trust-
worthy accounts, which mention no earlier discoverer of America than Leif,
Eric Red's son.
Leif is definitely stated to have been the first discoverer of Vinland, in
abbot Nicholas's geographical tract ; Antiquitates Americanae, 290-292.
Nicholas wrote about the middle of the 12th century.
Kristni Saga, c. 12, pp. 36-37 (Origines, i, 397) : "The same summer in
which king Olaf went from the land south to Wendland, he sent also Leif,
Eric [Red]'s son, to Greenland, to preach the faith there. Then Leif found
Vinland the Good. And he found also men on a disabled ship on the sea :
therefore he was called Leif the Lucky." Cf. F.S., xi, 412. Of. abbot
Nicholas, u.s. This was in 1000, the year of Olafs death. See Olaf
Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 231 (F.S., ii, 245-246) ; H., Olaf Tryggvi's son,
c. 96 : these last both date Leifs mission in the year [1000] of the
Christianization of Iceland.
Leifs voyages are described in Eric the Red's Saga, cc. 5, 8 ; pp. 18-21,
32-33 (Hauksbok, ii, 431-433) ; Tale of the Greenlanders, in Storm's edition
of Eric's Saga, 56-62 (Fl., i, 538-541). Leif had been driven to the Hebrides
on his way from Greenland to king Olaf (Eric Red's Saga, p. 19), in [999] ;
cf Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 221. But Fl. (i, 430) places this voyage
erroneously in [looi].
Eric Red's Saga, c. 7, pp. 32-33 (Hauksbok, ii, 437): " Olaf Tryggvi's
son had given to Leif two Scottish people:" {tvd meiin skoiska; "two
swift runners " ?) " the man was called Haki, and the woman Hekia ; they
were swifter than deer. These people were in the ship with Karlsefni.
And when they had sailed along the Marvellous-strands, they put the
Scottish people on land, and bade them run south in the land to see
the nature of the country, and come again before three days were
past.
"They had that clothing which they called kiafal" (Hauksbok ; biafal,
MS. A.M. 557): "it was so made, that it had a hood above, and it was
open at the sides, and had no sleeves. It was buttoned together between
the legs with a button and loop. But otherwise they were bare.
"They remained there [on land] a while, and when they came back one
carried a bunch of grapes, the other fresh grain from a wheat-field " (more
correctly "self-sown wheat" in A.M. 557, which adds : " Karlsefni said that
they meant they had found good choice of land"). The names of these
people and of their garment do not seem to be Gaelic. The garment has
no resemblance to the clothing of Lapps. Probably they were couriers,
from one of the Baltic lands (perhaps Wendland ?).
The Icelandic Annals place "the occupation of Greenland" in 986
(KBEA ; "Eric the Red occupied Greenland" C; "Greenland was
occupied" D).
AMERICA. CHRISTIANITY IN NORWAY 493
He sent to this land the priest called Thangbrand, who
taught men Christianity here, and baptized all who accepted
the faith. 1
' The first bishop of Iceland was Frederick, a missionary from Saxony
{Saxland\ brought to Iceland by Thorvald Widefarer, Kodran's son, in
981, "to baptize his father and mother, and other relatives who would
follow his counsel'' (Kristni Saga, c. i, p. i. Cf. Thorvald Widefarer's
Tale, c. 10, p. 79: Icelandic Annals KBOCDEA, s.a. 981). After four
years (981-9S5) Frederick returned to Saxony; he died there. (Kristni
Saga, cc. 2, 4, pp. 8, 13; M.G.H., Scriptores, xxix, 351-352.) Cf. Ari,
Islendingabok, c. 8, p. 10. Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, cc. 131-138 (c. 220
says that Frederick left Iceland in [985]).
Thangbrand was a Saxon from Saxony. See Heimskringla, u.s. See
also Nial's Saga, cc. 100-105 (Dasent's edition, cc. 96-101); Kristni Saga,
cc. 4-6 (Origines Islandicae, i, 386-392). Olaf Tryggvi's son had made
Thangbrand his court priest while he was in England [in 993], after his
baptism in the Scilly Isles ; so says Olaf's Saga, c. 81. Cf. Historia
Norwegiae, 115.
Thangbrand was sent to Iceland in [996], one year after Olaf s accession,
according to Theoderic, c. 12, p. 19 ; but Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 216
(F.S., ii, 197 ; Fl., i, 421), and the Heimskringla's Olaf Tryggvi's son, c. 73,
say that Thangbrand was sent to Iceland in [997], two winters after Olaf's
accession : so too in the Icelandic Annals CDEA, s.a. 997. Cf Olaf
Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 188.
Laxdoela Saga (c. 4[, p. 130) says that king Olaf sent Thangbrand, his
" court-priest" {hir'S-prest), to Iceland, in the spring after the Christianizing
of Trondhjem (cf. Icelandic Annals CDA, s.a. 998) ; and implies that
Thangbrand left Norway in that summer, and that Iceland adopted
Christianity the next year. In Snorri's Prologus to the Heimskringla it is
said that Hall, Thorarin's son, "remembered that priest Thangbrand
baptized him, three winters old : that was the winter before Christianity
was made law in Iceland." This shows that Thangbrand was still in
Iceland in 999.
Thangbrand was outlawed for man-slaying. He left Iceland, after
having been there for one or two winters (Islendingabok ; cf Odd's Olaf's
Saga, c. 37). He had been three winters in Iceland, according to H.,
Olaf Tryggvi's son, cc. 72,, 81, 84; so too in the Kristni Saga, c. 9, pp.
27-30. Nidi's Saga mentions only one winter.
Thangbrand's successor in Iceland was Thormod, the son of Thorkel,
Thorstein's son (Landnamabok, c. 10, p. 9). Thormod went there in the
summer [? 1000] after Thangbrand had left (Islendingabok, c. 7).
Christianity was adopted by law in Iceland in the year 1000, according
to Kristni Saga, c. 13, p. 43 ; and the Icelandic Annals KOCDEA, s.a. 1000.
See Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 229 (F.S., ii, 240-244) ; H., Olaf Tryggvi's
son, c. 103.
494 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
987
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 496, s.a. 986 or 987 = 987
The battle of Man [was fought] against Harold's son/ and
by the Danes ; and a thousand were slain there. . . .
Great slaughter [was made] of the Danes who had plundered
lona ; and three hundred and sixty of them were killed.^
989
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 346 ^
Godfrey, Harold's son, king of the Hebrides, fell by the
hands of the [men of] Dalriata.*
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 496, 498, s.a. 988 or 989 = 989
Duncan Ua-Robocain, Columcille's successor, died.^ . . .
Dubdaleithe, Patrick's successor, took the succession of
Columcille, by counsel of the men of Ireland and of Scotland.^
^ I.e., Godfrey. See year 989. The place of the battle [cath Manand)
was probably Man. Cf. year 914.
2 F.M., ii, 720, s.a. 986 = 987 (and "the 8th year of Maelsechlaind") :
" Great slaughter [was made] of the Danes who had plundered lona, and
three hundred and sixty of them were killed, through miracles of God and
Columcille."
^ This follows Maelsechlaind's successful siege of Dublin, when he
forced the town to agree to pay tribute (in 989). The last episode of the
previous year-section is Dunstan's death (in 988 ; A.S.C.).
* So also in C.S., 230, Hennessy's year 987 = 989. Similarly in D.A.I.,
51, s.a. 989.
Cf A.U. : " Godfrey, Harold's son, king of the Hebrides, was killed in
Dalriata"; i, 496, s.a. 988 or 989 = 989 (incorrectly marked in the margin
"bissextile." The previous year also is marked "bissextile," and has fn.
and e. of 988).
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 160, s.a. 982 = 989: "Godfrey, son ot Harold,
king of the Hebrides \_Inis-galI\ was killed by the king of Dalriata or
Redshanks."
For Godfrey, cf year 987.
^ P.M., ii, 722, s.a. 988 = 989 (and "the loth year of Maelsechlaind" as
sovereign of Ireland) : " Duncan Ua-Robachain, successor of Columcille
and Adamnan, . . . died. . . ."
° So also in F.M., u.s., 724. They repeat the event under 989 = 990
(i, 726).
KING GODFREY. MODDAN'S SONS 495
976 X 985 -979 X'
Nial's Saga, cc. 83-86 ; vol. i, pp. 390-408 ^
It is now to be told that Nial's sons, Grim and Helgi, sailed
from Iceland that summer, in which Thrain and his followers
sailed out^; and they took ship with [captains] Olaf the Old,
Ketil's son, and Bard the Black. They had so violent a storm
from the north that they were carried southwards into the open
sea ; and so great darkness came on that they knew not where
they were going ; and they had a long voyage. Then they
came where there was much shallow water, and it seemed clear
to them that this must be near land. Nial's sons asked if Bard
knew at all to what land they might be nearest. " There are
many lands," said Bard, "considering the direction of wind we
have had — the islands, or Scotland, or Ireland."
Two nights afterwards, they saw land on both sides, and
much surf inside the firth. They cast anchors outside the surf
Then the storm began to abate ; and in the morning it was
calm. Then they saw thirteen ships sailing out at sea.
Then said Bard, " What shall our plans be now, since these
men will attack us ? " Thereupon they took counsel, whether
they should defend themselves, or yield ; but before they had
decided, the vikings came upon them. They asked each others'
names, what the leaders were called. Then the leaders * of the
merchants named themselves, and asked in return who was over
the vikings : the one named himself Griotgard,^ the other
Snsekolf, sons of Moddan from Duncansby'^ in Scotland, a
1 Certainly from before 991 to before 994.
2 Also in R.S. 88, i, 319-324.
3 To earl Hakon in Norway (976-995).
4 Olaf and Bard.
° Grjoigar'Sr.
" Moddans Sr dungalsba :'\n some MSS. Moldans. Moldan might be a
Scandinavian form of Maelduin ; Moddan, possibly of Matadan. Cf
year i (06.
For the dealings between Going-Hrolf (Sturlaug's son), and king Dungal
and an earl Melan (? Maelduin) of Scotland, see the fabulous Gaungu-Hrolfs
Saga, Fornaldar Sogur, iii, 350-357 : they are said to have occurred in
the time of king Henry, a relative and the deposer of Edward, king of
Winchester. " Henry had great strength from Scotland, because he had
married the daughter of Melan, the earl of Moray \i'ir M6rd&i\, and a great
friend of the head-king [of Scotland], who was called Dungal ; from him
496 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
relative of Malcolm, the Scottish king; "and two alternatives
are given by us," said Griotgard ; "either that you go on land
while we take your goods ; or else that we attack you, and slay
every man we take." ^
Helgi answered : " The merchants wish to defend them-
selves." Then spoke the merchants : " Speak thou, deprived of
all [sense]! What defence can we make? and goods are less
precious than life." Grim took the plan of shouting to the
vikings, and did not let them hear the bad choice of the
merchants. Bard and Olaf spoke, " Think you not that the
Icelanders may mock at your deaths? Take hold now of your
weapons, and let us defend ourselves." Then they all took
their weapons, and bound themselves never to give up, so long
as they could defend themselves.
[c. 84] Now the vikings shot at them, and they began the
fight ; and the merchants defended themselves well. Snaekolf
leapt at Olaf, and ran him through with a spear. Grim struck
Snaekolf with a spear, and so hard that [Snaekolf] fell over-
board. Then Helgi turned beside Grim, and they drove down
all the vikings. And Niil's sons were ever where there was
most need.
The vikings called out, and bade the merchants yield. But
they said that they would never yield.
At this time they chanced to look seaward ; and they saw
that ships were sailing past the headland, from the south — not
fewer than ten. They rowed hard, and went out to them.
There was shield touching shield. And on the foremost ship
stood a man'^ beside the mast; he was in a silk tunic, and had
a gilded helmet, and hair both long and fair. The man had a
spear inlaid with gold in his hand. He asked them, " Who
holds here so unequal a game?" Helgi told his name, and
said that against him were Griotgard and Snaekolf "And who
is named Duncansby {Dungalsbcerl, because he has had a place built there."
The whole story is quite ur.historical, but is perhaps evidence of a Norwegian
settlement in north-eastern Aberdeenshire.
There is'no ground for identifying this Dungal with the Dun gal, Kenneth's
son, who died in 999 (below). Henry is perhaps ^thelred, Edgar's son.
1 Cf. the episode (before 864) in the unhistorical Hrolfs Saga Gautreks-
sonar ; ed. Detter, 1891, pp. 18-20.
2 This is the dramatic entry into Nidi's Saga of Kari, one of the most
perfect knights of saga literature.
MODDAN'S SONS. EARL GILLJ. 497
are the captains?" said he. Helgi answered, " Bard the Black,
who lives. But the other has fallen here before the vikings ;
his name was Olaf. My brother, who follows me, is called
Grim."^ "Are you two Icelandic men?" said he. "That is
certain " said Helgi. He asked whose sons they were. They
said. Then he recognized them, and said : " Famous men you
are, father and sons."
" Who art thou ? " said Helgi. " I am called Kari, and I am
Solmund's son." " Whence comest thou ? " said Helgi. " From
the Hebrides " said Kari. " Thou art welcome," said Helgi, " if
thou will grant us something." " I grant what you need," said
Kari, " or what do you ask ? " " Grant an attack on them " said
Helgi. Kari said that it should be so.
They attacked [the vikings], and then the battle began a
second time. And when they had fought for a time, Kari
leapt up on Snsekolfs ship : and [Snfekolf] turned against
Kari, and hewed at him. Kari leapt backwards over a beam
which lay across the ship ; Snsekolf hewed into the beam, so
that he hid both edges of the sword. Kari hewed at him, and
the sword fell upon his shoulder ; and the blow was so great
that he cut off the arm. And immediately Snaekolf had his
death.
Griotgard cast a spear at Kari ; Kari saw it, leapt up in the
air, and the spear missed him. By this time Grim and Helgi
had come to join Kari. Helgi sprang at Griotgard, and smote
him through with his sword ; and that was his death. Then
they went round all the ships, on both sides, and men asked for
peace. They gave them all peace, but took all their goods.
After that, they laid all the ships under the islands, and
rested there for a while.
[c. 85] Sigurd was the name of an earl who ruled over the
Orkneys. He was the son of Hlodve, the son of Thorfinn
Skull-cleaver. . . . Kari was one of Sigurd's body-guard,^ and
he had been taking taxes from the Hebrides, from earl GilH.^
' But in c. 25 (i, loi). Grim is called Nial's second son; Helgi, Nial's
third.
^ hir'Sma^r Siguf^ar.
3 In the summer when Nidi's sons left Norway (979x988, or X994),
Kari took taxes to earl Hakon ; ibid., c. 89, i, 450 : "Then Kari went to
Hladir, to meet the earl ; and brought his taxes [skatla sind] to him.'
Dasent translates this "the Orkney scatts"; but these taxes from the
2 I
498 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
[Kari] asked Nial's sons to go with him to Hrossey, and
said that the earl would receive them well. They accepted the
invitation, and went with Kari, and came to Hrossey.
Kari accompanied them to visit the earl, and told what men
they were. "How did they come to thee?" said the earl. "I
found them in Scotland's-firths,"i said Kari, "and they were
fighting with the sons of Moddan of Duncansby ; and they
defended themselves so well that they threw themselves
constantly from mast to mast, and were ever there where the
danger was greatest. And I wish now to ask for them that
they may serve as guards with your forces." " Thou shalt
decide," said the earl, " because thou hast received them so
much already."
They were there with the earl for the winter,^ and were well
esteemed. But when the winter was on its way, Helgi became
silent. The earl wondered why that should be, and asked why
Helgi was silent ; or what was on his mind : " or art thou not
content to be here ? " "I am content to be here," said Helgi.
" What thinkest thou then ? " said the earl. " Do you have any
dominion to guard in Scotland?" said Helgi. "So one must
think," said the earl ; " or what has to do with that ? " Helgi
answered : " The Scots must have taken your steward from
life, and taken all the messengers, so that none should be able
to go over the Pentland Firth." The earl said : " Hast thou
second-sight?"^ Helgi answered, "That has been but little
proved." " I shall increase thy honour," said the earl, "if this
is so ; otherwise thou shalt pay for it." " He is not a man of
that sort," said Kari, " and he must have spoken truth, because
his father has second-sight."
Then the earl sent men south to Stroma, to Arnliot his
steward. After that, Arnliot sent men south over the Pentland
Hebrides are probably meant. " Earl Hakon's taxes " are not " earl Sigurd's
taxes" : the taxes that Kari brought from the Hebrides are not said to have
been collected for Sigurd, although Kari was Sigurd's vassal.
' { skotlandsJwfSum : i.e., the water-ways between the Hebrides and the
Scottish western coasts, which had been inhabited by Scots before the
Norwegians came. The Pentland Firth was called "Pictland's Firth"
(below); the Moray Firth, "Broad Firth." See below, pp. 504, 541. Cf.
H., Magnus Barelegs, cc. 8, 1 1.
2 976x984-977x985 (certainly x 991- x 992).
^ ert t/niforspdr mdSr. Similarly Ijelow.
EARLS SIGURD, HUNDI, AND MELSNATI 499
Firth, and they made enquiries there, and heard that earl
Hundii and earl Melsnati had taken from life Havard, earl
Sigurd's brother-in-law,2 in Freswick.^ Then Arnliot sent word
to earl Sigurd, that he must come south with a great army, and
drive these earls out of the dominion. And as soon as the earl
learned this, he collected an army among all the islands.
[c. 86] Then the earl sailed south with the army ; and Kari
accompanied him, and Nial's sons also. They came south to
Caithness.*
The earl [Sigurd] owned this dominion in Scotland : Ross
and Moray, Sutherland and the Dales. Men from these
dominions came to meet them, and said that the earls were a
short distance away with a great army. Then earl Sigurd
moved thither with his army. And the name of the place
above which the battle was is Dungal's-peak.^ A great battle
began at once between them. The Scots had sent some oi
their army apart, and these men came upon the earl's men in
the rear ; and there was great loss of life there, until Nial's sons
turned against them, and fought with them, and put them to
flight. The battle was still severe ; so Grim and Helgi moved
past the earl's banner,^ and struck out most daringly. Then
Kari turned against earl Melsnati. Melsnati threw a spear at
Kari. Kari caught it, and threw back the spear, and transfixed
the earl. Then earl Hundi fled, and they pursued there until
they learned that Malcolm, the Scottish king,'' was collecting an
army in Duncansby. The earl then took counsel with his men,
and it seemed best to them all to turn back, and not to fight
with so great a land-army. So they turned back. But when
^ This Hundi was perhaps the father of the king Karl Hundi's son, in
the Orkneyinga Saga. In that case, if Karl were Macbeth, Hundi would be
the same person as the Findlaech of the Orkneyinga Saga ; and this battle
would be the battle of Skidmoor, described below.
^ mdgr : a male relative by marriage.
^ Thrasvik.
■* I.e. 977 X 986 (certainly x 992).
° dungalsgnipa.
^ Cf. the raven banner carried in the battle of Skidmoor, below.
'■ The Scottish king is incorrectly named. These events took place,
according to Nidla's account, during the reign of earl Hakon (976-995), and
apparently before the death of the Godfrey, king of Man, who died in 989.
Probably instead of Malcolm, we should read Kenneth, Malcolm's son
(971-995)-
500 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
the earl came to Stroma, he divided the spoils there. After
that, he sailed north to Hrossey. Nial's sons followed him,
and Kari.
The earl made there a great banquet, and at this banquet
the earl gave Kari a good sword, and a gilded spear ; and to
Helgi, a gold ring, and a cloak ; and to Grim, a shield, and a
sword. After that he made Helgi and Grim his body-
guardsmen, and thanked them for their good courage. They
were with the earl that winter,^ and in summer, until Kari went
on warfare. They went with him. They plundered widely
during the summer, and had victory everywhere.
They fought with Godfrey, king of Man, and conquered
him ; and after that, sailed back [to Orkney] ; and they had
taken much treasure.
They were with the earl for the winter,^ and they sat there
in high favour. In spring, Nial's sons asked [leave] to go to
Norway. The earl said that they should go as they liked ; and
he gave them a good ship, and stout men. Kari told them
that he must go that summer to Norway with earl Hakon's
taxes, and " We shall meet there," said Kari : and on that, they
arranged to meet there. Then Nial's sons put to sea, and
sailed to Norway, and came north to Trondhjem. They
abode there.^
Before 995
? 977 X 986
Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 97 ; Fornmanna Sogur, vol. i,
pp. 199-200
Earl Hlodve died of disease, and Sigurd, his son, took the
earldom after him. Sigurd became a powerful earl and the
ruler of wide lands. He held Caithness by might against the
Scots, and had an army out every summer : he plundered in
the Hebrides, in Scotland and Ireland.*
It happened one summer ^ that the earl who was called
' I.e. 977 X 986-978 X 987 (certainly before 992-993).
^ I.e. 978 X 987-979 X 988 (certainly before 993-994).
^ I.e. 979x988 (certainly x 994).
* This paragraph stands similarly in the Orkneyinga Saga, c. 11, i, 14
(from Fl., i, 226) ; but " great ruler " stands there instead of " powerful earl."
^ The battle between Sigurd and Findlaech stands in the sagas before
the Christianization of Orkney in 995.
EARLS SIGURD AND FINDLAECH 501
Findlaechi came down from Scotland with an overwhelming
army. Findlaech challenged Sigurd to fight at Skidmoor in
Caithness, and appointed a day for the battle.
Earl Sigurd collected an army. The Orkneymen were not
eager to fight with superior numbers ; because it is said that
the odds were not less than seven Scots to one of Sigurd's men.
So the earl got no force from the Orkneys, until he gave back
to the farmers all their odal lands in the islands, to [induce
them to serve in] his army. Then Sigurd went to battle with
Findlaech, and Sigurd had the victory ; but the farmers got
possession of their odal lands in the Orkneys.
Platey-book version of Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 1 86 ;
Flateyiarbok, vol. i, pp. 226-227 ^
It happened one summer that Findlaech, the earl of the
Scots, challenged Sigurd to a pitched battle at Skidmoor, on
an appointed day. But Sigurd went to his mother, for a
prediction [of the result]; she had much knowledge. The
earl said to her that the odds would not be less than seven
men to one. She answered : " I would have reared thee long
in my wool-basket, if I had known that thou wouldst live for
ever. And Fate rules life, but not where a man is come ; better
it is to die with honour, than to live with shame. Here, take
with thee this banner, which I have made for thee with all my
knowledge ; and I deem that it will bring victory to him before
whom it is borne, but death to him that bears it."
The banner was made with great skill, and with excellent
handiwork. It was made in the form of a raven ; and when
the wind blew out the banner, it was as if the raven spread its
wings.^
^ Finnleikr. This seems to have been Findlaech, mormaer of Moray,
the father of king Macbeth ; and probably a relative, possibly the son, of
the Macbeth who has appeared in conflict with Skull, Sigurd's uncle,
before 976.
2 Also in R.S. 88, i, 14-15.
5 This raven banner was carried in the battle of Clontarf; Sigurd fell
there, carrying it.
A raven banner was captured from the Danes led by a son of Ragnar in
England, in 878 ; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, BDE (879, C) ; Asser, Petrie's
Monumenta, 481. See also the Annals of St Neots, s.a. 878, in Stevenson's
Asser, p. 138.
502 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Earl Sigurd was very angry at his mother's words. And
he gave the Orkneymen their hereditary lands ^ for their
support, and went to earl Findlaech at Skidrnoor, and each
arrayed his host. And when the battle began, earl Sigurd's
bannerman was shot to death. The earl bade another man
bear the standard ; and after it had been carried for a while,
he fell. Three of the earl's banner-bearers fell, but he had the
victory, and the Orkneymen received their odal-lands.
979x988 — 981 X 990^
Nial's Saga, cc. 89-90 ; vol. i, pp. 453-456^
[Nial's sons] agreed to this,* and went to Eric [earl Hakon's
son], and were with him there until Kari was ready to sail west.
Then Eric made a feast for Kari, and gave him good gifts, and
to Nial's sons also.
Then Kari and they sailed west beyond the sea, to meet
earl Sigurd ; and he received them very well. And they were
with the earl during the winter.^
And in spring^ Kari asked Nidi's sons to go with him on
warfare. But Grim said they would do that if [Kari] would go
with them to Iceland. Kari promised this, and they went with
him on warfare. They plundered south about Anglesey, and
all the Hebrides. Then they proceeded to Kintyre,'' and went
ashore there, and fought with the men of the land ; and they
took there much treasure, and went to their ships.
Thence they sailed south to Wales, and plundered there.
Then they proceeded to Man. There they met Godfrey, king
of Man^; and they fought with him, and had the victory, and
slew the king's son Dungal. There they took much treasure.
Thence they proceeded north to Coll, and they met earl
' See above, p. 391.
^ Certainly from before 994 to before 996.
2 Also R.S. 88, i, 324.
* Earl Hakon had fought with them, and taken them prisoners. Kari
made a reconciliation between them, but they would take it only from
Hakon's son Eric, who at the same time asked them to be his guests.
^ I.e. 979 X 988-980 X 989 (certainly before 994-995).
" I.e. 980 X 989.
' til satins ; sal{l)tiris in six MSS. (i.e. the Irish sail-tire).
* This Godfrey seems to have been the "king of the Hebrides" who fell
in 989 (above).
KARl AND NIAL'S SONS IN THE HEBRIDES 503
Gilli there ; and he received them well, and they dwelt with
him some time. The earl sailed with them to the Orkneys, to
meet earl Sigurd. And in spring earl Sigurd gave his sister
Nereid in marriage to earl Gilli. Then [earl Gilli] went to the
Hebrides.
[c. 90] That summer, Kari and Nial's sons prepared to go
to Iceland. And when they were quite ready, they went to see
earl [Sigurd]. He gave them good gifts, and they parted with
great friendship. Then they put out to sea. . . .^
1 They returned to Iceland. Kari married Nial's daughter Helga. He
is thenceforth one of the principal characters in Nial's Saga.
Nial was the son of Thorgeir Gollni, son of Ufeig (or of Thorolf) (Nial's
Saga, c. 20). His name Njdll seems to have been derived from Irish Niall,
as Brjdnn from Irish Brian (ibid., c. 154).
Nial was burned in his house in loio, according to the Icelandic
Annals (KOCD ; 1009, E ; looi. A). The leaders of the avengers were
Kari and Thorgeir Skorargeirr. After many deaths, Kari persuaded
Thorgeir to take atonement ; " [Thorgeir] asked Kari what was now
undone that he intended to do. Kari answered : ' I intend to slay Gunnar
Lambi's son and Kol Thorstein's son, if I have opportunity. We have
then slain fifteen men, with the five that we two have both slain together.' "
Nial's Saga, c. 152; i, 870. Ibid., 872: "Gizur [the White] gave Kari a good
sword at parting. Then [Kari] rode down to Eyrar, and took his passage
there with Kolbein the Black. [Kolbein] was an Orkneyman, and an old friend
of Kari's ; and he was the most impetuous and most valiant man. He took
Kari by both hands, and said that one fate should go over them both."
Sigurd continued the same manner of life after his compulsory acceptance
of Christianity in 995. Cf his dealings with Gunnlaug, in Gunnlaug's Saga
Ormstungu, in Mobius's Analecta Norrcena, 148-149: "Then Gunnlaug
[Serpent's-tongue] sailed from England" (in j^Lthelred's reign, 979-1016)
" with merchants, north to Dublin. Then ruled over Ireland king Sigtrygg
Silk-beard, son of Olaf Cuaran and queen Gormflaith : he had ruled the
kingdom then for only a short while. . . . Gunnlaug . . . remained there but
a little while, and went from there to the Orkneys.
"At that time earl Sigurd, Hlodve's son, ruled over the Orkneys ; he was
well [disposed] to Icelanders. . . ." At the same time (p. 150) Olaf was
king of Sweden [? 993-1022]. Sigtrygg became king in Ireland in or before
999 ; therefore this occurred not long after 999.
This was during the reign [1000-1013] of earl Eric in Norway (ibid.,
150); and not long before Cnut's accession in Denmark (after Sven Fork-
beard's death in 1008) ( .". 1000x1008). The saga also implies (p. 161)
that Gunnlaug returned [1008x1012] to Orkney some years after the
accession of Cnut, while Sigurd Hlodve's son [f 1014] still ruled the islands.
Ibid. 161-162: "Gunnlaug Serpent's-tongue took ship with Hallfrod
Troublesome-poet north in Sldtta, and they were very late in starting ; and
they sailed to sea as soon as there was a favourable wind, and came to the
504 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
ca. 989-993
Heimskringla, Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, cc. 30-32 ^
Olaf Tryggvi's son's warfare.
Then^ Olaf Tryggvi's son proceeded to England, and
plundered widely in the land. He sailed as far north as to
Northumberland, and plundered there; thence he sailed north
to Scotland, and plundered widely there ; thence he sailed to
the Hebrides, and had some battles there. Then he proceeded
south to Man, and fought there. He plundered also widely
in Ireland. Then he went on to Wales, and plundered the
land widely, and also the land which is called Cumberland.
Thence he sailed west to France, and plundered there ; then
he sailed from the west, and intended to sail to England.
Then he came to the islands that are called Scillies, in the sea
to the west of England.^ ... *
Orkneys a little before winter. Then earl Sigurd Hlodve's son ruled over
the islands, and Gunnlaug went to him and was there for the winter, and
the earl esteemed him highly. And in spring the earl prepared for warfare.
Gunnlaug prepared to voyage with him ; and they plundered in summer
widely about the Hebrides and Scotland's Firths, and they had many battles ;
and Gunnlaug proved the most valiant man, and the most manly lad, and
the hardiest warrior, wherever they came.
" Sigurd returned early in the summer, and then Gunnlaug entered his
ship with the merchants, who were sailing to Norway ; and earl Sigurd and
he parted with great friendship." Earl Eric [f 1013] was then still alive ;
therefore Gunnlaug left Orkney loogx 1013.
' Cf. Fr., 114-115. The same events are in Olaf's Saga, cc. 77-So
(F.S., i, 142-149; cc. 91-93 in FL, i, 119-122). Olafs Saga quotes in
addition 20 lines from Hallarstein, Cf. J.S., i, B, 525-535.
^ After the death of his wife, Geira ; and after a plundering campaign
in Friesland, Saxony, and Flanders (c. 30). The dates are deduced from
Olaf's Saga, but may be a few years too late.
Historia Norwegiae, in Storm's Monumenta, 113: "Thence [from
lomsburg, Olaf] proceeded to Friesland; afterwards he went to England;
he plundered these [lands] greatly, and did marvels in Scotland, sparing
none in Ireland."
Agrip, c. 16, F.S., X, 392 (and in M.G.H., Scriptores, xxix, 353) : " He
carried warfare far both in Wendland and in Flanders ; in England and in
Scotland ; in Ireland, and in many other lands. He had constantly his
winter-seat in Wendland, in the town that was called lomsburg."
2 He was driven from his course by a storm. Olafs Saga, c. 78.
* Here are i6 lines of verse, attributed to Hallfrod Troublesome-poet.
They were quoted in Olaf's Saga, c. -jj. See Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ii,
95 ; J.S., i, A 158-159; B150.
KING OLAF'S EXPEDITION 505
Olaf Tryggvi's son passed four winters in this warfare, from
the time when he left Wendland to the time when he reached
the Scillies.^
[c. 31] . . .^ And it was so, that Olaf was baptized there,
and all his company. He stayed there for a long time, and
took the true faith ^ ; and he brought with him from there
priests and other learned men.
[c. 32] ... In autumn Olaf sailed from the Scillies to
England, and lay there in a certain harbour. He went this
time in peace, because England was Christian, and he too was
Christian.* . . .
1 Olaf's Saga, c. 78 :
"Then four winters had passed, from the time when he sailed from
Wendland."
^ Olaf was brought to Christianity by a seer who lived in the Scilhes. Cf.
Theoderic, c. 7, and Historia Norwegiae, in Storm's Monumenta, 14, 114-115.
^ Olafs Saga, c. 79 (F.S., i, 148; Fl., i, 122): "Olaf Tryggvi's son was
twenty-five years old when he was baptized. Then 993 years had passed,
from the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ. This was in the loth year
of the reign of emperor Otho the Young, the 21st year of ^thelred the
English king" (Otho III, 983-1002 ; ^thelred, 978-1016).
The later Icelandic Annals say that " Olaf, Tryggvi's son, was baptized
in the Scillies" in 993 (CPL ; 992, A).
* The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (BCDE) says that Olaf [Tryggvi's son] and
Sven [Fork-beard] came to London with 94 ships and attacked the castle,
in 994 ; on the 8th September (BCD. Version A says, in 993, and with 93
ships ; and omits Sven). They were repulsed with loss, but plundered
savagely in Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire ; and wintered in
Southampton, receiving from Wessex 16,000 pounds, and food. Bishop
^Elflieah brought Olaf with great honour to king ^thelred ; ^Ethelred gave
Olaf gifts, and Olaf promised not to invade England again. (A.S.C., BCDE,
records the appearance of a comet in 995 ; cf. Annales Sangallenses
Majores, s.a. 989 = 995, M.G.H., Scriptores, i, 80.)
According to Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga (cc. 79, 86), Olaf was in England
from 993 to 994. The saga and the chronicle do not agree : either Olaf
must have come to England before he was baptized in Scilly, or else he
must have fought in England after he was baptized. " The terms of peace
and the covenant which king ^thelred and all his council have made with
the army that Olaf [Tryggvi's son] and Justin and Gudmund Stegita's son
were with," are to be found in Thorpe's Ancient Laws and Institutes, i,
121-124 ; 527-528.
Thenceforward Olaf and ^thelred were good friends ; ^thelred's son
Edward revered Olaf's memory. See Olafs Saga, cc. 285, 286 ; Odd's
Olaf's Saga, c. 74 (F.S., iii, 63-64 ; x, 371-372) ; Fl., i, 506, 516.
Odd's Olafs Saga, c. 13 ; F.S., x, p. 253 (after Olaf's meeting with
506 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
993-995
Orkneyinga Saga, c. I2 ; vol. i, p. 15^
Olaf Tryggvi's son was four winters [989-993] in warfare in
the western lands after he came from Wendland, before he had
himself baptized in the Scilly Isles. From there he sailed to
Ireland, and married there Gyda, the daughter of Cuaran, the
Irish king.2
Then he dwelt for a time in Dublin, until earl Hakon sent
Thori Klakka west to entice him away. . . .
emperor Otho and king Harold of Denmark. Cf. lomsvikinga Saga, c. 10 ;
F.S., xi, 32): "Then Olaf and his followers went with their army and
harried on the Britons [Welsh], and the Irish, and the Scots : and they
harried on the heathen peoples, [but let] the Christians go in peace."
There was at this time in Northumberland an earl Sigurd (ibid., c. 11,
p. 245), who made a treaty with Olaf (c. 13, p. 253).
1 Reconstructed chapter.
- Heimskringla, Olaf Tryggvi's son, c. 32 (cf. Fr., 115), says that Olaf
married there "a queen who was named Gyda, a sister" (read "daughter")
"of Olaf Cuaran, who was king in Ireland at Dublin. She had been given
in marriage to a powerful earl in England ; he was now dead, and she
held his dominion after him. . . . Olaf then married Gyda, and dwelt in
England, but sometimes in Ireland." Cf. also c. 52. The same story is
in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, cc. 80, 82 (Fl., i, 150-15 1) ; Odd's Olaf's Saga,
ed. Munch, 14, where Gyda is called "the sister of Olaf Cuaran, the king
of the Scots" (similarly in F.S., x, 255).
This story is romantic rather than historical. Olaf Cuaran had died in
980, 14 years before Olaf Tryggvi's son went to Dublin.
There was a Danish colony at this time in Wales or Cumbria {Breiland).
It was ruled by earl Stefni ; he divided it with Palnatoki, who married
Stefni's daughter Alof. (See lomsvikinga Saga, c. 16; F.S., xi, 50-51.)
With Stefni ruled Biorn the British, a contemporary of Alof (cf. c. 2?,
xi, 68).
Stefni died in the year of Harold Gorm's son's death (?992 ; but the
lomsvikinga Saga's story requires an earlier date) ; Palnatoki succeeded to
Stefni's dominions (lomsv. S., c. 21 ; F.S., xi, 67-68). Palnatoki plundered
in Scotland and Ireland for 12 summers, leaving Biorn to rule his dominions
(c. 25, p. 73). Palnatoki's son Aki was a contemporary of Sven Forkbeard
(Olafs Saga, c. 84). Palnatoki divided his dominions with Vagn, Aki's son,
and Biorn the British ; (lomsvikinga Saga, c. 33 ; F.S., xi, 98 ;) they
ruled Bretland after Palnatoki's death (c. 37; F.S., xi, iii). (FL, i,
156 ff.)
Biorn (an old man), and Vagn, fought against earl Hakon (992 x 995).
They were captured in Hakon's defeat [in 994] of the lomsburg vikings, but
released. (Cf. H., Olaf Tryggvi's son, cc. 35-42.) Biorn returned to
CHRISTIANITY IN ORKNEY 507
995
Theoderic, Historia de Antiquitate Regum Norwagiensium,
c. 9; Storm's Monumenta, pp. 16-17
By [Olaf's'] persistence, the earl of the Orkneys became
Christian, with all his people.
Olaf, departing from England, went by a direct route to
the Orkney islands ; and because these are subject to the
Norwegian king, he called upon earl Sigurd, who then ruled
the same islands, to become Christian. And when he prevari-
cated and objected, Olaf pressed him the more. But [Sigurd]
promised that he would be subject to [Olaf] as his king, if
[Olaf] did not force him to [accept] Christianity. And after a
long contest, it is said that Olaf seized [Sigurd's] son from the
Bretland (Olafs Saga, c. 90), and ruled there till his death (lomsvikinga
Saga, c. 48 ; F.S., xi, 156).
He went west to Olaf Tryggvi's son in Dublin [994 x 995] (Olafs Saga, c.91).
According to B.T. in M.A., 693, Danes were in Anglesey (Mon) in 993 ;
Sven, Harold's son, was there in 994 ; and Danes were in South Wales in
996. " Manaw [St David's] was devastated by Sven Harold's son " in 994,
according to B.S. in M.A., 659. A.C., MS. B, says that Menevia [St
David's] was devastated in [993] ; and that " Sven, Harold's son, wasted
Eumonia" [i.e., Man] in [995].
Sven and Olaf Tryggvi's son were repulsed from London on 8th
September, 994 (A.S.C., CDEF).
King Sven Forkbeard and the lomsburg vikings held a funeral feast for
Sven's father, Harold Gorm's son, about the "winter-nights" of October,
994 ; " two winters after Harold Gorm's son had fallen [in ? 992], and five
winters from the time when king Olaf Tryggvi's son had sailed from
Wendland [in .''989]. Olaf was at that time in the west beyond the sea,
and had married Gyda the English " (Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 86 ;
F.S., i, 164). At this feast, Sven vowed to invade England, and kill or
drive out king ^thelred, before three winters should have passed ; and the
lomsburg vikings vowed to invade Norway within three years, and drive
out earl Hakon. (So also in H., Olaf Tryggvi's son, c. 35.)
After Yule, in 994 (Fl., i, 187), " in mid-winter time" (Odd's Olafs Saga,
F.S., X, 257), the lomsburg vikings were defeated by earl Hakon at
Hiorungavdgr in Norway. Cf. Olafs Saga, cc. 89 ff. (F.S., i, 168-179;
lomsvikinga Saga, cc. 41 ff. (F.S., xi, 122). See FL, i, 182-202. This
battle is placed under 994 in the Icelandic Annals (KBOCDPEL ; 993, A).
With the lomsburg vikings were Biorn the British, and Vagn, Aki's
son, from Wales.
Sven plundered Exeter and Wilton in 1003, Norwich and Thetford in
1004 ; but afterwards he lost many men. In 1005 there was famine in
England, and the Danish fleet returned for a while to Denmark (A.S.C.,
CDEF). See the lomsvikinga Saga, cc. 50-51 (F.S., xi, 158-159).
508 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
place where he was being fostered — a little boy of three years,
Thorfinn by name^; protesting that he would kill him in his
father's sight, and moreover threatening perpetual enmity, if
[Sigurd] did not consent.
As it is written : " Fill their faces with shame, and they
shall seek thy name, O Lord,"^ the earl dreaded both things,
both Olaf s most just anger, and the death of his son ; and
believing, or rather consenting, was baptized, with all the
people subject to him : and afterwards he was confirmed in the
faith, and remained faithful, and all his successors.^
995
Heimskringla, Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 47*
Thori urged [Olaf Tryggvi's son] vehemently to this journey,^
and praised him much, and his ability. Then Olaf began to
long greatly for his heritage.
1 This is an error. Thorfinn was this boy's step-brother.
^ Psalm LXXXIII, 16 (Vulgate, LXXXII, 17).
3 Here the sagas' account is to be preferred to Theoderic's. See below.
Odd's Olafs Saga, c. 23 (Munch's ed. ; of. the F.S. version, x, 276-277),
says that Olaf set out from Norway to Russia and England after he had
been one winter in Norway [i.e. in 996] ; Olaf brought from England, in
autumn, " bishop John, and many priests ; Thangbrand and Thormod and
many teachers ; . . . and when they were ready, they sailed to the Orkneys.
And there the ruler was earl Sigurd, Hlodve's son, a great lord. . . ." The
rest of the account is probably derived from Theoderic. When Sigurd
refused to accept Christianity, Olaf threatened to kill Hvelp, Sigurd's
" young son, who was being reared with great care in another island."
This voyage of 996 has been invented by Odd, who thought it more
probable that Olaf should have made himself king before he began to
Christianize outlying districts. There seems to be no doubt that Olafs
dealings with Sigurd occurred on his way to Norway, in 995.
* Cf. Fr., 127-128 ; and O.S., c. 12 (reconstructed chapter), i, 15. See
Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, cc. 91, 94, 98 (c. 187 in Flatey-book version ;
R.S. 88, i, 311-314).
^ Earl Hakon, "in the 29th year of his reign" (read " 19th"?), "learned
that Olaf Tryggvi's son was in England" (Theoderic, c. 7, p. 13) ; he sent
Thori Klakka to lure Olaf from Ireland to Norway, to claim the kingdom
from earl Hakon.
Olafs Saga and H. say that Thori found Olaf in Dublin with Olaf
Cuaran, his kinsman-in-law " ; see above, p. 506, note.
With Olaf Cuaran in Dublin had been Thorgils Orraskild, son of
Thorvard, son of Thorbiorn Black ; Landnamabok, Sturla's version, c. 31,
p. 139 ("an otherwise unknown Icelandic poet" F. Jonsson).
CHRISTIANITY IN ORKNEY 509
Then Olaf sailed from the west with five ships, [coming]
first to the Hebrides; Thori^ accompanied him. Then he
sailed to the Orkneys.
Earl Sigurd, Hlodve's son, lay then in [South] Ronaldshay,
in AsmundarvAgr, with one long-ship, and he was intending
to sail over to Caithness. Then Olaf sailed to the islands with
his army from the west and put into harbour there, because
the Pentland Firth was not passable. And when the king
knew that the earl lay there already, he had the earl called
to speak with him.
But when the earl came to speak with the king, they had
spoken but little before the king said ^ that the earl must have
himself baptized, and all the people of his land, or as alternative
he should die on the spot, immediately ; and the king said that
he would go with fire and burning through the islands, and
devastate the land, unless the people were baptized. And
since the earl was thus pressed he chose to take baptism ; so he
was baptized, and all the people who were there with the earl.
Then the earl swore to the king an oath, and became his
man, and gave him as a hostage his son, who was called Hvelp
or Hund^; and Olaf took him to Norway with him. . . .
995
Platey-book version of Olaf s Saga, c. 187;
Flateyiarbok, vol. i, p. 229*
Olaf had the lad baptized, with the name of Hlodve^; and
he took him with him to Norway. Earl Sigurd bound with
oaths all their compact. Then king Olaf sailed out from the
Orkneys, but placed there behind him priests to instruct the
people, and to teach them holy lore.^
King Olaf and earl Sigurd parted with friendship.
Hlodve lived but a short while. And after [Hlodve] was
' "Thori and his companions" in Olaf's Saga. These were called
Justin and Karlshofud, sons of Eric of Ofrostadir : ibid., cc. 93, 94.
2 There is a long speech here in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, u.s.
3 I.e. "Whelp or Dog"; possibly for Gaelic Culen, or Cu ; Matadan,
or Matad.
* Also in R.S. 88, i, 314. Similarly in the reconstructed c. 13 in O.S.,
i, 15.
'> Hlodver was the Icelandic form of the name Ludovicus or Lewis.
^ So also in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 98 (F.S., i, 202).
510 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
dead, earl Sigurd paid king Olaf no allegiance ; he proceeded
then 1 to marry the daughter of Malcolm, king of the Scots ;
and their son was Thorfinn.
' I.e. before Olafs death in looo?
This marriage is noticed again in Fl.'s Olafs Saga, c. 444 (O.S., c. 13,
i, i6) ; it is there said to have taken place "a little after king Olaf, Tryggvi's
son, and earl Sigurd, Hlodve's son, had come to an agreement" (Fl., i, 558).
This alliance ended the payment to Norwegian kings of the tribute
levied on odal lands in Orkney. See year 894 x. Cf. 1020-1022.
Olafs arrival in Norway caused Hakon's death. Hakon's sons, Eric
and Svein, fled to Sweden.
The Icelandic Annals place the death of earl Hakon, the beginning of
Olafs reign in Norway, and the birth of St Olaf, in 995 (KBCA) : and Olafs
death in 1000 (KOCDA ; 999, B).
The dates of Olafs reign are fairly well established : he reigned for 5
years (cf Odd's Olafs Saga, c. 22 ; F.S., x, 275 ; and Konungatal, in Fl.,
ij 583), from 995 to 1000.
Olafs Saga (c. 256 in F.S., iii, 11 ; c. 386 in Fl., i, 496) : " It is said that
this battle [of Svoldr] was on the second day of the week, the fifth Ides-day
of the month of September, one night after the later Mary's-mass"
(.". Monday, 9th September, 1000) ; "then had passed, from the Incarnation
of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1000 years : that was in the 8th year of the third
decade of the reign of king ^thelred in England, and the 8th" (7th, in Fl.)
"year of the reign of Sven Forkbeard, king of the Danes. In the same
year died Otho, who third was emperor with that name ; and Henry took
dominion." (Henry II became emperor in 1002. ^thelred's 28th year was
997-998). See Adam of Bremen, who appears to place the battle in 1000 or
looi ; M.G.H., Scriptores, vii, 320.
" King Olaf Tryggvi's son fought on the Long Serpent, the next day
after Mary's Mass" Mantissa, c. 2 ; Origines, i, 269.
Similarly, his Saga (c. 285, F.S., iii, 63) says that Olaf fought in
Wendland (just before the battle at Svoldr), when yEthelred had been king
in England for 27 years ; and that ^thelred reigned for 1 1 years afterwards
(the numbers are 23 — read 26? — and 12, in Fl., i, 506, 537). The saga puts
yEthelred's reign too early by five years. A.S.C. dates vEthelred's accession
in 978 (AC ; 979, DEF) and his death in 1016 (CDEF).
After Olafs death, Hakon's son's Eric and Svein ruled Norway, under
Danish and Swedish suzerainty.
Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 139 ; F.S., i, 276, says that Stefni, son of
Thorgils, son of Eilif, son of Helgi Biola, travelled far with Thorvald
Wide-farer : "At last Stefni returned to the North-lands ; and he met Olaf
Tryggvi's son west beyond the sea, and became his man. He went with
king Olaf from the west to Norway." Similarly in c. 238 of the Flatey-book
version.
Thorvald Wide-farer was taken in Scotland and enslaved, in the year
when Hen-Thori fell, and Arngrim Godi was outlawed : Hen-Thori's Saga,
Origines Islandlcae, ii, 38.
EARL SIGURD AND KING KENNETH II 511
995
Heimskringla, St Olaf's Saga, c. 96^
In [Sigurd's] days, Olaf Tryggvi's son sailed from western
piracy with his army. And he lay off the Orkneys, and seized
earl Sigurd in [South] Ronaldshay, where [Sigurd] lay with
one ship before him. King Olaf offered the earl, to ransom
his life, that he should take baptism and the true faith, and
become his man, and proclaim Christianity about all the
Orkneys. King Olaf took as hostage [Sigurd's] son, who was
called Hundi or Hvelp.
Thence Olaf sailed to Norway, and became king there.^
Hundi was with king Olaf some winters, and he died there.^
But afterwards earl Sigurd did no homage to king Olaf; he
proceeded to marry the daughter of Malcolm, the Scottish king ;
and their son was Thorfinn. But earl Sigurd's elder sons were
Sumarlidi, Brusi, Einar Wrymouth ; and they divided the lands
among them, into thirds.
995
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 349*
Kenneth, Malcolm's son, king of Scotland, was killed by
his subjects.^
' This, perhaps resting upon Ari's larlabok, is probably the most
authoritative account of Olaf's dealings with Sigurd and his son.
2 In 995.
^ I.e., 997 X 1000.
Shetland also seems to have received Christianity at this time. According
to Nial's Saga, c. 100; i, 526: "And king Olaf had christianized the
western lands — Shetland, and Orkney, and the Faroes." This was before
Thangbrand's mission to Iceland (in 997). Cf. Odd's Olaf's Saga, 48 ;
Agrip, c. 16 (F.S., X, 317 ; 393). The Historia Norwegiae says (i 15-116),
after mentioning the flight of earl Hakon's sons : " Meanwhile Olaf was
reconciling all his compatriots in the maritime districts to the King of kings ;
and such as the bishop [John] could not reduce with the spiritual sword,
[Olaf] reduced by applying the material sword to the empire of Christ —
noble and ignoble, the suckling and the aged. And so it happened that
within five years he rendered to Christ all his tributaries : — the Shetlanders,
the Orkneymen, the Faroe-men, and the Icelanders ; renowned in their
faith, rejoicing in their hope, fervent in their charity. . . ." Cf. Fareyinga
Saga, c. 42, p. 189.
For bishop John, the most important of the priests brought by Olaf from
512 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
971-995
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version A ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 10
Kenneth, Malcolm's son, reigned years. He immedi-
ately plundered Britain in part. Kenneth's foot-soldiers were
slain with very great slaughter, in Moin Vacornar.^
The Scots plundered England ^ to Stanemore, and to Cluiam,
and to the lakes of Dereham.^
And Kenneth walled the banks of the fords of Forthin.*
After a year, Kenneth went and plundered England, and
carried off the son of the king of the Saxons.
It is he who consigned the great city of Brechin to the Lord.^
971-995
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, versions DFGI ; in
Skene's Picts and Scots, pp. 152, 174-175, 302, 289**
Kenneth, Malcolm's son, reigned for twenty-four years and
two months. And he was killed by his own men in Fettercairn,^
England, see Adam of Bremen, II, 35 ; IV, 33 (M.G.H., Scriptores, vii,
3I9> 383)-
■* Placed in the same year as the death of Ronald, Ivar's grandson
(t 995) ; 7 year-sections after the death of Dunstan (f 988).
5 So also in C.S., 234, Hennessy's year 993 = 995 (but there the words
"king of Scotland" are omitted).
A. I., 47, O'Conor's year 977 = 995 (with f.n. and e. of 995) : "The death
of Kenneth, Malcolm's son, sovereign of Scotland."
A.U., i, 502, s.a. 994 or 995=995 : "Kenneth, Malcolm's son, king of
Scotland, was killed by treachery."
' In the facsimile, ibid, before p. 3, some mark of contraction stands
over the last letter of this name.
Skene in his Celtic Scotland (i, 368) read the name Moin na Cornar,
and understood by it some moss upon the shores of " the water which gave
its name to Abercorn." This is very doubtful.
2 Saxoniam, a Latin rendering of the Old Gaelic Saxain.
2 ad stangna Dera'm. The writing of the MS., as it is represented in
Skene's facsimile, does not distinguish clearly between the letters u and //,
etc. Skene in his Celtic Scotland read this passage ad Stanmoir et ad
Clivam et ad Stang na Deramy, and translated it thus : " as far as Stanmore,
Cleveland and the pools of Deira," adding, "that is, the part of Northumbria
which had been placed as a separate earldom under Eadulf" The whole
matter is very obscure, and these identifications seem rather groundless.
* I.e. the Forth? But this spelling of that name is unfamiliar.
^ Here version A of the Chronicle of the Kings ends.
" Similarly in K (205-206). N (306) reads: "Kenneth [reigned] for 24
KING KENNETH AND FINELLA 513
through the treachery of Finella, the daughter of Cunthar/ earl ^
of Angus. This Finella's only son had been killed by the
aforesaid^ Kenneth.*
971-995
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, p. 226, s.a. 969 ^
Culen, the king of the Scots, was killed. And after him,
" Kenneth, the son of Malcolm, is said to have reigned in
Scotland with renown for twenty-four [years]. He was killed
by trickery and craft, at Fettercairn ; falling by the deceit of
Finella, Cuncar's daughter."^
years ; and he was killed. And he is buried in the island of lona." For
unexpanded versions, see above, p. cxxxix.
' " in Fettercairn " not in K.
^ Finuele filie Jilie Cicnthar, D ; Findle Cunniichar, F ; Finuele Jilie
Cimthar, G (reading Finiele, below) ; Finuele filie Cunchai; I. Perhaps
= Irish Findguala, Conchobar? But the father's name looks like Welsh
Cincar.
2 "thane" K.
^ Yq^ predictum in G, rta.A predichis.
* F adds, apud Dunismoev ; G, apiidj I, apud Dimsion. Read, "at
Dunsinnan," as in Fordun IV, 32 ?
The Duan Albanach, in Skene's P. & S., 63: "Twenty-seven [years]
over every clan had Kenneth, Malcolm's son." (For axxuii read xxiiii.)
For the story of Kenneth's duel with king Edgar (E C, 78), cf. the
Legend of St Edith ; Horstmann, Altenglische Legenden, 19-20.
Fordun (IV, 28) says that the peace with England, inaugurated between
king Malcolm and king Edmund (see year 945), continued throughout the
reign of Kenneth, and down to the time of William the Conqueror's invasion
of England.
5 Also in P. & S., 179 (B.).
' Nate Cuncari Finibhele fraude cadens. This should be a pentameter ;
therefore the woman's name must have three syllables. Stevenson reads
Fimberhele. B. reads Finglene.
The passage within inverted commas is in verse in the original.
After discussing changes in the rule of succession in the empire, Fordun
says (Chronica, IV, 29; i, 172): "Hearing these rumours of changes in
succession, king Kenneth wished that the custom of succession of his
kingdom's ancient kings, who still reigned in a complicated manner, should
be abolished ; and that after every king a child of his own begetting should
be adorned with the diadem of the kingdom, in preference to [all] others.
"And [Kenneth II] himself had a distinguished son, Malcolm by name ;
2 K
514 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
and he resolved with all his endeavours to have the kingdom ensured to him.
He established, therefore, with the consent of all the princes," (for omni
reading omnhnn, with MSS. BEP") "excepting a few supporters of the
original succession, that thenceforth every king at his death should be
succeeded by a son or daughter, grandson or grand-daughter ; or, in the
collateral line, by a brother or sister, or at least by the nearest survivor by
blood-relationship of the king deceased (even though an infant one day
old, since it is said : 'The king's age depends upon his subjects' fidelity') ;
no law to the contrary thenceforward prevailing."
Fordun, Chronica, IV, 32-33 ; i, 174-176: "But the princes who supported
the other succession hated king Kenneth and his son, asserting that they had
been deprived of their anciently accustomed title to succeed. The principal
men amongst them — Constantine the Bald, son of king Culen ; and Grime,
son of Kenneth, son of king Dub — constantly plotted their death, and at
last found accomplices to carry out this crime. The daughter of Cruchne"
(read Cruthne ?) " earl of Angus, consented to their acts and plans. Her
name was Finella \_Finele\ ; [Kenneth] had long before ordered her only son
to be slain at Dunsinnan, I know not whether by severity of the law, or for
some deed, or for any other cause. Therefore this crafty woman, eagerly
aspiring after the king's death, caused to be made in a remote cottage a kind
of trap never seen before. The trap had attached to it on all sides cross-
bows [balisfae], always kept wound up, each with its cord, and fitted with
the sharpest bolts" (reading acutissiinis for acutissimus) ; "and in the
middle of them stood a statue like a boy, cunningly attached to the cross-
bows, so that if any one touched and moved it in any way he should loosen
the catches \laque{\ of the crossbows on all sides, and immediately be pierced
by the bolts discharged.
" Also after completing her work for the accomplishment of this crime,
the wicked woman mentioned above kept always a cheerful countenance
before the king, and at last deceived him, flattering him with treacherous
words. The king went hunting one day with a few followers, not far from
his own dwelling, with dogs raising the beasts here and there among the
woods. And he chanced to turn aside near the village of Fettercairn,
where the traitress lived ; and when she saw him she bent her knees, and
begged him importunately to go to her house. ' Otherwise,' she said,
' I must necessarily consider that I am suspected by your Majesty's Grace.
But God knows, and thou, king, shalt soon know, that although the talk of
malignant men repeats many lies about me, I have always been loyal to
thee, and always shall be, so long as life remains with me. For I know
very well that all that thou hast done recently to my most wicked son was
done not undeservedly, but justly.' And she ran up to him and whispered
in the king's ear" (reading susurrat iar susiirrd) : "'If but thou wilt come
with me, I will expose to thee, my lord, thy betrayers, my cursed son's
accomplices, and the manner of their treason ; they hoped to associate me
with them in their deceit, under an oath ; but I refused at once to consent
to their wicked treachery. They have forced me, however, to swear,
touching the Gospels, that I should never betray their secrets ; and
KING KENNETH AND FINELLA 515
although I promised them this under oath, I should nevertheless have been
most false and a traitress to thee, my lord king, to whom before all others
is due firm and loyal fealty, if I hid the danger of thy person. For who is
unaware that no oath holds against the safety of royal majesty?'
[IV, 33] "Thus did the treacherous woman cunningly beguile the king's
mind, and lead him with her, alas ! too trustful in her, to the dwelling, in
spite of the opposition of all. Why dilate, why dwell upon grievous things ?
After the king had dismounted from his horse, she led him alone by the
hand very swiftly to the house where the trap was concealed. And as if
for the purpose of revealing the secrets of the traitors, as she had promised,
she closed the door behind them, and showed him the statue, which was the
lever of the whole trap. Upon his asking what this statue had to do with
him, she answered, smiling : ' My lord king, if any one should touch and
move the top of the head of this statue that thou seest, a marvellous and
pleasant show will spring from it.'
"Wholly ignorant of the hidden treachery, he drew easily towards him
with his hand the head of the machine, and loosened the levers and catches
[ajisae] of the crossbows ; so that he was suddenly pierced from all sides
by the bolts released, and died without uttering another word.
" Then the traitress went out quickly by the back-door, and hid herself
for the time in the shadows of the woods ; but soon afterwards she came
safely to her supporters. Also the king's followers waited long for his
return from the house, and wondered why he delayed there. At last they
beat persistently upon the door, and, hearing nothing, in rage broke it
open. As soon as they knew of his death, a great outcry was raised, and
they ran hither and thither searching for the wicked woman, but in vain ;
not finding her, and not knowing what to do, they burned the town {ofipidu?n'\
with fire, reducing it to ashes. And they carried away with them the king's
blood-stained body" (reading criientaliini for criientafem), "and shortly
afterwards buried it in royal fashion with his fathers, in lona.
"About this Kenneth's twentieth year [990], and after [Kenneth] had
established the statutes of the succession, Malcolm, Dub's son, [Kenneth's
nephew,] regains of Cumbria, died ; and [Kenneth], wishing to appoint his
son Malcolm regulus of the same dominion, sent him to the [king] of the
English, yEthelred, by whom he was willingly received, under the above-
mentioned conditions of fealty and homage. 'Do thou, [Lord, have mercy
upon us.]'" (See year 971.)
Fordun's story of Finella is semi-mythical. Tradition in the Mearns
says that Finella walked on' the tree-tops from Finella Hill, near Fordoun,
down to Finella Den, near St Cyrus : this suggests that she was a wholly
mythical personage, possibly the stream-goddess of Finella Burn. Perhaps
the stream's name Q.find-ela "white swan") has influenced the form of a
woman's name (^Findguala "white shoulder").
Fordun calls Finella the mother of Macbeth (IV, 44 ; i, 188) ; confusing
her with Findlaech, Macbeth's father.
516 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
995
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 167-170, in Skene's Picts
and Scots, p. 96
Scotland [will be] without a king thenceforward, until the
Fratricide ^ takes [the sovereignty]. Alas, alas, for his enemies ;
alas for their friends, for a long time !
He will bring the rest into peril ; their world will not be
visible {?)}
Twenty-four years (truly), this is the time of the sovereign ;
plundering the Gaels in his house, side by side with his
enemies.
He will march a step ( . . . ^) to the field of the mountains
of the great moor. The Gaels will shout* about his head; his
slaying will be the end of it.
' an fionnghalach, "the slayer of a kinsman." This king (reigning for
24 years) appears to be Kenneth II.
^ ni ba faigside a sdogal, MS. a ; foigside, MS. b. p'or aicside "visible" .?
The rhyme is with bdogal, therefore the last word should be trisyllabic.
There is a gap of two lines in this stanza or the next.
^ ni chomhaigh, a cheville (MS. b has ni cdmhaigh) rhyming with sliabh
an mhdir-mhdnaidh in the next line. Read 7?/ comdid "not of equal
fortune"? The "field ... of the great moor" {mor-mJioin) is perhaps
Strathmore.
« Or "laugh."
PART XX
Reigns of Constantine III and Kenneth III
X996
Dudo of St Quentin, De Moribus et Actis Normannorum ;
in Duchesne's Scriptores, p. 138 ^
The English also are obediently subject to Richard
[I, duke of Normandy] ; the Scots and Irish are ruled by
his patronage.^
997
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 351 ^
A battle between Scots ; and there Constantine, Culennan's
son, king of Scotland, fell, and many others.* . . .
Malcolm, Donald's son, king of the Britons of the north,
died.^
995-997
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; in Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 152
Constantine, Culen's son, reigned for one year and
six months. And he was killed by Kenneth, Malcolm's
' From a speech put into the mouth of Richard's enemy, Theobald,
count of Chartres.
" Palrocinio.
This passage is copied by Benoit de Sainte-IMaure, ii, 174-175 : "All
the English obey him ; they of Scotland cherish him."
^ Placed 9 years after the death of Dunstan (f 9S8).
^ C.S., 234, Hennessy's year 995=997: "A battle between Scots, and
Constantine, Culen's son, was killed there, and others."
Annals of Clonmacnoise, 163, s.a. 990 = 997: "The Scottish men in
battle slew their own king, Constantine ; and many others."
^ I.e., of Cumbria.
So also in C.S., u.s. ; and in A U., i, 504, s.a. 996 or 997 = 997.
Annals of Clonmacnoise, u.s. : "Malcolm, Donald's son, king of the
North Wales" (read "Welsh"), "died."
61T
518 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
son, in Rathinveramon ' ; and was buried in the island of
lona.^
995-997
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, p. 226, s.a. 994^
Kenneth, king of the Scots, was slain ; after whom,
[Constantine the Bald, Culen's son, [became] king of the
Scots*].
" King Constantine, Culen's son, was slain by the sword,
at the head of the river Almond,^ in Tegalere^; having ruled
as king for one year and a half Kenneth, the son of Malcolm,
struck him."''
1 Rathveraitwen, in F; Rathinveramon, DGI. This was "the fort at
the mouth of the river Almond," according to S.C.S., i, 381. See the Verse
Chronicle, below.
2 Similarly in versions FGI (175, 302, 289) ; but K (206) omits the
places of Constantine's death and burial. N reads (306) : " Constantine
[reigned] for 2 years ; and he was killed, and buried in the island of
lona."
Constantine's successor, Kenneth Dub's son, is omitted in version D.
The Duan Albanach, in P. & S., 63 : "Seven years of Constantine the
squinter."
3 Also in P. & S., 179 (B.).
* A 13th-century addition.
^ Ad caput amnis Aven, in Stevenson's ed. ; the MS. has «;«[<?«] (blotted).
These words form the first half of a pentameter ; therefore the last syllable
of the river's name is scanned as a long syllable. B. reads Amon.
" In Teg ale re, scanned Tegalere. B. reads : In jus regale, which does
not scan.
' The passage within inverted commas is in verse in the original.
Fordun (IV, 34) says that in 994 "Constantine the Bald, Culen's son,
. . . usurped the royal throne, despising the public constitution " ; some of
the nobles supported the just claims of Malcolm. Malcolm's uncle,
Kenneth, fought against Constantine. "They met ... in Lothian, near
the banks of the river Almond"; and both the leaders were killed.
Constantine's army fled to " Gryme, son of Kenneth, son of Dub." Gryme
made himself king in 996, and reigned for 8j years. Malcolm, who had
gone to Cumbria, returned, and fought against Gryme ; and killed him
(IV, 38). Malcolm convoked the princes of the realm, and was crowned, in
1004. See year 1005.
KING CONSTANTINE 519
995-997
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 171- 174, in Skene's Picts and
Scots, p. 97
A king will take [the sovereignty], who will not be king ;
after him, Scotland will be nothing. It will be the weak^
following the strong ; though true is what my lips relate.
A king with reproach above his head (?) ^ ; alas for Scotland
during his short time ! Feeble men will be about him, in the
region of Scone, of melodious shields.
A year and a half (a bright space), that will be his whole
reign ; from taking Gaels ^ he will go to death ; he falls, his
people fall.
He will fight great battles in Scotland ; by the disgrace of
his head he will destroy colours.* He will be in communion of
battle, from Stirling to Abertay.^
998
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 504, s.a. 997 or 998 = 998'^
Dubdaleithe, successor of Patrick and of Columcille, ended
his life in the eighty-third year of his age, on the fifth day ''
before the Nones of June.^
1 anfann. This reign (15 years) seems to be that of Constantine III,
Culen's son.
^ Ri conaitis uachtar chinn, MS a ; con aids, MS. b, with O'Connell's
conjecture " aithis uaciair, perhaps" : but possibly read uasa for uachtar?
Cf. line 2 of stanza 174.
5 do ghabhail gaoidheal, MS. a. In MS. b O'Connell suggests "Z>o
ghabhail Giall perhaps?" (i.e. "from taking hostages"). Read gMall
"hostages"?
* ri aithes chinn clufidh dhathu. But for this similarity with stanza 172,
line I, this stanza might refer to the next king's reign. For the rhyming
syllables catha, datha, read cath, dath ; and translate : — " He will wage a
great war in Scotland ; with shame (?) upon his head, he will change colour
[ = die?] ; in the rout(?) of battle he will be, from Stirling to Abertay"?
^ de sruth-linn frisi anabar toe, rhyming with he in the previous line :
there is a syllable too many ; therefore read fri h-abar-te (the last syllable
being unstressed), i.e., Dunaverty ? MS. b has fria a nabar Toe. The
writers of both MSS. thought the place to be Aber-Tay. See above, year
712. The boundary facing Danish Northumbria would have run from
Stirling to Tentsmuir (Abertay Sands).
^ With f.n. and e. of 998.
' i quint noin iuin; read (with Hennessy) quart for quint, i.e. "the
fourth before the Nones," or 2nd June.
520 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
999
Heimskringla, Olaf Tryggvi's son, c. 87 ^
King Godfrey, son of Eric Bloodaxe and Gunnhild, had
been in warfare in the west lands ^ since he had fled from the
land in Norway before earl Hakon ; but in this summer, of
which we have spoken already,^ when king Olaf Tryggvi's son
had ruled Norway for four winters, Godfrey came to Norwaj' ;
and he had many warships. He had then sailed out from
England.* . . .
999
Annals of the Four Masters, vol. ii, p. 740, s.a. 998 = 999
Dungal, Kenneth's son, was killed by Gillacoimgin,
Kenneth's son.^
* F.M., ii, 73y, s.a. 998 = 999 (and "the 20th year of Maelsechlaind " as
sovereign of Ireland) : " Dubdaleithe, Cellach's son, successor of Patrick
and of Columcille, died on the 2nd of June, in the eighty-third year of his
hfe "
C.S., 236, Hennessy's year 996 : " Dubdaleithe, successor of Patrick and
Columcille, reposed.'' He had become abbot of Armagh in 965.
' The same passage is in Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 222 (F.S., ii, 216 ;
cf Fl., i, 432).
^ The British Islands.
* The summer [999] in which Leif sailed from Greenland to Norway
[by the Hebrides] ; Olaf's Saga, c. 221, p. 215.
Godfrey, Eric's son, left Orkney 4 winters after Olaf Tryggvi's son had
become king in Norway : Olafs Saga, c. 222 ; F.S., ii, 216 (Fl., i, 432).
^ Fl. omits the last sentence, reading instead "and a great force."
Godfrey sailed along Norway's shore to the Vik ; he landed there, but
was overcome by trickery, and killed. He was the last of Eric's sons
(F.S., ii, 216-217).
^ A daughter of a son of Gillacoimgin married Cathal, Amalgaid's son,
king of West Leinster (in reality, of East Leinster? According to F.M.,
ii, 828-830, s.a. 1034=1035, he was lord of Ui-Cellaig-Cualann) ; and was
killed, along with her husband, by Cellach, Duncan's son (and by the son
of Aed, son of Tuathal : F.M.), in 1035 (see A.U., i, 570; A.L.C., i, 36:
both s.a. 1035).
Dungal and Gillacoimgin may possibly have been sons of Kenneth II
(t995) and Kenneth III (t 1005) ; but this is by no means certain. The
feud seems to have been continued by the family of Boite, another son
(possibly) of Kenneth III, on the one side; and by Malcolm II, son of
Kenneth II, on the other side. See year 1033, note.
Boite's grandson was killed by Malcolm II in 1033. Boite's daughter,
KINGS GODFREY AND RONALD. KENNETH III 521
999 1
lOOO^
loos
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 512, 514; s.a. 1004 or 1005 = 1005 ^
. . . Ronald, Godfrey's son, king of the islands,* . . .
Maelbrigte, Rimid's grandson, abbot of lona,^ . . . [rested]
in Christ. . . .
A battle [was fought] between men of Scotland on either
side; and in it the king of Scotland, Kenneth, Dub's son, fell.^
Gruoch, had previously married Gillacomgain, the pretender of the Moray
house ; and he had been killed in 1032. She afterwards married Gilla-
comgain's cousin, Macbeth, who had succeeded to the Moray claim. This
union of the faction of Kenneth's descendants with the supporters of the
Moray family was so strong that Macbeth succeeded in making himself
king of Scotland. He killed Malcolm IPs grandson, Duncan, in 1040.
Macbeth was succeeded by Lulach, the son of Gruoch and Gillacomgain ;
and Lulach was killed by Duncan's son, Malcolm III, in 1058.
The feud was continued by Maelsnechtai (tio85), Lulach's son; by
Angus (f 1 1 30), a son of Lulach's daughter ; and by Wimund, who claimed
to be the son of Angus. See year 1 154, note.
* According to B.S. in M.A., 659, " Dublin was devastated by the
Scots" in 999, This was the sack of Dublin by Brian Boroime, Cendetig's
son, king of Cashel, in 999 ; after he had defeated the Foreigners and
Leinstermen, and killed Harold, Olaf's son, and Culen, son of Etigen
(? Echtigern) (A.U., C.S.). Brian expelled from Dublin king Olaf, Sigtrygg's
son (T., C.S.)- The Foreigners submitted to Brian and returned to Dublin,
in the following year (1000).
2 According to Fordun (IV, 35), king ^Ethelred's invasion of Cumbria
in 1000 resulted from a refusal by Malcolm, Kenneth's son, the king of
Cumbria (see year 995), to compel his subjects to contribute to the Danish
tribute. This is probably a conjecture based upon existing sources. The
district invaded was a stronghold of the Danes ; perhaps the Scots had
failed to keep it in subjection.
' With f h. and e. of 1005, and an erroneous marginal note "bissextile."
* Similarly in D.A.I , 57, O'Conor's year 1004.
Cf C.S., 242, Hennessy's year 1003=1005: "Ronald, the king of the
island[s], son of Godfrey, son of Harold, died."
^ F.M., ii, 752, s.a. 1004=1005 (and "the 3rd year of Brian"): "Mael-
brigte, Rimid's grandson, the abbot of lona, died."
" C.S., U.S. : " Kenneth, king of Scotland, son of Dub, son of Malcolm,
was killed by Malcolm, Kenneth's son."
D.K., 4, note 23, suggests that Malcolm II began to reign in the
beginning of the year 1005, which he says began on March 25th. But in
the Irish annals the year began on January ist.
522 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
997-ioos
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version B ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 29 ^
Kenneth, Dub's son, reigned for eight years.^
997-IOOS
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version F ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 175
Giric, son of Kenneth, son of Dub, [reigned] for eight years.
He was killed by Kenneth's son in Monzievaird ^ ; and was
buried in lona.*
997-IOOS
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, p. 226, s.a. 99s ^
Constantine, king of the Scots, was slain ; and after him
[Grim, or Kenneth, son of Dub, [became] king of the Scots"].
" For the space of eight years, king Grim reigned, the son of
Kenneth, who was the son of Dub. The place where he was
slaughtered by Kenneth's son, named Malcolm, is held to be
the Plain of Bards." ^
' Also in Todd's Irish Nennius, p. Ixxvii.
^ Cf. above, p. cxxxix.
^ Moeghauard, F ; Moegokanard, G ; Morgoauerd^ I. These forms may
stand for mag-in-baird, "bard's plain." The Verse Chronicle names this
place " plain of bards." Berchan's description fixes the locality. Monzie-
vaird (formerly Monivaird) is near the Earn, between Crieff and Comrie.
Cf. Inchaffray, 324.
^ Similarly in versions G I (302, 289). K reads (206) : " Giric, son of
Kenneth, son of Dub, [reigned] for 9 years ; and he was killed by Malcolm,
Kenneth's son." N omits this reign.
The Duan Albanach (Skene's P. & S., 63) says : " And four [years] of
the son of Dub."
Giric (called also, erroneously, Grim) seems to have ruled over some
district, under his father, Kenneth. This, at least, would explain the
variations among the different accounts of the period of Kenneth's reign.
5 Also in P. & S., i, 179-180 (MS. B).
^ A 13th-century addition.
" Bardoruiii campus habehir. Fordun (below) renders this Auchnebard.
The passage within inverted commas is in verse in the original.
Malcolm, Kenneth's son (see year 1000), was Giric's successor.
Fordun's account (IV, 38; i, 180-181) seems to rest upon tradition:
KING KENNETH III 523
1005
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 175-178, in Skene's Picts and
Scots, p. 98
[Sovereignty] will be taken by the Brown,^ who will
distribute horses,^ and will rout battalions among the English.
He will take possession on a day of battle ; I shall remember
his eulogies.
He will be proud, in the kingdom in the east ; for a short
time he will be over Scotland. He will be mighty [in going]
out against his enemies ; the Brown from the castle of violent
battle.3
The Brown will have eight years and a half (a bright space)
"... But the people more gladly favoured the deeds that were done by
[Malcolm, Kenneth's son], than those that were done by the king [Gryme,
son of Kenneth, son of Duf]. . . . Supported by this favour of the people,
and moved by the instigation of certain nobles, he immediately sent to the
king by messengers a command that he should choose one of two things : —
either to vacate the royal seat, and lay aside the crown, which he had
hitherto, like his predecessor, unjustly held ; or else to commit themselves
to the just judgement of God, regarding which of them should, by whatever
right, be subject to the other ; and fight, either in a pitched battle, both
supported by companies of warriors ; or, if he pleased, in single combat.
" Gryme was much angered by this ; and considering that [Malcolm]
could not resist him, he set out to fight with him at once, along with the
followers in whom he trusted. And on the other side, Malcolm went
boldly to meet him, with the same purpose ; with few men, but well chosen.
And he came to a suitable field for fighting, called Auchnebard. There
they met, placing their standards on both sides ; and they fought a cruel
battle, between great armies. The king, fighting bravely, was at last fatally
wounded, and carried by his followers quickly from the battle. And he died
the same night.
"All the rest on his side saw this, and fled ; and so by this happy issue
Malcolm obtained a triumph, and the kingdom. On the following day,
after hearing the truth of the king's death, he bade [Gryme's] friends fear
nothing, but carry his remains, and bury them in the kings' tomb in the
island of lona."
1 an donn. This reign (8i years) seems to be that of Kenneth III.
" dhdilfes grata, rhyming with Saxanchoibh. MS. b reads graigk. as
the rhyme requires: literally "will divide a herd of horses." The same
expression in stanzas 195, 203, is used with regard to Malcolm II and
Donald Bdn. It may refer to the establishment of feudal tenure ; the
vassal received a horse from his suzerain.
■'' in donn as diinchath criiadhach.
524 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
in sovereignty ; a short while, alas ! until the Gaels turn again
against him.
The Gaels gather, on the day when they will remain with
us,^ about him on his gory bed, between two valleys, not far
from the banks of Earn.
^ illo no mairfid linjie \ na lighe crd, MS. a : "on the day when they
shall be the survivors " ? O'Connell suggests in the margin of MS. b,
inairbhfid " they shall die."
PART XXI
. Reign of Malcolm II; and the Danish Conquest
1005 1
1006
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 516, s.a. 1005 or 1006= 1006 ^
A battle [was fought] between the men of Scotland and the
Saxons. And the rout was upon the Scots ; and they left
behind them a slaughter of their good men.^
1 According to Fordun (IV, 39), "in almost the first days after his
coronation," Malcolm II defeated a great army of Norwegian invaders;
and in his seventh year (IV, 40: i.e. 1011-1012; but according to Fordun,
loio), in gratitude for his success, established a "new episcopal see at
Mortlach, not far from the place in which he had defeated the Norwegians,
and obtained the victory." Cf. above, p. 433 ; Aberdeen, i, pp. xvii, 3
(a spurious charter) ; H. and S., ii, 154 ; D.K., 2.
^ With f n. and e. of 1006.
3 Cf. S.D., in E.C., 80.
Immediately before this passage in A.U. there is a description of an
expedition made by king Brian round Ireland. The writer of the Wars
of the Irish with the Foreigners seems to have misunderstood the present
passage, and deduced from it that Brian overcame the Scots and the
Saxons. After describing Brian's expedition of 1006, he says (R.S.
48, 136):
" He sent afterwards a fleet of ships upon the sea : — the Foreigners
of Dublin, and of Waterford, and of the Ui-Cendselaig" (i.e. of Ferns ; a
diocese that included Wexford, and parts of Wicklow, and of Carlingford ;
Hogan), "and of the Ui-Echach of Munster ; and most of the men of
Ireland, those of them who were able to go to sea. And they took king's
tribute from Saxons and Britons, and from Lennox, and Scotland, and
all Argyle ; and took from them hostages, and prisoners, as well as the
large tribute."
This passage, unsupported by other authorities, has no historical value.
No mention is made of Brian's exactions in Britain by any other chronicle.
See the accounts of Brian's campaign given by A.U. (i, 514-516); C.S.
(242-244; Hennessy's year 1004=1006); A.I. (O'Conor's year 988, but
with {. and e. of 1006) ; F.M., ii, 754-756, s.a. 1005 = 1006.
The writer of the Wars in recording Brian's death at Clontarf calls
him (208) : "Brian Boroime, son of Cendetig, son of Lorcan; sovereign of
525 2 L
526 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
1007
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 518, s.a. 1006 or 1007= 1007 ^
Muiredach, Crichan's son, abandoned for God ^ the succession
of Columcille.
The fair of Teltown was restored by Maelsechlaind.
Ferdomnach assumed the successorship of Columcille, by
counsel of the Irish in that fair.
The great gospel of Columcille was wickedly stolen in the
night, from the western ^ sacristy of the great stone church of
Kells. [It was] the chief relic of the west of the world, because
of its decorated cover. After two months and twenty days,*
this gospel was found ; its gold having been stolen from it,^
and a turf [laid] over it.^
Ireland, and Scotland, and of Saxons, and Britons, and of the west of
Europe " ; and quotes in support of this statement a debide stanza, which
says that Brian had been king of the Saxons, and had gained renown in
his dealings with the [Norman] French. This exaggeration of his power
resulted from the fame of his battles.
^ With f.n. and e. of 1007.
2 arDhia; i.e., "to become a recluse" (Hennessy) ; or, " to be a celede"?
^ "western" not in C.S.
'' C.S. reads " after a quarter" ; and omits the previous sentence.
^ "and its silver" adds C.S.
^ The whole passage appears similarly in F.M., ii, 758, s.a. 1006=1007
(and "the fifth year of Brian" as sovereign of Ireland). The theft and
recovery of Columba's Gospel is told similarly in C.S., 244; Hennessy's
year 1005 = 1007.
This gospel was one of the often-mentioned " relics of Columcille." It
has been supposed to be the beautifully decorated manuscript now known
as the " Book of Kells " : but this is mere conjecture. For its traditional
history, see A.U., i, 52-54, s.a. 552 = 553 (with f.n. of 553): "Thus I have
found in Cuanu's Book: — 'The relics of Patrick were put into a shrine, at
the end of 60 years after Patrick's death, by Columcille. Three noble relics
were found in the tomb ; namely, his cup, and the Angel's Gospel, and the
Bell of the Bequest. Thus did the angel divide the relics for Columcille : —
the cup, to Down[patrick] ; and the Bell of the Bequest, to Armagh ; and
the Angel's Gospel, to Columcille himself. It is called the Ang-el's Gospel
for this reason, because it was from the angel's hand that Columcille
received it.'" (For Patrick's bell, see Coffey's Guide to the Celtic
Antiquities of the Christian Period in the National Museum, Dublin,
pp. 47-48. Cf W. Reeves, Five Chromolithographic Drawings (Belfast,
1850). For Patrick's use of bells, cf. the Book of Armagh, ed. Gwynn, p. 16.)
There may still have been an abbot in lona at this time. Hallfrod
Ottar's son, Vandrajdaskdld, according to his Saga, "... died, and was
SUCCESSORS OF COLUMBA 527
1008
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, pp. 518-520; s.a. 1007 or 1008= 1008 ^
Ferdomnach, the successor of Kells, . . . slept in Christ.^
1009
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 520; s.a. 1008 or 1009= 1009 ^
. . . Maelmuire, Uchtan's grandson, successor of Kells, died.*
ion
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 524, s.a. loio or loi i = 1011^
. . . Muiredach, Crichan's son, Columcille's successor, and
lector of Armagh, slept in Christ.**
laid in a coffin, and his treasures with him : mantle, helmet, and ring.
And all together were cast over-board. The coffin came to the Holy
Island, in the Hebrides ; and the abbot's servants [sveznar] found it. They
broke open the coffin, and stole the treasure, and sank the body in a great
swamp." King Olaf [Tryggvi's son] appeared to the abbot in a dream, and
exposed the evil deed. Vigfusson and Mbbius, Fornsogur (i860), 114-115.
Asmundarson's Hallfridar Saga (1901), 46-47. For Hallfrod, see J.S., i,
A, 155-173 ; B, 147-163. His death is there placed ca. 1007.
' With f.n. and e. of 1008, and the marginal note " bissextile."
- A.I., under O'Conor's year 990= 1008 (with ferial of ioo8 ; in Scriptores,
ii, 2, 52), and C.S., Hennessy's year 1006=1006 (R.S. 46, 246), read:
Ferdomnach, Columcille's successor, reposed." F.M., ii, 758, s.a. 1007 =
1008 : " Ferdomnach, Columcille's successor in Kells, . . . died."
^ With f.n. and e. of 1009 ; but with erroneous marginal note
"bissextile."
* Similarly in F.M., ii, 760, s.a. 1008=1009. Perhaps instead of
" Uchtan's grandson " we should read " Ua-Uchtain." Cf. years 1034, 1040.
^ With fn. and e. of loii.
^ F.M., ii, 762, s.a. 1010=1011 (and the "gth year of Brian," sovereign
of Ireland) : " Muiredach, Crichan's son, successor of Columcille and
of Adamnan " (i.e., abbot of lona — cf. year 1025 — and of Raphoe),
"scholar, and bishop, and virgin, lector of Armagh, and successor-elect
\adhbhar comharba\ of Patrick," (i.e. abbot-elect of Armagh.') "died, after
the seventy-fourth year of his life, on the fifth day before the Kalends of
January — the night of Saturday, to be precise — ;" (i.e., in the evening of
Friday, 28th December, loii) "and he was buried, with honour and
reverence, in the great stone church in Armagh, in front of the altar."
There was an epidemic disease (" boils and colic ") at Armagh, from
November [loii] to May [1012]. See C.S., 246-248, Hennessy's year
1010=1012; A.U., i, 524, s.a. loii or 1012 = 1012; F.M., ii, 764, s.a.
1011 = 1012.
528 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
X 1014
Flateybook's Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, c. 444 ; Flateyiarbok,
vol. i, p. 5581
Tale of earls Einar, Thorfinn, Somerled.
A little while after king Olaf, Tryggvi's son, and earl Sigurd,
Hlodve's son, had made peace, the earl proceeded to marry
the daughter of Malcolm, the king of the Scots ; and their son
was earl Thorfinn. Earl Sigurd had three other sons : one was
called Brusi ; another, Sumarlidi; the third, Einar Wry-mouth.
X 1014
Eyrbyggia Saga, c. 29, pp. 103-104
A man was called Thorodd ^ ; he was of a family from
Medal-fells-strond, a man of repute. He was a great leader,
and had ships voyaging. Thorodd had sailed on the merchant-
expedition west to Ireland, to Dublin.
At that time Sigurd Hlodve's son earl of the Orkneys had
plundered into the Hebrides, and as far west as Man. He laid
a tax upon the inhabited lands of Man. And when they had
made terms, the earl left men behind to wait for the tribute;
and it was paid mostly in refined silver. And the earl sailed
up north to the Orkneys.
But when those who had waited for the tribute were ready
to sail, a south-westerly gale came upon them ; and when they
had sailed a while, the gale turned to the south-east and east,
and there was a great storm, and they were carried north about
Ireland ; and the ship was broken to pieces there, upon an
uninhabited island.
And when they had come to this, Thorodd the Icelander
came upon them as he sailed from Dublin. The earl's men
called upon the merchants to help them. Thorodd put out a
boat, and went there himself And when they met, the earl's
men bade Thorodd help them ; and offered him a reward for
it, if he would carry them home to the Orkneys, to earl Sigurd ;
but Thorodd thought that could not be done, because he was
bound for the voyage to Iceland. But they pressed him
urgently, because they thought that their treasure and freedom
■■ Also in Vigfusson's O.S., i, 16 ; c. 13.
'^ Of. Landnamabok, Sturlubok verbion, c. 138, p. 169.
SIGURD EARL OF ORKNEY 529
depended on this, that they should not be taken up to Ireland
or the Hebrides, where they had previously been plundering.
And so it came about that he sold them the boat from the
sea-going ship, and received a great part of the tribute. Then
[the earl's men] proceeded in the boat to the Orkneys, and
Thorodd sailed boatless to Iceland, and came from the south
to the land ; then he proceeded westward and sailed in at
Breidafiordr, and came safely to Dogurdarnes. And he went
in autumn to Helgafell, to dwell with Snorri Godi. He was
thenceforth called Thorodd Tax-barterer. . . . ^
1012-1014
Thorstein Side-Hall's son's Saga; Samfund, no. 29,
pp. 215-216-
Thorstein sailed out, and came to the Orkneys. At that
time earl Sigurd, Hlodve's son, ruled over the Orkneys ; he
welcomed Thorstein well, and invited him to [visit] him ; and
[Thorstein] was with the earl during the winter, well esteemed.
And when spring^ came, the earl asked Thorstein whether
he would go with him on warfare, or would remain behind.
Thorstein chose to go ; and he was a forecastleman on the
earl's ship, and was the most valiant man on shipboard, as if he
had been accustomed to that occupation.
' Thorodd married Thurid, sister of Snorri Godi.
According lo Vatnsdoela Saga, c. 43 (Fornsogur, 69 ; Reitan's translation,
92), Biorn, an eastern man (Norwegian), and Thorkel Krafla, Thorgrim's
son (t ca. 1008), a relative of Sigurd Hlodve's son, went to Orkney, while
Sigurd was earl there (x 1012) ; and next summer plundered with Sigurd
widely in Scotland. Thorkel was 12 years old when he went to Orkney
(c. 42; Fornsogur, 67; but only 11 years, according to Melabok ;
ibid., 194).
Gunnlaug Serpent's-tongue (t ca. 1008) is said to have been with Sigurd
in the Orkneys (X1012). See Gunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu, c. 12; igii
ed., 41 ; Islendinga Sbgur (1847), ii, 264-265.
Flatey-book has a fabulous story of life in the Orkneys during the
earldom of Sigurd, Hlodve's son. The persons concerned are Ulf the
Bad, of Sanday, and his daughter Helga ; Harold of North Konaldshay,
and his son Helgi. Fi., iii, 457-459 ; R.S. 88, i, 342-344 (translated ibid.
iii, 369-371)-
^ Also in Mobius, Analecta Norroena, 169-170 ; and R.S. 88, i, 340-341.
^ Spring of 1013.
530 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Thorstein was a shrewd man, and wise, and brave. And
the earl asked him to be long with him, since he acknowledged
his family, and he knew the relationship between them : because
Thorey, Ozur's daughter, was Side-Hall's mother ; and Ozur
was the son of Hrollaug, son of Ronald of Maerr. Earl Turf-
Einar was the son of earl Ronald of Maerr, and father of earl
Thorfinn Skull-cleaver, the father of earl Hlodve, the father of
earl Sigurd.
And earl Sigurd plundered widely in Scotland in the
summer ; and no man challenged Thorstein's courage and
valour ; two things spared Thorstein that — his birth, and his
fortitude. The earl slew many low-born people,^ and some
fled up into the woods ; and the earl went widely about the
western lands, and they burned them.
Late in autumn, he went home to the Orkneys, and rested
then for three months, and gave good gifts to his friends.
Then the earl spoke to Thorstein : " Thou hast given me good
support, and manful. Receive from me a gilded axe ; it befits
thee to bear it." Thorstein thanked the earl, because that was
the greatest treasure.
That autumn came Burning-Flosi and his men to the
Orkneys ; and their affairs with earl Sigurd went as is said in
Nidi's saga.
That winter, earl Sigurd prepared to go to Ireland. And
then he fought with king Brian. And that battle has been the
most famous in the west beyond the sea, both because of the
numbers who fought in it, and because of the importance of
the result.
And when the earl was preparing to go from home, he
asked Thorstein whether he would go. Thorstein said that
nothing else was fitting than that he should go, and follow him
into the danger : " Since we think it good to have comfort with
you, in peace."
The earl thanked him for his words. After that, they went
to Ireland, and fought with king Brian ; and at once great
tidings occurred there, as is said in his saga.^
^ inargt o-thjoSa-folk.
" I.e. "the earl's saga"? No Saga of Brian has been preserved.
THORSTEIN SIDE-HALUS SON. FLOSI 531
1013
Nial's Saga, c. 153 ; Gi'slason's Njala, vol. i, pp. 872-876^
Now we have to take up the tale where Fiosi^ is ; [and say]
that they rode east to Hornafiordr. Flosi was followed by very
nearly all the men in his district. They carried east their
wares, and all the other baggage and luggage that they had to
take to sea with them. Then they prepared for their journey,
and made ready their ship. Flosi was now there with the ship
until they were ready. And as soon as there was a favourable
wind they put out to sea.
They had a long voyage, and bad weather. Then they
went quite astray. Once they met some great waves three at
a time ; then Flosi said that they must be somewhere in
neighbourhood of land, and these were breakers. There was
much fog, and the storm increased so much that a great gale
blew on them, and they saw nothing till it threw them up on
land one night. And the men were saved, but the ship broke
all to splinters, and they could save none of their possessions.
They had to look for shelter. But on the day after they went
up to a certain height : the weather was then good.
Flosi asked if any man knew this land. There were two
men who had sailed before, and they said that they knew it
certainly, "and we have come to the Orkneys, on Hrossey."
" We might have made a better landing," said Flosi, " because
Helgi, Nial's son, whom I slew, was a guardsman of earl Sigurd
Hlodve's son."
Then they looked for a hiding-place, and plucked moss to
[cover] themselves, and lay so for a while. But it was not long
before Flosi said : " We must not be here longer, for the people
of the land to find us." Then they stood up and took counsel.
Then Flosi spoke to his men : " We must all go into the earl's
power ; nothing else avails us : because the earl has our lives
at his disposal, if that is what he wishes to look for."
So they all went out from there. Flosi said that they must
give tidings to no man, nor tell of their journey, before he told
it to the earl. Then they went to where they found men, who
' Also in R.S. 88, i, 325-326. Jonsson's ed., 399-400 ; Dasent's c. 152.
''■ Flosi was the blameless leader of the burners of Nial. See above,
p. 503, note.
532 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
directed them to the earl. So they went before the earl, and
Flosi and all the others greeted him. The earl asked what
men they were. Flosi named himself, and said from what
district of Iceland he was. The earl had heard before of the
burning, and so he recognized the men at once. Then the earl
asked Flosi : " What sayest thou to me of Helgi, Nidi's son, my
guardsman?" " This," said Flosi, "that I hewed the head from
him." The earl said : " Take them all." And so it was done.
Just then, Thorstein, Side-Hall's son, arrived. Flosi had
married Steinvor, Thorstein's sister. Thorstein was one of
earl Sigurd's body-guards. And when Thorstein saw Flosi a
prisoner, he went to the earl and offered for Flosi all the goods
that he had. The earl was long most angry, and most difficult
[to move] ; but at length by the persuasions of good men it
was so arranged with Thorstein (because he was well backed
by friends, and many went to plead on his side) that the earl
made an agreement with them, and gave peace to Flosi and
to them all. The earl held to that custom of powerful men, so
that Flosi took up the same position as Helgi Nial's son had
had. So Flosi became one of earl Sigurd's body-guard ; and
he soon obtained great friendship with the earl.
lOIOX X014
Nial's Saga, cc. 154-155; Gi'slason's Njala, vol. i, pp. 876-884^
Kari and Kolbein the Black put out from Eyrar, half a
month later than Flosi from Hornafiordr. They had a fair
wind, and were a short time out. They touched at Fair Isle^;
it is between Shetland and Orkney. Kari was received by the
man who was called Dagfinn the White. He told Kari all about
the journeys of Flosi and his followers, exactly after the true
account he had had of them. He was the greatest friend to
Kari ; and Kari was with him for the winter.
They had there during the winter news from the west, from
Hrossey, of all that was being done there.
Earl Sigurd invited to him at Yule earl Gilli from the
Hebrides, his brother-in-law. [Earl Gilli] had Svanlaug, 'earl
Sigurd's sister, as his wife.
' Also in R.S. 88, i, 326-329. Jonsson's ed., 401-406. Dasent's cc.
153-154-
^ Fri^arey.
GILLI AND SIGTRYGG IN ORKNEY 533
Then came to earl Sigurd also the king that was called
Sigtrygg. He was from Ireland. He was the son of Olaf
Cuaran, and his mother was called Gormflaith. She was the
fairest of all women, and most successful in everything that was
not under her control ; but it was the talk of men that every-
thing had gone badly with her that was under her control-
Brian was the name of the king who had married her ; but
they were then parted, because he was the most generous of all
kings. He sat in Connaught castle. His brother was Ulf
Disquiet, the greatest hero and warrior.^ King Brian's foster-
son was called Toirdelbach." . . .
Gormflaith was not the mother of Brian's children. And
she had become so bitter against king Brian after their parting,
that she would gladly have had him dead. . . . Gormflaith
urged greatly her son Sigtrygg to slay king Brian. She sent
him therefore to earl Sigurd, to ask him for an army.
King Sigtrygg came to the Orkneys before Yule. Earl
Gilli also came there at that time, as was written before. The
men were so placed that king Sigtrygg sat in the middle on
the high-seat, and the two earls on either side of him. The
men of king Sigtrygg and of earl Gilli sat beyond earl Gilli, on
the inner side ; and on the outer side, beyond earl Sigurd, sat
Flosi and Thorstein, Side-Hall's son. And all the hall was
filled. . . .3
' This brother of Brian is not an historical personage.
- Kerthidlfd&r, in the sagas. This was Toirdelbach, son of Murchaid,
son of Brian.
^ Sigtrygg and Gilli wished to hear the story of Nial's burning. Gunnar
Lambi's son was asked to tell it. He twisted it to the discredit of Nial's
sons. Kari, Kolbein, and Dagfinn the White, meanwhile arrived in Orkney
mainland ; Kari overheard Gunnar's perversion of the tale ; he entered
and struck off Gunnar's head. The head fell before the king and earls ;
blood poured on the table and on the earl's clothing. Earl Sigurd said :
" Take Kari and kill him " ; but none stirred. Kari escaped and was not
pursued. "They sailed south to Caithness, and went up to Freswick
[ Thrasvik'\ to the nobleman who was called Skeggi ; and they were with
him very long" (c. 155, p. 883).
Sigtrygg and Sigurd praised Kari's daring, and Flosi told the story of
the Burning.
There is a parallel incident to that of Gunnar's death, in Asbiorn
Sigurd's son's killing of Seal-Thori ; H., St Olaf, c. ri8 (Unger's c. 124).
Both stories are drawn from the story-tellers' stock; and neither is historical.
534 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Then king Sigtrygg waked to his errand with earl Sigurd,
and asked him to go to join him in battle against king Brian.
The earl hung back long, but at last it came about that he
made a condition, that if they killed Brian he should have
[Sigtrygg's] mother, and be king of Ireland afterwards. They
all were dissuading earl Sigurd from going, but it availed
nothing. They parted upon these terms, that earl Sigurd
promised to go ; and king Sigtrygg promised [Sigurd] his
mother and the kingdom. It was arranged that earl Sigurd
should have come with all his army to Dublin by Palm-Sunday.^
1014
Nial's Saga, c. 157; Gi'slason's Njala, vol. i, pp. 891-898^
Earl Sigurd, Hlodve's son, prepared to go from the
Orkneys. Flosi offered to go with him ; [but] the earl did not
' Gormflaith was pleased with the bargain, but sent Sigtrygg to get
more help. " She said that two vikings were lying off the west of Man,
and had thirty ships ; ' and [are] so valiant that nothing withstands them.
One is called Uspak, the other Brodir. Thou must go to them ; and let
nothing be lacking to get them on thy side, whatever they may ask'"
(c. 155, p. 885). Sigtrygg found them off Man ; he induced Brodir to join
him before Palm-Sunday, by promising to him also Gormflaith's hand and
the kingdom. Uspak would not join him. " Uspak had ten ships, and
Brodir twenty. Uspak was a heathen, and the wisest of all men" (c. 155,
p. 887). Brodir was an apostate and a sorcerer. Ominous portents
showed Uspak that Brodir was doomed. Uspak went to Connaught and
told Brian everything ; and Brian collected his forces for the week before
Palm-Sunday. Uspak was baptized (c. 156 ; pp. 887-891).
" Also in R.S. 88, i, 332-334. Jonsson's ed., 408-412. Dasent's c. 156.
This account from Nial's Saga has very little historical value. There
are some similar incidents in the account given by Thorstein Side-Hall's
son's Saga ; Samfund, 29, 216-217 ; Mobius, 170-171 ; R.S. 88, i, 341-342.
The earliest authority for the death of king Brian is Marianus Scottus,
s.a. 1036=1014 (M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 555). He says that Brian was killed
on Good Friday, the 23rd of April (therefore in 1014 ; Good Friday had
not been so late since 919).
The Irish authorities for the battle of Clontarf are A. I., s.a. [1014] (with
ferial and epact of 1014 ; O'Conor's year 996), in O'Conor's Scriptores,
ii, 2, 54 ; C.S. (R.S. 46, 250-252 ; Hennessy's year 1012 ; with a note of the
lateness of Low Sunday, which fixes the year as 1014), derived from a lost
leaf of Tigernach ; A.U., i, 530-536, s.a. 1014 (with epact, and ferial and
golden numbers, of 1014 ; also "the 582nd year" from 432); F.M., ii,
772-778, s.a. 1013 = 1014; D.A.I,, s.a. 1014, in O'Conor's Scriptores, ii, 3,
60-70 ; the Annals of Boyle, ibid., ii, 4, 15-16 ; the Wars of the Irish with
CONFEDERATION AGAINST KING BRIAN 535
the Foreigners, R.S. 48, 150-310, 250-262; the A.L.C., R.S. 54, i, 2-14.
The Annals of Clonmacnoise, 166-167 (dating the battle erroneously on
Good Friday, 22nd March, 1007).
The earliest Irish account of the battle of Clontarf is probably that given
by A.I. : in which no definite mention is made of the presence in the battle
of any men from Scotland. After naming men killed among the Irish
adversaries, this account says : " And a slaughter [was made] of the
Foreigners of the west of the world in the same battle."
C.S., in its account of the battle, says : " Foreigners of the world, from
those of thein who were in Scandinavia and to the west of it [o Lochlain
siar\, collected against Brian and Maelsechlaind ; they had with them a
thousand men-at-arms."
A.U. (q.v.), i, 530-532: "A military expedition [was led] to Dublin by
Brian, the king of Ireland, son of Cendetig, son of Lorcan ; and by
Maelsechlaind, Donald's son, king of Tara. All the Leinstermen were
there to meet them ; and the Foreigners of Dublin ; and along with these,
an equal number of the Foreigners of Scandinavia \Lochlaind\, namely
1,000 men-at-arms. A bloody battle was fought between them, the like of
which has not been found. The Foreigners and Leinstermen were routed
at the first ; and [their opponents] destroyed them utterly. There fell in that
battle, among the hostile forces of the Foreigners, Maelmorda, Murchaid's
son, king of Leinster ; and Donald, FergaFs son, king of the Fortuatha.
And of the Foreigners fell Dugald, Olaf [Cuaran's] son ; Sigurd, Hlodve's
son, earl of Orkney ; and Gillaciarain, Gluniaraind's son, heir to the kingdom
of the Foreigners ; and Ottarthe Black ; and Suartgair [= Svartkel?] ; and
Duncan, Erulb's grandson ; and Grisine ; and Luimne ; and Olaf, Logmann's
son ; and the leader of the Scandinavian fleet, Brodir, who killed Brian ;
and 6,000 men, killed or drowned. . . ." (Cf F.M.; and A.L.C.)
Gluniaraind (fgSg) was the son of Olaf [Cuaran], king of the Foreigners.
See A.U., s.aa. 982 = 983, 988 = 989; cf 979 = 980. Tigernach, R.C. xvii,
343, 346; 341-
Olaf, Logmann's son, may have been a Hebridean, or a Manxman
(cf. the Wars, and D.A.I., below).
Sigurd's death is mentioned also by C.S., F.M., A.L.C, and A.B. He
is said to have been killed by Murchaid, in D.A.I. (66), and the Wars (194).
Brodir is called "chief of the Danes" by C.S. (252), D.A.I. (see below),
and A.B. The Wars (150), and A.L.C. (i, 4), call him "an earl of York" ;
the Wars (206), " Brodir, Audgisl's son, earl of York." That Brodir killed
Brian is stated by A.U., C.S., F.M., D.A.I. (67), and A.L.C. Cf A.B.
(64), which omit Brodir's name.
Brodir is erroneously called earl of Orkney, in the Annals of Clonmac-
noise, 166 : "At length, in the year of our Lord God 1007, the 22nd of March
—being Good Friday— [Brian] assembled together all his forces, to give
battle to the Danes, at Clontarf; and on the other side, Brodir, earl of
the island of the Orcades, called together and assembled all the Danes of
Denmark, out of all parts and kingdoms that owed them any service, to
that place, as general and captain of the Danes, where there was a bloody
536 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
battle fought between them, at Clontarf aforesaid. Brodir himself with
his thousand men in shirts of mail were slain ; the rest of his army were
both slain, and drowned in the sea. . . ."
22nd March was not Good Friday between 916 and 1079.
Among those killed on the Irish side (along with king Brian, his son
Murchaid, Murchaid's son Toirdelbach, and many others), A.U. (i, 534)
and F.M. (ii, 776) name: "Donald, mormaer of Mar in Scotland; the
son of Eimin, son of Cainnech." Similarly in A.B. (16), and A.L.C. (12) ;
but these both read " Cainnech Mor." The Annals of Clonmacnoise read
erroneously "earl of Dunbar," instead of "mormaer of Mar." C.S.
(252), and the Wars (170, 210), call him "Donald, Eimin's son." Cf.
S.P., V, 566.
There is a curious account of the battle in the Wars (a late and hardly
historical source), c. 87, pp. 150-152: — "Brian made another great
military expedition on the festival of St Patrick, in spring [17th March],
to attack Dublin and the Leinstermen.
"When the Foreigners [of Dublin] heard that this levy was coming
towards them, they sent messengers and scouts on all sides from them,
to collect squadrons and forces [do thinol toreach ociis socraidi cucu], in
order to offer battle to Brian. They invited to them earl Brodir, and Olaf,
son of the king of the Scandinavians \Lochland'] ; that is, two earls of
Cair [-Ebroic]," i.e. of York, "and of all the north of England ; these two
were commanders of a fleet, and were outlaws, and pirates, [daizair] of
all the west of Europe ; . . . with two thousand . . . pirates of foreign,
wonderful Danes . . . And of those two thousand, there was not one
pirate or robber without a polished coat-of-mail — strong, toughly-woven,
shining— of iron doubly re-smelted, or of cold, unrusting brass, about their
sides and their bodies, from head to foot.
"The Foreigners invited to them also Sigurd, Hlodve's son, earl of
the Orkneys, and of other islands also ; and a levy of fierce, barbarous
men — senseless, uncontrollable, unbiddable [dochisc, docJiomaind^ — of the
Foreigners of the Orkney and Shetland islands \insi Ore ocus insi Cat] ;
from Man, and from Skye, and from Lewis ; from Kin tyre, and from
Argyle ; and two barons from Cornwall [a Corr Bretn'nb\ and Corndabliteoc
from the Britons of St Davids.
"They invited to them also Carlus and Ebric, two sons of the king of
the French ; and Piatt, a powerful knight of Scandinavia [Lochland] ; and
Conmael Treitel.
"This fleet came from every quarter to Dublin. There was now an
immensely great force in Dublin itself— three battalions, equally large,
equally powerful : for there had come to Dublin Maelmorda, the king of
Leinster, son of Murchaid, son of Find ; and with him a force of Leinster-
men, and of the Ui-Cendselaig. These constituted three large battalions."
Cf. D.A.I., 60-62, s.a. 1014. They say (61-62) that the Foreigners of
Dublin "divided themselves into three :— the host of the Scandinavians
[Locklann] . . . ; the second host, Maelmorda, Murchaid's son, king of
Leinster, with the Leinstermen ; and the third host, with the Foreigner[s]
BATTLE OF CLONTARF 537
wish it, since [Flosi] had his journey south to perform.^ Flosi
offered fifteen of his men, to go upon the expedition- ; and the
earl consented to this. And Flosi went with earl Gilli to the
Hebrides.
Thorstein Hall's son went with earl [Sigurd] ^ ; also Hrafn
the Red, and Erling from Stroma. The earl did not wish that
Harek* should go; but he said that they should tell him the
news first.
The earl reached Dublin with all his army, on Palm
Wednesday.^ There Brodir also had arrived, with all his army.
Brodir tried to find by sorcery how the battle would go ;
and the reply was that, if they fought before the Friday, king
Brian would fall, but have the victory ; while if they fought
before it, they would all fall, who were against him. Then
Brodir said that they must not fight before the Friday.
On the fifth day [of the week], a man rode to Gormflaith
and her company on an apple-grey horse ; and he had a
palstave in his hand. He talked long with Brodir and
Gormflaith.
King Brian had come to the castle, with his whole army.
On Friday, the army went out from the castle ; and both forces
were drawn up. Brodir was in one wing, and king Sigtrygg in
the other. Earl Sigurd was in the middle of the force.
Now it is to be said of king Brian that he wished not to
fight upon Friday : and a shield-wall was put up around him ;
and the army was drawn up there in front. Ulf Disquiet was
of the islands, under Hlodve, earl of the Orkney Islands, and Brodir, chief
of the Danes \iaoiseach Danair], and the Foreigners of Shetland, and of
Man, and of Skye \_Sgilicc], and of Lewis, and of Kintyre ; and the Argyles-
men, and the Cornwall Britons, and the Britons of St Davids and of
Coir-na-Iiogog, with all their kings ; and moreover Foreigners from the land
of snow [Iceland?] and from middle Gaethlaige" (Gothland?). The same
chronicle (63) says that one third of Brian's army was set to oppose " the
Foreigners of the islands."
^ Flosi had undertaken a pilgrimage to Rome, to obtain absolution for
the burning of Nial.
- These men all fell in the battle of Clontarf ("fifteen of the burners
[of Nial]" ; see below).
^ I.e., to Ireland.
* Harek has not previously been mentioned in the saga. Some
passage that spoke of him has evidently been omitted. See below, note.
° 2ist April, 1014.
538 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
in the wing that was opposed by Brodir ; and in the other wing,
to which Sigtrygg was opposed, were Uspak and the sons of
Brian ; and in the centre was Toirdelbach ; and before him the
standards were borne.
Then the ranks fell upon each other.
Then a very hard battle arose. Brodir went through their
force, and felled all those that stood in the front: but him
weapons bit not. Then Ulf Disquiet turned against him, and
thrust at him three times, so hard, that Brodir fell before [the
thrust] each time. And he was very nearly unable to get upon
his feet. But as soon as he succeeded in standing up, he fled
away, into the wood.
Earl Sigurd had a hard battle against Toirdelbach.
Toirdelbach advanced so vigorously that he slew all those that
were farthest forward ; he broke earl Sigurd's ranks as far as
the standard, and slew the standard-bearer. Then the earl got
another man to carry the standard. Then again there was a
hard battle. Toirdelbach struck this [standard-bearer] immedi-
ately a death-blow ; and one after another, as many as
were near.
Earl Sigurd bade Thorstein, Hall's son, carry the standard.
Thorstein intended to take up the standard ; then Amundi the
White said : " Do not thou carry the banner, Thorstein, because
all those that bear it are killed."
" Hrafn the Red ! " said the earl, " Bear thou the banner."
Hrafn said : " Bear thou thy fiend thyself."
The earl said : " That will be most fitting, that beggar and
bag should go together."
Then he took the standard from the pole, and put it between
his clothes. A little later Amundi the White was slain. Then
the earl too was shot through with a spear.^
Uspak had gone about the whole wing ; he had been badly
wounded, and had previously lost the two sons of Brian.
^ Flatey-book's Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga (Fl., i, 558 ; R.S. 88, i, 16, c.
13) says: "And when earl Sigurd came to Ireland, king Sigtrygg and
he led their army against Brian, the Irish king ; and their meeting was
on Good Friday. There was none to bear the raven-standard ; and the
earl bore it himself, and fell there. And king Sigtrygg fled. King
Brian fell, with victory and success."
The incident of the banner stands thus in Thorstein Side-Hall's son's
Saga : " There fell three standard-bearers of earl Sigurd. And then the
DEFEAT OF THE NORWEGIANS 539
Sigtrygg fled before him. Then the whole force broke
into rout.
Thorstein Hall's son stopped while the others fled, and tied
his shoe-lace. Then Toirdelbach asked why he did not run.
" Because," said Thorstein, " I cannot reach home in the
evening, out in Iceland where I have my home." Toirdelbach
gave him quarter. '^
Hrafn the Red was chased out upon a certain river. He
imagined he saw hell there beneath him, and he thought that
devils wished to drag him into it. Then Hrafn said : " Thy
dog, apostle Peter ! has run twice to Rome ; and would run a
third time, if thou permitted it." Then the devils let him go,
and he got across the river.
Now Brodir saw that the men of king Brian were in pursuit,
and that but few men remained by the shield-wall. Then he
earl bade Thorstein bear the standard. Then spoke Thorstein : ' Carry
thy crow thyself, earl ! '
" Then spoke a certain man : ' Thou dost right, Thorstein ; because I
have lost my three sons through it.'
" The earl took the standard from the pole, and placed it between his
clothes. And then the battle went on most boldly. And a little later
they heard a voice in the sky : 'If earl Sigurd wishes to have the victory,
let him go with his men to Dumaz-bakki.' The . . . [forces ?] followed the
earl closely ; and so it happened then : the earl fell there, in this attack,
and many men with him ; and at the same time Brodir slew king Brian."
Dumazbakki (possibly "bank of the river Dum") is unidentifiable.
With this account, cf the Wars of the Irish with the Foreigners
(R.S. 48, 194). That late and untrustworthy source describes the killing
of Sigurd by Murchaid, Brian's son.
1 This incident stands thus in Thorstein Side-Hall's son's Saga : " Then
at once " (after Brian's death) " there were great tidings of the deaths of
men. Thorstein and some of those who were with him made a stand in
the wood. Then spoke a man : ' Why fleest thou not, Thorstein ? ' He
answered : ' Because I cannot get home in the evening, even if I flee.'
Quarter was given to Thorstein. And lie went back to the Orkneys, and
from there to Norway, and came to the court of king Magnus, Olaf's son,
and became his guardsman. . . . Thorstein was twenty years old when he
was in Brian's battle . . . ." But Magnus, Olaf's son, did not begin to
reign till 1035.
According to the unhistorical Dream of Thorstein Side-Hall's son,
Thorstein was killed by his thrall, Gilli, who was afterwards tortured to
death. "This Gilli was the son of lathgud, son of Gilli, son of Biadach,
son of Kiarval the Old, the king of Ireland, who reigned there long"
(Samfund, 29, 236).
540 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
sprang from the wood, and broke through the whole shield-wall,
and struck at the king. The page Tadc threw up his hand ;
and [the blow] took off his hand and the king's head. But the
king's blood fell upon the arm-stump of the page, and the
stump was immediately healed.
Then Brodir called aloud : " Now let man know to tell man
that Brodir has slain Brian."
Then they ran after those that had gone in the pursuit, and
told them of the killing of king Brian. Then Ulf Disquiet and
Toirdelbach turned back at once ; they formed a ring round
Brodir and his men, and felled branches upon them. Brodir
was then taken captive. Ulf Disquiet cut open his belly, and
led him round an oak, and drew out so his bowels; and he did
not die before they were all drawn from him.^ All Brodir's men
also were slain.
Then they took king Brian's body, and laid it out-; the
king's head had grown to the trunk.
Fifteen of the burners [of Nial] fell in Brian's battle. There
fell also Halldor Gudmund's son, and Erling from Stroma.^
' Thorstein Side-Hall's son's Saga says : "... Brodir killed king
Brian. And Uspak, his brother, took [Brodir], and prised out his bowels,
and led him about an oak ; and he died so."
This manner of punishment occurs elsewhere in the sagas : it is not
here historical. Jonsson points to an instance in the death of Asbiorn
Prudi, in Orms Thattr ; F.S., iii, 217-221.
^ Brian was buried in Armagh. See A.U., i, 534.
^ Nial's Saga, c. 157 (Gi'slason's Njala, i, 898-899; ed. Jonsson, 412-419 ;
Dasent's c. 156): — "On Good Friday, this event occurred in Caithness.
A man who was called Dorrad was riding out. He saw people [Valkyrias]
ride, twelve together, to a certain bower {_dyngja\ and all go out of sight
there. He went to the bower. He looked in at a window that was there, and
saw that there were women inside ; and they had put up [in a loom] a web.
There were men's heads for weights, and bowels of men for woof and warp.
There was a sword for batten" {skei'Sj "reed"?), "and an arrow for reed"
(hrall ; "shuttle"?). " They spoke these verses. . . ."
Here follows the " Song of Dorrad " (88 lines of tetrasyllable verse). It
may have been composed in Caithness. See the text with Danish transla-
tion in J.S., i, A, 419-421 ; B, 389-391 : with German translation (in the
notes), in Jonsson's edition of Njala, 413-417 : text, in Gislason's Njala,
i, 899-901 : cf. Corpus Poeticum Boreale, i, 281-283.
Designs of old looms are given in Boyesen's Norway (1900), 145, 159.
Nidi's Saga (Gislason, i, 902-903 ; Jonsson, 417-418) relates other
portents seen at the time of the same battle. A vision similar to Dorrad's
was seen by Brand, Gneisti's son, in the Faroes. Blood fell on a priest's
DEATHS AND PORTENTS 541
stole in Iceland, at Svinafell. A priest at Thvatt-a saw an abyss of the sea
beside the altar. " This event took place in the Orkneys, that Harek
imagined he saw earl Sigurd, and some men with him. Then Harek took
his horse, and rode to meet the earl. Men saw that they met, and rode
under a certain hill. But they were never seen again ; and no trace of
Harek was ever found." Earl Gilli, in the Hebrides, dreamed that Herfinn
came to him from Ireland, and told him the result of the battle (8 hexa-
syllables quoted are translated into German in Jonsson's notes ; p. 418).
" Flosi and earl [Gilli] talked much of this dream. A week later, Hrafn the
Red came there, and told them all the tidings of Brian's battle— the fall of
king [Brian], and of earl Sigurd, and Brodir, and all the vikings. Flosi
said: ' Whattellest thou me of my men?' 'They all fell there,' said Hrafn ;
'but Thorstein, thy kinsman-in-law, received quarter from Toirdelbach,
and is with him now.'
" Flosi told the earl that he should go away : ' We have our journey
south to accomplish.'
"The earl bade him go as he would ; and gave him a ship, and all that
he needed, and much silver. Then they sailed to Wales, and remained
there for a time."
A companion of Flosi, Kol, Thorstein's son, was killed in Wales by
Kari, Solmund's son, in vengeance for Nial's death. (Kari, and Dagfinn the
White, and Kolbein the Black, had got a ship from Skeggi Yeoman, in
Thurso (cf c. 155 — Dasent's c. 154) ; and "had sailed south by Scotland's
firths. Then they met men from the Hebrides ; they told Kari news from
Ireland," — i.e., of Clontarf — "and also that Flosi and his men had gone to
Wales "c. 158.)
"Then [Kari and his companions] sailed north to Berwick, and laid up
their ship, and went up to Hvitsborg [i.e. "White's castle"] in Scotland;
and they remained with earl Malcolm for that year \Jhau misseri ; 1014-
1015]" (c. 158).
Flosi went to Rome in 1014 ; got absolution from the pope ; and gave
much money. He was with earl' Eric in Norway the next winter (1014-
1015) ; and afterwards returned to Iceland (c. 158).
C. 159 (Gislason, i, 907-908 ; Jonsson, 420-421 : Dasent's c. 158) :
" Now it is to be said of Kari, that in the following summer [1015] he went
to his ship, and sailed southward across the sea, and began his journey
south from Normandy ; and went south, and received absolution ; and
went back by the western way, and took his ship in Normandy, and sailed
north across the sea to Dover in England.
" From there, he sailed west round Wales, and so northward by
Scotland's firths. And he did not desist from his journeying until he came
north to Freswick \Thrasvili\ in Caithness, to Skeggi Yeoman. Then he
gave the merchant-ship to Kolbein and Dagfinn. Kolbein sailed with the
ship to Norway, but David remained behind in Fair Island. Kari remained
for this winter [1015-1016] in Caithness. In this winter, his wife died in
Iceland. In the following summer [1016], Kari prepared to go to Iceland.
Skeggi gave him a merchant-ship ; they were eighteen on board.
They were rather late in being ready, but yet they sailed out to sea ; and
2 M
542 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
1014
Heimskringla, St Olaf s Saga, c. 96 ^
Five years or four after the fall of Olaf Tryggvi's son, earl
Sigurd went to Ireland, and left his older sons to rule the lands.
Thorfinn he sent to the Scottish king, [Thorfinn's] mother's
father.2 On this expedition earl Sigurd fell, in Brian's battle.
And when that was known in the Orkneys, the brothers
Sumarlidi, Brusi, and Einar, were taken as earls ; and they
divided the lands among them, into three parts.
Thorfinn Sigurd's son was five winters old when earl
Sigurd fell. When [Sigurd's] fall was made known to the
Scottish king, the king gave to Thorfinn (his kinsman)
Caithness and Sutherland, and with them the title of earl ;
and set men to govern the dominion with him.
Thorfinn was precocious in growing up immediately to
they had a long time at sea." They were shipwrecked on the coast of
Iceland, near Flosi's place ; and were welcomed by Flosi, with whom they
became reconciled.
1 This is c. 99 in Unger's edition. The same passage is in c. 81 of
Snorri's St Olaf (Munch and Unger, p. 92; c. 91 in F.S., iv, 213-214);
and, somewhat expanded, in Flateybook's Olaf Tryggvi's son (Fl., i, 558 ;
R.S. 88, i, 16, 29, cc. 13-14, 22).
2 The Flatey Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga (u.s., c. 13) : "Five winters after
the battle of Svoldr, earl Sigurd went to Ireland, to join the force of king
Sigtrygg Silk-beard ; and he placed his oldest son over the land. But his
son Thorfinn he put for fosterage into the hands of the Scottish king,
[Thorfinn's] mother's father ..." (see above).
The Icelandic Annals derive their dates from the sagas. They place the
battle of Svoldrar-vagr (E) and Olafs death (KOCDA) in the year 1000.
Versions O (s.a. 1005), ODE (s.a. 1004), A (s.a. 1002), note the battle of
Clontarf thus :— " Brian's battle [in Ireland OEA] " ; and CDA add
(s.a. 1004) : — "Earl Thorfinn, Sigurd's son, ruled [took dominion D] in the
Orkneys [for 62 years, C ; for 52 years, A]."
These dates seem to have been obtained in this way. Thorfinn died
shortly before the death of Harold Hardradi in 1066 ; the traditional
length of Thorfinn's earldom was deducted from lo66 in order to find the
date of the battle of Clontarf. Version C rendered the tradition half a
duo-decimal hundred, and two years ; version A altered this to half a
decimal hundred, and two, but made the change at the wrong end.
It is certain that the battle was fought in 1014, and that Thorfinn died
X 1066 ; therefore he cannot have been earl for more than 52 winters.
See below, year ?io65.
EARL THORFINN. BURNING OF KELLS 543
full manhood. He was big and strong, [and] an ugly
mani; and as soon as his age increased, it was evident that
he was an ambitious man, hard, and cruel, and very wise. So
says Arnor Earls'-poet :
" Skilful to protect the land, valiant in mind also to attack,
no man under the clouds has lent himself younger than Einar's
brother [Thorfinn].""
' 2
IOI6
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 540, s.a. 1016^
. . . Kells was burned.''
1 Fl. reads:— "the biggest and strongest of men, and black-haired."
The old Norse translation adds : "sharp in face and in manner" (R.S. 88,
i, 16). Versions of Orkneyinga Saga, in MS. A.M. 332 (R.S. 88, i, 28-29 ;
Vigfusson's c. 22) and Fl. (ii, 404) read : " Earl Thorfinn became a great
chief ; he was the biggest of men [in stature Fl.], [and the strongest A.M.] ;
ugly [in appearance Fl.] ; black-haired ; sharp-featured ; [and large-nosed ;
A.M.] and somewhat beetle-browed \skolbrunn\ : [and most soldierly Fl.].
He was a great man of vigour ; and greedy, both of wealth and of honour.
He was lucky in victory, and skilful in battles, and good in attack."
Skolbrunn means " swarthy," according to Cleasby-Vigfusson, and
Zoega ; "his brows scowling," according to Dasent. See F. Jonsson's
Egil's Saga, 160, note.
^ This is a half-stanza from Arnor's Thorfinns-drcipa. The whole stanza
is quoted in Fl., ii, 404 ; see below, years 1022- 1029, note.
Arnor Thord's son was a contemporary of Thorfinn, and knew him
personally. For his poems, see J.S., i. A, 332-354 ; B, 305-327 ; Vigfusson
and Powell, Corpus Poeticum, ii, 184-198.
Cf. Magnus and Olafs Saga, c. 2, in F.S., vi, 439-440 : "... as Arnor
Earls'-poet says : — ' I roused [with verses] the good ships'-companies, when
we sat every winter opposite the raven-feeder : the pirate-chief drank
ever ale.'
" Here Arnor boasts that he had sat in the lower high-seat, as drinking-
companion of earl Thorfinn, when he was with [the earl] in the Orkneys."
(The previous passage describes customs of the time. Cf. Frisbok, 256.)
' With f.n. and e. of 1016.
* Cf. C.S., 256, Hennessy's year 1014=1016; F.M., ii, 786, s.a. 1015=1016.
Subsequent burnings of Kells are recorded in A.U. under the years 1040,
1060, 1095, 1099, nil, 1166; in A.L.C., also under 113S ; in F.M., also
under 1036, 1073, 1143, 1144 (three burnings), 1150, 1156, 1170, 1203; in
Contin. T., under 1171. Cf. year 1017.
544 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
1017
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 540, s.a. 1017^
Gillacrist Lorcan's grandson, the king of Caill-Folamain,^
was killed in Kells.^
1018
Chronicle of Melrose, p 44, s.a. 1018
A great battle was fought at Carham between the English
and the Scots.*
1018
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version E ; in Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 131
[Malcolm, Kenneth's son] fought a great battle at Carham.^
He also distributed many offerings, both to the clergy and to
churches, on that day.''
1 With f.n. of 1017, and e. 28 (read 29).
2 "In Moygoish barony, Westmeath" MacCarthy. Cf. Hogan's Ono-
masticon, 139.
'' Cf. F.M., ii, 790, s.a. 1016=1017.
Later violations of Kells are noted in A.U. under the years 1076, 11 17,
1 176. Cf. year 1019, below.
* This is derived from Simeon of Durham. See E.C., 82.
' npud Carrim; which should mean "at Carron." See E.C., 81-82.
" The ruler of Northumbria at this time seems to have been Eadulf
Cudel (E.C., 81). He is named as the successor of his brother, earl Uhtred,
Waltheofs son.
After earl Uhtred's death, Cnut placed Eric, Hakon's son, who had been
earl in Norway, over tire Northumbrians (E.G., 8r, note ; below, year 1055,
note. A.S.C., CDE, s.a. 1016 ; CDEF, s.a. 1017). Eric appears in Cnut's
charters from 1018 to 1023 (cf. Kemble's Codex, iv, 3, 6, 17, 20, 23, 27, 29 ;
nos. 728, 729, 735-740. His name is not among the witnesses of no. 741).
Cf. Steenstrup's Normannerne, iii, 322 ; Munch, i, 2, 483. The Icelandic
Annals KOCA erroneously place his death in 1013. For Eric's son, Hakon,
see years 1029, 1055, note.
Eadulf Cudel appears to have administered the earldom under Eric.
See year 1072, note.
The victory at Carham added Lothian to the dominions of the
Scottish king. Edinburgh had already been vacated by the Northumbrians
in the reign of king Indulf (954 x 962).
Cnut's taxations of this year (A.S.C.) must have raised the question of
England's right in Lothian ; probably the Scots conceded it, and were
allowed to retain Lothian. But the superiority claimed over Scotland did
not extend to the raising of tribute there : i.e., it was not feudal over-lordship.
Cf. the notes below.
BATTLE OF CARHAM. KING CNUT 545
?996 -? 1018
Rodulfus Glaber, Historiae, II, 3 ; pp. 29-30, s.a. [996] 1
Moreover, after the portent of Ocean was seen,^ as we began
to say, the tumult of war broke out in the whole region of the
western world ; in the districts of Gaul as well as in the islands
of the Ocean, beyond the sea: namely, of the English, and the
Welsh, and also of the Scots. Because, as very often happens,
through the faults of the worst of the people, their kings and
other princes are immediately aroused, for the destruction of
the folk that are subject to them ; until [the kings] are led on
to the shedding of their own blood. This was done, in the
aforesaid islands, until one of their kings by force made himself
master of the dominion of the rest.
At last, after the death ^ of king .(Ethelred ([the king] in the
realm of those who are called Danes ; and he had also married
the sister of Richard, duke of Rouen), his kingdom was invaded
by Cnut, the king of the West Angles.* And after frequent
violent battles, and ravagings of the land, he made an agree-
ment with Richard, taking in marriage his sister, ^thelred's
wife ; and held the monarchy of both kingdoms.
After this also the same Cnut set out with a very great army
to subdue to himself the nation of the Scots ; whose king was
called Malcolm, [and was] powerful in resources and arms, and
(what was most efficacious) very Christian in faith and deed.
' Attno . . . quarto de . . . millesiino (p. 27). Cf. II, 7, where septimo
. . . de . . . tnillesimo stands for 993. Cf. Neues Archiv, xiv, 389.
This passage is also in B.R., x, 14.
For British affairs at this time, see A.S.C., s.aa. 1001-1018 ; F.W., i,
155-182.
^ A great whale, like an island, had been seen in November of 1004, at
Berneval, near Dieppe : Rodulfus, 27-28.
2 ^Ethelred died on 23rd April, 1016 (A.S.C., F.W. ; but W.M. says, on
I2th March, in the beginning of Lent ; incorrectly, since Lent began on
14th February in 1016. But Ash Wednesday was 6th March in 1017 ; loth
March in 1014).
Icelandic Annals KODE erroneously place ^thelred's death and Cnut's
accession to the kingship of England in 1012 (in ion, A). Cf. Knytlinga
Saga, below.
* For these affairs, see W.M., i, 212-227. Cnut had been elected by the
Danes ; ^Ethelred, by the English. Rodulfus's error may have arisen
from the fact that, when Cnut divided the kingdoms of England, he
reserved Wessex for himself (ibid., 218) ; A.S.C. CDEF, s.a. 1014.
546 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
And when [Malcolm] knew that Cnut audaciously sought to
invade his kingdom, he collected his nation's whole army, and
resisted him strongly, so that he should not succeed.
And Cnut shamelessly prosecuted these claims for a long
time, and vigorously ; but at last, by persuasion of the aforesaid
Richard, the duke of Rouen, and of [Richard's] sister, he
entirely laid aside all ferocity, for the love of God ; became
gentle, and lived in peace. Moreover also for friendship's sake,
having affection for the king of the Scots, he received [Malcolm'.s]
son from the holy font of baptism.^
From this it began to happen that if any hostile necessity
pressed upon the duke of Rouen, he brought a numerous army
to his aid from the islands beyond the sea. And thus for a
very long time the Norman nation and the peoples of the
aforesaid islands [were] protected by the truest peace; so that
they caused fear to many peoples of other provinces, rather
than were themselves in fear of others. . . .
' This son of Malcolm, and godson of Cnut, is not known in other
sources.
Cnut's unsuccessful war with Malcolm appears to have been that of
1018, in which the Scots obtained the territory of Lothian. See E.C., 81-82.
The sagas imply that Cnut had reduced the Scots to some sort of
submission before the year [1025]. See below. The Icelandic Annals say
that Cnut claimed the kingdom of Norway in 1025 (CA) ; fought with king
Olaf in Danish territory in 1027 (KOCA) ; and obtained the Norwegian
kingdom in 1028 (KOCA). Cf. below, 1028-1030. Olaf the Holy fled to
Gardariki in 1029 (KOCEA) ; returned to Norway, and was killed, in 1030
(CEA ; cf. KO) ; on Wednesday, 29th July (A). The sagas say that Cnut
went from England with forces to Denmark in [1027] (see H., St Olaf, cc.
144-149) ; cf Sighvat Thord's son, Knutsdrapa, in J.S., i. A, 250-251 ; B,
233-234 : Vigfusson and Powell, Corpus Poeticum, ii, 136.
A.S.C.'s account of these affairs is enlarged by F.W. ; and abridged
from F.W. (with a word supplied directly from A.S.C.) by CM., s.aa.
1027-1031. CM. says (45) : —
" In the year 1027, king Cnut corrupted the Norwegians, who despised
their king Olaf, because of his sanctity ; and were blinded by great plenty
of gold and of silver.
" In the year 1028, king Cnut sailed to Norway with fifty large ships ;
expelled king Olaf from that [land], and subjugated it to himself
" In the year 1029, Cnut, king of the English, and of the Danes, and of
the Norwegians, returned to England.
" In the year 1030, St Olaf, king and martyr, son of Harold [king] of the
Norwegians, returned [to Norway], and was unjustly killed by the
Norwegians.
RELATIONS OF CNUT WITH SCOTLAND 547
" In the year 1031, king Cnut with great honour set out for Rome ; and
offered great gifts, in gold and in silver, to St Peter ; and obtained from
pope John [XIX] that the school of the English [in Rome] should be free."
F.W. and CM. do not mention the reported submission of Scotland in
1031. The Chronicle of Man, i, 46, s.aa. 1011-1014, copies from CM.,
1028-1031.
When Cnut sent letters from England, in the spring of [1025], to king
Olaf at Tonsberg, requesting Olaf to accept his superiority, Olaf is
represented to have said in his reply :'"... It has now come about that
Cnut rules over Denmark and over England ; and he has now also
subjugated to himself a large part of Scotland . . .'"(H., St Olaf, c. 131 ;
Unger's c. 140). So too Sighvat the Poet, Thord's son (who had been
presented to Cnut) is said to have got information to this effect directly
from the messengers who carried Cnut's letter to Olaf: "Sighvat made
himself acquainted with king Cnut's messengers, and inquired of many
tidings from them. They told him all he asked regarding their conversa-
tions with king Olaf, and also of their mission's end. They said that [Olaf]
had taken their affair unfavourably : ' .^nd we know not ' said they, ' from
what he has confidence for such action, to refuse to become king Cnut's
man, and to go to him. And this would have been his best choice,
because king Cnut is so generous that chiefs never deserve so badly of him
but that he puts all that aside, as soon as they go to him and do him
obeisance. It is now but a short while ago that two kings came south to
him from Scotland, from Fife ; and he laid aside for them his anger, and
gave them all the lands that they had previously had, and great friendly
gifts besides.'
" Then said Sighvat : ' Very prominent kings have brought their
heads to Cnut, all the way south from the middle of Fife — a purchase of
peace. Olaf the Stout has never thus given his head to any man in the
world, for this purpose : he has often won victory'" (ibid.). For Sighvat,
see J.S., i. A, 269-270; B, 249-250, stanza 15 ; Corpus Poeticum, ii, 133-134.
A.S.C DEF, s.a. 1031, say: "In this year, king Cnut went to
Rome : and [as soon as he came home, D] in the same year, he went to
Scotland ; and the Scots' king submitted to him, [and two other kings,
Maelbasthe \_MealbcEaihe F] and lehmarc; EF] [and became his man.
But he adhered to that for only a little while" D]. This is the subjugation
referred to by king Edward I (below).
One of the "two other kings" may have been a king of Cumbria. Fordun
(IV, 41 ; i, 183) says that Duncan, Crinan's son, while king of Cumbria,
refused for a time homage to king Cnut, because he was a usurper. For
lehmarc, cf. a tentative conjecture under ? 1052, note.
Rodulfus Glaber (who wrote 1044x11050) implies that warfare did not
again break out between the kings, after they had made peace. It seems
certain that the hostilities and submission which A.S.C. DEF place in
103 1 are the same that Snorri, on the authority of Sighvat, places before
1025 ; and probable that the agreement between the kings was the
conclusion of the strife that existed in 1018, and that resulted in the
cession of Lothian.
548 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
A.S.C. DEF and F.W., i, 185, say that Cnut went to Rome in 1031 ;
and this is supported by the Knythnga Saga, which says that Cnut went
to Rome after the death of St Olaf (see above). But it is proved by Cnut's
letter (given by F.W., i, 185-189, s.a. 1031), and by the biographer of
emperor Conrad II (B.R., xi, 3), that Cnut was in Rome on 26th March,
1027, at Conrad's coronation. Cnut went from Rome to Denmarl^; ; and
seems to have visited England before his invasion of Norway in 1028-1029.
He returned to England in 1029. If he invaded Scotland in the year of his
return from Rome, it must have been in 1027 or 1028. Since there is no
evidence to show that Cnut went twice to Rome (all accounts appearing to
describe the same occasion), we must conclude that Chronicles DEF are
here inaccurate ; and that the preference should be given to Sighvat.
lomsv&inga Saga, in Fl., i, 205 (c. 52, in F.S., xi, 162) says that Cnut
went to Rome with Henry, Conrad's son ; and implies that Henry had
already married Cnut's daughter, Gunhild. But Gunhild cannot then have
been of marriageable age. Cf. year 105 S, note.
Knythnga Saga, cc. 17-18, in F.S., xi, 201-203: "Then Sven, son of
king Cnut and of ^Eifgifu, came to Norway ; and he was then taken as
king, over all the land [of Norway], according to the disposition of king
Cnut, his father.
" King Cnut placed Harthacnut, his son, over the Danish empire
\Panaveldi\ : and he was to be king there.
" King Cnut had also a great part of Scotland to govern [tz'l forrdSa].
And he placed there his son Harold, as king over it. And yet king Cnut
was over-king of all these [kings]. He was called Cnut the Powerful, or
Cnut the Old. He had been the most powerful [rikasir] king, and the
most widely ruling, in Danish speech.
" King Cnut set out upon a journey, away from the land ; and he went
south to Rome. And upon this journey he had so great expense that the
number of marks could not be reckoned by any man, and hardly even the
number of pounds. He had great quantity of ready money from his own
dominions ; and he took the emperor's money freely, wherever he wished.
"While king Cnut was on the way to Rome, no man who could
approach him required to ask for food ; because he gave all sufficient
money for their needs.
" King Cnut went from Flanders to Rome. So says Sighvat the Poet :
" ' Probably few ring-spenders have so measured on their feet a track to
the south [as did] the loftiest \Ji6fud-fremst\ king.' [See J.S., i, A, 251 ;
B, 234, stanza II.]
" King Cnut established a hostel that was to entertain [/a;Sa] for a
night all men of Danish speech who should come there. Far and wide
also he made donations of large sums, wherever there were monasteries, or
other large religious establishments \st6rir-stcffiir\.
[c. i^l " Death of Cnut [t 1035]
" But when king Cnut came back to England, to his dominions, he
fell ill ; and first of the disease called jaundice. He lay long during the
summer; and he died in the autumn, on the Ides of November [13th
November, 1035], that was in the castle called In Morstr ; it is a great
DOMINION OF KING CNUT 549
county-town \hdfii6-stc&'r\. And he is buried there. He was then 37 years
old ; and had ruled over England for 24 years [1011-1035 ; falsely], and over
Norway for 7 years [1028- 1035].
" It is the talk of all men that king Cnut has been the most powerful
and widely-ruling of the kings of the northern lands" (i.e., Scandinavia).
Cnut's death is commemorated on 12th November in the obituaries of
Durham ; S.S. IS, 147, 152. That day is also given by A.S.C., CD.
Edward I's letter to pope Boniface VIII, written in 1301, says (Foedera,
i, 2, 932) : " After the said Edgar, these kings of England followed in
succession :— St Edward, the Martyr ; ^thelred, his brother ; Edmund,
called Ironside, the son of ^thelred ; and Cnut. These in their times
held the kingdom of Scotland peacefully in subjection to them ; with
this exception, that in the fifteenth year [1030-103 1] of the reign of the
aforesaid Cnut, Scotland being in rebellion, the same Cnut led an expedi-
tion there, and with little trouble subdued Malcolm, the king of Scotland ;
and the same Malcolm was made subject to him. [Cf. the chronicles of
1291 in Palgrave, 125, 129.]
"To these, Harold, Cnut's son, and Harthacnut [Harold's] brother, one
after the other succeeded as kings of England ; and while they so reigned,
they held peacefully the kingdom of Scotland in subjection."
For the submission of the Scots to Cnut, see E.C., 82-83 j &"d (among
later chronicles) R.W., and M.P., Chronica Majora, s.a. 1033 ; B.C.,
38-39; Richard of Cirencester, ii, 183.
For Cnut's disposition of his dominions among his sons, see s.a. 1035,
A.S.C. ; F.W. ; CM. ; S.D. Cf, s.a. 1035, W.M., i, 227.
In his letter, written [in 1027] on his way from Rome to Denmark,
Cnut does not name Scotland among his dominions : — but calls himself
"king of the whole of England ; and of Denmark ; and of the Norwegians ;
and of part of the Swedes." The suggested emendation of " Swedes "
{Suanorum) to "Slavs" {Sclavorum), i.e. of Mecklenburg, is opposed by
the reading of the Estoire de S. Aedward le Rei (written 1236x1272;
R.S. 3, 36), which calls Cnut "king of the English, of Norway, of the
Danes ; lord of Scotland and of Sweden." Cf. Thorpe's Lappenberg, ii,
212-213, 218; Larson's Canute the Great (1912), 152, 344-347. See
Steenstrup's Normannerne, iii, 306, 327-331 ; Stefansson, Denmark and
Sweden, 11-12.
Cnut's biographer names Scotland as one of the five kingdoms under his
dominion (E.C., 83, note). Saxo Grammaticus (X ; 1886 ed., p. 350) calls
Cnut "the possessor of six very powerful kingdoms": and says that he
gave England to Harold ; Denmark, to Harthacnut ; Norway, to Sven,
^Ifgifu's son ; retaining the other three provinces for himself But
Scotland is not named among his dominions by Saxo ; nor by Sven, Aggi's
son (Langebek, Scriptores, i, 54-55 ; iii, I43j where Sven says that Cnut
reigned "from farthest Thule to the empire of the Greeks" ; iii, 159-160) ;
nor in the Genealogies of Danish kings (ibid., ii, 156-157).
550 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
?ioi8
Annales Cambriae, MS. B, p. 22, s.a. [1015]^
Owen, Dumnagual's son, was slain. ^
1018
Heimskringla, St Olaf's Saga, c. 86^
The battle in Ulfreksfiordr.
In the summer when Thorarin sailed with Hroerek to
Iceland,* . . . Eyvind Aurochs-horn sailed on western piracy ;
and he came in autumn to Ireland, to Conchobar, the king of
the Irish.
The Irish king and earl Einar from the Orkneys met in
autumn in Ulfreksfiordr ; and there was a great battle there.
King Conchobar had by far the larger army, and he got the
victory. But Einar fled with one ship, and came later in the
autumn to the Orkneys, in such a fashion that he had lost
nearly all his army, and all the spoils that they had taken
before. And the earl was greatly ill-pleased with his journey ;
and he attributed his defeat^ to the Norwegians that had been
in the battle, on the side of the Irish king.*"
' Placed 61 years after 510 = 954 ; 82 years before 1097.
" Cf. Brut y Tywyssogion, loio x 1030 (MS. C's [1015]); R.S.
17, 34-
This Owen was king of Cumbria. He is called " Owen the Bald, king
of the men of Strathclyde," by Simeon of Durham, who says that Owen was
present on Malcolm's side in the battle of Carham (E.G., 82). If Simeon
is right, Owen did not die before 10 18.
^ In Unger's ed., c. 87. The same passage is in Snorri's St Olaf's Saga
(Munch and Unger, 76, c. 70 ; F.S., iv, 17S) ; and in Fl., ii, gr.
■• For Hrcerek, see H., St Olaf, cc. 36, 74-75, 81-85 (Unger's cc. 34,
73-74, 82-86). He was sent to Iceland after 15th May, [1018] (c. 84;
Unger's c. 85), according to the chronology of H. (cf. ibid., cc. 66, 73, 78 ;
Unger's cc. 64, 72, 78). "King Hroerek came to Iceland" in 1018,
according to Icelandic Annals A (Fl., iii, 506).
'•> Fl. and the text of F.S. add here : " principally."
" "And those were Eyvind Aurochs-horn and his companions" adds
the F.S. text.
KING OWEN. KING SIGTRYGG. FINDLAECH 551
IO19
Tigernach, Annals, in Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 357,
s.a. [ioi8]i
The plundering of Kells by Sigtrygg, Olaf's son, along with
the Foreigners of Dublin ; and they took away innumerable
captives, and killed many men there.^
1020
Tigernach, Annals, in Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 359,
s.a. 1020^
Findlaech, Ruadri's son, mormaer of Moray, was slain by
the sons of his brother Maelbrigte.*
1014X 1020
Heimskringla, St Olaf's Saga, c. 97 ''
Of earl Einar and earl Brusi.
The brothers Einar and Brusi were unlike in disposition.
Brusi was mild, and a very peaceable man ; wise, and eloquent,
and popular. Einar was obstinate, cold, and unfriendly ;
ambitious, and covetous, and a great warrior.*' Sumarlidi was
^ With f.n. and e. of 10x8. This year-section contains events placed
under 1019 by the Ulster annals ; and there is no year-section for 1019 in
Tigernach.
^ Cf. C.S., 258, Hennessy's year 1017 = 1019; and F.M., ii, 792, s.a.
1018=1019 (reading: "... innumerable spoils and captives, and killed
many men inside the church ").
^ With f.n. and e. of 1020 ; and Golden Number 13 (for which read 14).
■' Annals of Ulster, i, 546, s.a. 1020 (with f n. and e. of 1020) : —
" Findlaech, Ruadri's son, king of Scotland, was killed by his own [people]."
So also in A.L.C., i, 20, s.a. 1020.
The Annals of the Book of Leinster (facsimile, p. 26 ; R.S. 89, ii, 524)
read: "Findlaech, Ruadri's son, the king of Scotland" [died]. This
stands among the affairs of the second reign of Maelsechlaind, Donald's
son [1014-71022], between events of 1020 and 1021.
Maelbrigte's son, Malcolm (f 1029), is also called king of Scotland :
Malcolm's brother, Gillacomgain (f 1032), is called mormaer of Moray.
Cf. year 1040.
^ In Unger's ed., c. loo. The whole passage appears similarly in
Flatey-book's Olaf Tryggvi's son (Fl., i, 558 ; R.S. 88, i, 16-17, c. 14).
" Fl., U.S. : "The brothers Einar and Brusi were unlike in disposition.
Einar was a strong man, and ambitious, unfriendly, and a great warrior.
Brusi was a mild man, very composed, humble, and eloquent. Sumarlidi
was liker to Brusi in disposition. . . ."
552 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
like Brusi in disposition ; and he was the oldest of the brothers,
and lived the shortest : he died of disease.
After [Sumarlidi's] death, Thorfinn laid claim to his share
of the Orkneys. Einar replied that Thorfinn had Caithness
and Sutherland, the dominion that earl Sigurd, their father,
had had before ; and declared that that was much more than
a third part of the Orkneys ; and he refused Thorfinn a share.
But Brusi,! fgj. j^jg p^^j.^ granted a division ; " And I will not,"
said he, "covet to have more land than the third that I possess
freely." ^
Then Einar took under himself two parts of the islands.
He became then a powerful man, and had many men. He
was often on warfare in the summers, and had a great levy in
the land ; but very unequal were his takings in this piracy.
Then the farmers began to dislike the labour ; but the earl
persisted rigorously in all his exactions, and would hear no
man speak against them. Earl Einar was the most over-
bearing man.
Then there was famine^ in his dominion, from the labour
and expense that the farmers had. But in that part of the
land that Brusi had, there was good harvest and easy life for
the farmers. [Therefore *] [Brusi] was popular.
IOl6x I020
Heimskringla, St Olaf 's Saga, c. 98 ^
Of Thorkel, A niundi's son.
A man was called Amundi, powerful and rich. He lived in
Hrossey, in Sandvik, on Hlaupandanes.^ His son was called
Thorkel ; and he was the most accomplished of all men in the
Orkneys. Amundi was the wisest man, and by far the most
esteemed, in the islands.
One spring, when earl Einar raised a levy yet again, as he
was wont, the farmers murmured against it, and brought it
1 ". . . was willing to grant it, and . . ." Fl.
^ " . . . covet more dominion than the third that I have of right " Fl.
^ " great famine " Fl.
* From Fl.
^ In Unger's ed., cc. 101-102. The same passage is in Snorri's St Olaf's
Saga (Munch and Unger, 92-93, c. 82; F.S., iv, 215-218); and in Flatey-
book's Olaf Tryggvi's son (Fl., i, 559-560 ; R.S. 88, i, 17-19, cc. 15-17).
'' Perhaps Sandside in Deerness.
EARLS OF ORKNEY AND CAITHNESS 553
before Amundi, and begged him to say something on their
behalf to the earl. [Amundi] answered, "The earl is unyield-
ing" ; and he said that it would not bestead to make even one
request to the earl about this. " My friendship with the earl
also, is good as things are ; but I think it would be exposed to
danger, if we should disagree, considering the dispositions of
us both. I will have nothing to do with it " said Amundi.
Then they spoke of this with Thorkel. He was reluctant
to do it ; and yet at last he promised,^ at the men's instigation.
Amundi thought that he had promised rashly. But when the
earl held an assembly, then Thorkel spoke on behalf of the
farmers, and begged the earl to spare the men in these
exactions ; and he declared the necessity of the men. And
the earl answered well, and said that he must hold Thorkel's
words in high honour : " I had intended now to have out from
land six ships ; but now I shall have no more than three. But
thou, Thorkel, ask not such a boon again."
The farmers thanked Thorkel well for his support.
The earl went on piracy, and came again in the autumn.
And in the following spring, the earl gave the same summons
as he was wont, and held an assembly with the farmers. Then
Thorkel spoke again, and asked the earl, to spare the farmers.
Then the earl answered wrathfully, and said that the farmers'
lot should be the harder for his talking. Then he became so
angry and frantic that he said that they should not both meet
unhurt next spring in the assembly. And then he dismissed
the assembly.
And when Amundi learned what Thorkel and the earl had
said to each other, he begged Thorkel to go away. And he
went over to Caithness, to earl Thorfinn. Thorkel was there
for a long time afterwards ; and he was devoted to the earl,
who was young ; and therefore he was called Thorkel Fosterer.
And he was a famous man.
Many were the men of [Orkney] who fled from their odal
lands in the Orkneys, away from the dominion of earl Einar.
Most of these fled over to Caithness, to earl Thorfinn ; but
some fled from the Orkneys to Norway, and some to diverse
lands.
But when earl Thorfinn grew up, he sent a message to earl
1 " Yet he promised his assistance " Fl.
554 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Einar, his brother, requiring of him the dominion that he
considered he owned in the Orkneys ; and that was a third of
the islands.
Einar was slow to diminish his land. And when Thorfinn
learned that, he got ready an army from Caithness, and went
out to the islands. But when earl Einar was aware of this, he
collected an army, and intended to defend the lands. Earl
Brusi also collected an army, and went to meet them, and acted
as mediator between them. This was agreed between them,
that Thorfinn should have a third of the lands in the Orkneys,
as he owned by right. But Brusi and Einar laid their parts
together, [arranging that] Einar alone should have the ad-
ministration of them 1 ; and if one of them should die before the
other, the one of them that lived longer should take the lands,
after the other. But this agreement was thought not to be
just, because Brusi had a son (who was called Ronald), but
Einar was son-less.
Then earl Thorfinn set his men to protect that dominion
which he had in the Orkneys ^ ; while he was most often in
Caithness. Earl Einar was most often in the summers in
warfare, about Ireland and Scotland and Wales.
I020
Icelandic Annals, version K (Storm's Islandske Annaler,
p. i6), s.a. 1020^
The slaying of earl Einar Wry-mouth.*
I02I
Icelandic Annals, version C (Storm's Islandske Annaler, io6),
s.a. I02I ^
Earl Thorfinn and earl Brusi, Sigurd's sons, gave the
Orkneys into the power of king Olaf
' Skyldi Einarr hafa einn forrcs'^i fyrir theim. To this, Snorri's St
Olaf's Saga adds: "and the land-defence" (the F.S. text reads, "in land-
defence ").
2 Here this passage ends in Fl.
2 With dominical letters of 1020. C adds the paschal letter of 1020.
* Cf. versions OC, s.a. 1020 (57, 106); A, s.a. 1019 (Fl. iii, 506). C adds :
"in the Orkneys."
* With dominical and paschal letters of 1021.
" Similarly in version A, s.a. 1021 (Fl., iii, 506).
ORKNEY EARLS 555
1018-1021
Heimskringla, St Olaf's Saga, cc. 98-102 ^
One summer, when earl Einar was plundering- in Ireland,
it happened that he fought in Ulfreksfiordr with Conchobar,
king of the Irish, as was written before ; [and] that earl Einar
had a bad defeat, and much loss of men. The next summer
following, Eyvind Aurochs-horn went east from Ireland, intend-
ing to go to Norway ; but since the wind was sharp,^ and the
sounds unnavigable,* Eyvind turned in to Asmundarvagr,^ and
lay there some time storm-stayed. And when earl Einar
learned that, he led a great army there, and took Eyvind, and
caused him to be slain"; but gave quarter to most of his men.
And they went east to Norway in the autumn, and came to
king Olaf, and told him of the killing of Eyvind. The king
replied but little to this ; and from that it appeared that he
thought it great murder, and done much in his despite'': and
in most things was he of few words, when he thought them
contrary to his liking.^
^ In Unger's ed., cc. 103-108. The same passage is in Snorri's St Olafs
Saga (Munch and Unger, 93-99, cc. 82-88; a less trustworthy text is in F.S.,
iv, 218-229); and in the Flatey-book's St Olaf's Saga (FI., ii, 176-182 ; R.S.
88, i, 19-27, cc. 17-21).
^ The FI. version begins thus : — " Sectio7t of the Orkneymen. Einar,
earl in the Orkneys, [was] a great warrior : he was thought no ordinary
man. He plundered . . . ."
This was in 1018.
^ "There was a storm blowing" F.S. ; "The wind was sharp, and [there
was] a great storm " FI.
* Literally, " the currents unnavigable" ; perhaps the Pentland Firth is
meant. In Snorri's St Olaf, " the currents strong."
^ This, according to H.'s Olaf Tryggvi's son, c. 47 (Unger's c. 52), was
in Rognvaldsey, or South Ronaldshay : but it seems in reality to have
been the bay in the south-east of Hoy, part of the name Asmundarvagr
("Asmund's Bay") surviving in the name of Walls (which is derived from
vdgr, with English plural termination).
^ In 1019.
'' "and an offence against him" reads F.S.
' For the relations between St Olaf and Eyvind Aurochs-horn, Cf.
Heimskringla, St Olaf, c. 62 (Unger's c. 60) : " Orii^in of Eyvind Aurochs-
horn.
" There was a man named Eyvind Aurochs-horn, who belonged to
East Agdir : he was a great man, and of noble kindred. He went every
summer on warfare ; sometimes west beyond the sea, sometimes into the
556 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Earl Thorfinn sent Thorkel Fosterer ^ out to the islands to
collect his revenues. Earl Einar laid much to Thorkel's charge
the enterprise by which Thorfinn had brought forward a claim
to the islands. Thorkel went hastily from the islands, and
over to Caithness. He said to earl Thorfinn that he had been
made sure of this, that earl Einar had intended to kill him, if
his relatives and friends had not brought him news of it.
" Now," said he, " I shall have but this chance, to let my
meeting with the earl be such that things are decided between
us ; or this other choice, to go farther away, and to some place
over which his power is not."^
The earl advised this, that Thorkel should go east to
Norway, to king Olaf: — "Thou shalt be highly esteemed,"
said he, "wherever thou comest, among high-born men. But
I know both your dispositions, thine and the earl's, that you
will be aiming at each other in a little while."
Then Thorkel made ready, and went in autumn to Norway,
and then to king Olaf. And he was there for the winter ^ with
the king, in great affection. [The king] had Thorkel much
in speech with him ; he thought (as was the case) that Thorkel
was a wise man, [and] a great leader. It appeared to the king
from [Thorkel's] talk that he gave very different accounts of
the earls, and was a great friend of Thorfinn, but was strongly
opposed to earl Einar. And early in the spring, the king sent
eastern way, or south to Friesland. He had a twenty-benched cutter, and
well manned. He had been at Nesiar, and given aid to king Olaf; and
when they parted there, the king had promised him his friendship ; and
Eyvind [promised] his assistance, wheresoever [the king] should wish to
have power.
"Eyvind remained for the winter [1016-1017] with king Olaf at the
Yule-banquetting, and received good gifts from him there." (The same
passage, with little variation, is in Snorri's St Olafs Saga, ed. Munch and
Unger, 49 ; F.S., iv, 122 ; and Fl., ii, 54.)
The battle of Nesiar was fought on Palm Sunday, 25th March, 1016
(H., St Olaf, cc. 45, 48 ; cf. Icelandic Annals KOE, s.a. 1016 ; CA s.a.
1015). Eyvind was with Olaf in the winter 1016-1017, and went on piracy in
the east in the spring of 1017 (H., c. 65). He returned to Norway in the
autumn ; "then king Olaf had been for three winters king in Norway"
(H., c. 66).
1 "his foster-father" Fl.
^ " and where he may never have power over me " Fl.
^ I.e., 1019-1020.
EARL EiNAR AND THORKEL 557
a ship west beyond the sea, to earl Thorfinn ; and a message
that the earl should come east to the king. And the earl did
not postpone this journey, because friendly words went with
the message.
[c. 99] The slaying of earl Einar.
Earl Thorfinn went east to Norway, and came to king
Olaf ; and he got there a good welcome, and remained there
long during the summer.^ And when he prepared to go west,
king Olaf gave him a long-ship, large and good, with all its
tackle.
Then Thorkel Fosterer prepared for his journey with the
earl ; and the earl gave [Thorkel] the ship that he had brought
east with him in the summer.^
The king and the earl parted^ with much affection.
Earl Thorfinn came in the autumn to the Orkneys. But
when earl Einar learned that, he brought out many men, and
lay on board ship. Then earl Brusi went to meet the two
brothers, and bore peace between them * ; and it came about
that they made an agreement, and bound it with oaths.
Thorkel Fosterer was to be in peace and friendship with earl
Einar; and it was arranged that each of them should provide
for the other a feast, and that the earl should visit Thorkel first,
in Sandvi'k.
But when the earl was there at the feast, there the most
abundant provision had been made ; [yet] the earl was not
cheerful. There was a large hall,^ with doors at both ends.
On the day when the earl was to go away," Thorkel was to go
with him to a feast. Thorkel sent out men [by night] to
examine the road by which in the day-time they should go.
And when the scouts returned, they told Thorkel that they had
found three ambuscades, and armed men; "and we imagine "
said they, "that there will be treachery."'' But when Thorkel
1 I.e., summer of 1020.
^ "in the summer" not in Fl.
^ " the best of friends " adds Fl.
■• The text in F.S. reads instead : "and begged them to make peace."
^ "in which they drank" adds the text in F.S.
" "and prepare," adds Fl.
' The text in F.S. adds : "because the men were all with weapons, as
if they were ready for battle."
2 N
558 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
learned this, he delayed the household,^ and collected his men.
The earl asked him to make ready, and said that it was high
time to ride. Thorkel said that he had much to attend to.
Sometimes he went out, and sometimes in. There were fires
upon the floor.^ Then he went in by one of the doors, and
after him a man who was called Hallvard (he was an Icelandic
man, and a native of Austfirdir): he shut the door behind him.
Thorkel walked farther in,^ between the fire and the place
where the earl sat. The earl asked : " Art thou not yet
ready ? " Thorkel answered : " Now I am ready." Then he
heaved a blow at the earl, and struck him on the head. The
earl fell forward on the floor. Then the Icelander said : " Here
have I seen the worst of all resource,* that ye draw not the earl
from the fire." Then he thrust with an axe-point^ and put it
under the earl's neck-bone, and jerked him up upon the dais.^
Thorkel and his companion went out quickly by the other door,
[opposite] to that by which they had come in. There stood
Thorkel's men outside, fully armed. But the earl's men
attended to [the earl] ; and he was then dead, yet they all held
their hands from avenging him. This too influenced them,
that it had taken place unexpectedly ; and no man had ex-
pected this deed of Thorkel, because they all imagined that it
would be as had been previously arranged, that there should
be friendship between the earl and Thorkel.'' Also most men
within were weaponless, and many others had till then been
good friends of Thorkel ; it happened too through the fate,
that for Thorkel a longer life was destined. And after he
came out,^ Thorkel had no less an army than the earl's
men had.
Then Thorkel went to his ships, and the earl's men went
away. Thorkel sailed out the same day, and eastwards to sea
' Here the F.S. text inserts: "and he suspected that he was not
invited thence to ale, as was pretended."
^ The F.S. text adds : "And men sat there beside them, and drank."
3 "along the hall" adds Fl.
'' alia versta fmtga-rSis. Cf. Munch and Unger, 276.
^ keyr'&i til spofSiu (an Irish axe, or bill).
" " upon the bench" F.S.
'■ " because . . . Thorkel " not in Fh
* "After he came out" not in Snorri's St Olaf. The whole sentence
(" And after . . . had ") is not in Fl.
THORKEL KILLS EARL EINAR 559
(although it was then after the winter-nights ^) ; and he came
safely to Norway, and went at once, as quickly as he could, to
king Olaf; and he got there a good welcome. The king
approved this deed. Thorkel was with him for the winter.^
[c. lOo] Tke agreement between king Olaf and earl Brusi.
After the fall of earl Einar, earl Brusi took that part of the
land that earl Einar had had before ; because it was known
to many men upon what terms the brothers Einar and Brusi
had made their alliance. But Thorfinn thought it most just
that each of them should have half of the islands ; yet that
winter Brusi had two parts ^ of the lands. In the following
spring,* Thorfinn claimed these lands from Brusi, declaring
that he wished to have an equal share with Brusi : but Brusi
did not consent to this. They held an assembly and confer-
ences to support their causes. Then their friends went
[between them] to settle the dispute; but it appeared that
nothing would satisfy Thorfinn except to have one half of the
' I.e., after the beginning of winter (which was reckoned by the
Icelanders to begin in the middle of October) : therefore after 14th
October, 1020.
^ I.e., 1020-1021. Cf H., St Olaf, c. 106 (Unger's c. 112) : "When the
summer [1020] was gone, the king came south, and turned in past
Trondhjem, to Nidaross ; and he sat there over the winter. And that
winter Thorkel Fosterer came east from the Orkneys, when he had slain
earl Einar Wry-mouth. That autumn there was a bad season of corn in
Trondhjem. . . ." Similarly in Snorri's St Olaf (Munch and Unger, 102 ;
F.S., iv, 233-234), and Fl., ii, 184.
That winter king Olaf forcibly re-converted the people in and above
Trondhjem to Christianity.
5 "for two winters Brusi had both parts" Fl., ii, 178 (a false reading).
'' Spring of 1021. Cf. H., St Olaf, cm (Unger's c. 117) : "Olaf had
then been seven winters king in Norway. That summer came to him the
earls of the Orkneys, Thorfinn and Brusi : king Olaf made himself master
of those lands, as has been written above. That summer, king Olaf went
about the two Morer, and into Romsdal in the autumn." Similarly in
Snorri's St Olaf (Munch and Unger, 105 ; F.S., iv, 239) ; Fl., ii, 187.
He confirmed Christianity in these districts. He occupied himself during
the autumn in forcibly Christianizing the people of Gudbrandsdalene.
Olaf the Holy, Harold's son, was born in 995 (Icelandic Annals
KBCDEA), became king in 1014, and reigned from 1015 (KOEA ; 1014, C)
to 1 1030 (OCEA) ; he fell in the battle of Stiklastadir.
Olaf had put a stop to viking-raids in Norway : see H., St Olaf, c. 181
(Unger's c. 192).
560 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
islands 1; and he said besides that Brusi needed not to have
more than one third part, considering the disposition that he
had. Brusi said: " I was content" said he, "to have the third
part of the lands, which I took in inheritance after my father ;
also none claimed it against me ; but now I have taken another
third part in inheritance after my brother, according to rightful
agreements. And though I seem unequal to contending with
thee, brother, yet will I attempt something other than to
consent to lose my dominions,^ as things now are." Thus they
ended this conference.
But when Brusi saw that he should not have strength to
stand on an equal footing with Thorfinn, because Thorfinn had
a much larger dominion, and support from the king of the Scots,
his mother's father, then he resolved to go east from the land,
to king Olaf ; and he had with him his son Ronald. [Ronald]
was then ten winters old.
And when the earl met the king, [the king] received him
well. But when the earl brought forward his errand, and told
the king all the state of affairs between him and his brother,
and begged the king to grant him strength to hold his
dominions, [and] offered in return his perfect friendship, the
king spoke, and began first to say that Harold Fairhair had
made himself master of all the odal-lands in the Orkneys^;
that ever since then the earls had had those lands in fief, but
never independently : " and this in token," said he, " that when
Eric Bloodaxe and his sons were in the Orkneys,* the earls
were subject to them ; and when Olaf, Tryggvi's son, my kins-
man, came there,^ earl Sigurd (thy father) became his man.
Now I have taken all inheritance after king Olaf. I will give
thee this choice, that thou become my man — then will I give
thee the islands in fief: then shall we try, if I lend thee my
support, whether it help thee better ; or the Scots' king's
' "but Brusi did not . . . islands" omitted by the F.S. text.
'^ Here the F.S. text reads :"...' to consent to lose [my dominions],
with paltriness of spirit, and cowardice. I will also not think of contending
with thee, brother, since I am without support, such support as thou hast
from the king of the Scots, thy mother's father.' Then earl Brusi took to
his journey, and went east from the land . . ."
^ See H., Harold Fairhair, c. 32 ; above, year 894 x .
* See years 934-957, note ; 956.
^ "came there" not in Fl. This was in 995.
BRUSI SUBMITS TO KING OLAF 561
protection, thy brother Thorfinn. But if thou wilt not take
this choice, then shall I look after the possessions and odal-
lands that our kinsmen and ancestors have owned out there
in the west." ^
The earl considered these speeches within himself, and
took them before his friends, and sought counsel which course
he should choose : whether he ought thereupon to make this
agreement with king Olaf, and become his man ; " but the
other course is unclear to me, what my lot may be at our
parting, if I say no to it ; for the king has made manifest the
claim he lays ^ to the Orkneys; and considering his ambition,
and the fact that we have come here, there will be little for
him to do to make of our choice what seems to him best."
And although the earl thought there were defects in both
courses, he took then the choice of laying all in the power of
the king — both himself and his dominion. Then king Olaf
took from the earl power and authority over all the earl's
inherited lands ; then the earl became his man, and bound the
contract with oaths.
[c. 10 1] Agreement between the earls and king Olaf.
Earl Thorfinn learned that Brusi, his brother, had gone east
to king Olaf, to seek protection from him. And because
Thorfinn had gone before to king Olaf, and had made there
friendship for himself, he thought that he had the ground well
prepared there; and he knew that he should have many
supporters of his cause ; yet he expected that there would be
more, if he came there himself Earl Thorfinn took this
counsel, and prepared as quickly as he could, and went east
to Norway, and intended that there should be as little interval
as possible between Brusi's arrival and his, and that [Brusi's]
errand should not have come to an end before Thorfinn came
to the king. But it happened differently from what the earl
had intended ; because when earl Thorfinn came to king Olaf,
the whole agreement between the king and earl Brusi was
finished and done. Also earl Thorfinn did not know that earl
' "the possessions that I and my ancestors have had, there in the west"
F.S.
- "the claim that he thinks he has" Snorri's St Olafs Saga, and Fl.
The F.S. text reads :— "the claim to the lands that he thinks he owns in
the Orkneys."
562 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Brusi had given up his dominion, before he had come to king
Olaf. And as soon as they met, earl Thorfinn and king Olaf,
then king Olaf raised the same claim to the dominion of the
Orkneys as he had made to earl Brusi ; and required the same
thing of Thorfinn, that he should yield to the king that part
of the lands which he had previously owned. The earl replied
well and quietly to the king's words, and said that he thought
the king's friendship was of great importance. "And if thou,
lord, shouldst think that thou neededst my support against
other chiefs, thou hast fully won it already : but it is not fitting
for me to give thee homage, because I am already an earl of the
king of the Scots, and am his vassal."
But when the king found an evasion in the earl's answers
to the arguments he had previously raised, the king said : " If
thou, earl, wilt not become my man, then the other alternative
is that I set over the Orkneys such man as I will ; and I desire
then that thou give me oaths not to lay claim to the lands, but
to leave in peace from thee whomsoever I set over the lands.
And if thou wilt have neither choice, then whoever rules the
lands must think that dispeace will be to be expected from
thee : then must thou not think it strange, though dale should
meet with hill."i
The earl replied, and begged him to give him time to
consider this question. The king did so ; [and] gave the earl
a while 2 to discuss this choice with his men. Then [Thorfinn]
asked that the king should allow him to put off [his answer]
till next summer, and let him go first west beyond the sea,
because his counsellors^ were at home, and he was but a child,
considering his age. The king bade him choose then.*
Thorkel Fosterer was then with king Olaf He sent a man
' I.e., "though the natural consequences ensue." This is, according to
Vigfusson, "a proverbial expression, meaning 'that as they had made their
beds, so they must lie ' " (Orkneyinga Saga, i, 24, note). It is implied that
obstacles would be placed in the way of Thorfinn's departure. Storm
translates the phrase : — "though valley follow after hill" ; the translator in
Oldnordiske Sagaer, iv, 206, " that force is met by force." Fl. reads, "that
valley should come against hill." Cf. Laxdoela Saga, c. 37, s.f.
2 "and permission" add Snorri's St Olafs Saga, and Fl. The F.S. text
reads: "a good while for consideration, and permission to discuss this
with his men."
^ "his best counsellors" F.S.
* "one of the two" adds Fl.
THORFINN SUBMITS TO KING OLAF 563
secretly to earl Thorfinn, and bade him not to think of parting
with king Olaf at the present time (whatever he might have in
his mind) on such terms that they should not be in accord,
seeing that he had then come into the hands of the king.
From such admonitions ^ the earl thought he perceived that
there seemed to be only one choice, to let the king have his
way then.^ He thought it undesirable to have no prospect of
getting his heritage for himself, and giving an oath that the
dominion should be possessed in peace by those that were not
born to it. But because his departure seemed to him unclear,
he made the choice to go to the king's hands, and become his
man — as Brusi had done.
The king found that Thorfinn was much more proud-
minded than Brusi, and that he bore worse this tyranny.^ The
king trusted Thorfinn less than Brusi. The king saw that
Thorfinn would expect support from the king of the Scots,
although he should break this covenant*; the king discerned,
in his wisdom, that Brusi went reluctantly through the whole
agreement, and declared that only to which he intended to
adhere ; but in the case of Thorfinn, when he had decided
which course to follow, he went gladly through all the terms,
and made no evasions about what he had decided in the first
instance.^ But the king suspected that the earl would reject
some of the conditions.^
[c. 102] The departure of earl Thorfinn.
When king Olaf had considered within himself all this
1 These 3 words are not in Fl.
^ " to let the king alone rule all " Fl.
^ pynding. The text in F.S. reads : " The king thought that [Thorfinn]
bore ill all authority ; and therefore he trusted earl Thorfinn less than
Brusi, to hold the agreement."
'' "although he took this covenant" F.S.
= "about what the king had decided in the first instance" Snorri's St
Olaf's Saga. The F.S. text reads : "about what the king had required of
him in the first instance, and he had decided upon"; Fh reads, "about
what the king had required of him on the first evening."
" en that gruna^i konung-, at jarl myndi gera eptir swnar sattir : perhaps
" had imagined that the earl would have rejected." Fl. reads : " suspected
that he would intend to reject" (niiinde atla at gera eftir). The F.S. text
reads at hann mundi eptir cetla at gera sumar scettirnar : "that he would
neglect to fulfil some of the conditions."
564 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
agreement, he caused [trumpeters] to blow for a numerous
assembly, and had the earl summoned there. Then the king
said : " Our covenant with the earls of Orkney will I now
reveal before the people. They have now consented to my
possession of the Orkneys and Shetland ; and both have become
my men, and bound all this with oaths. And I will now give
it to them in fief: to Brusi, a third part of the lands, and to
Thorfinn another third part, as they had before. But the third
part that Einar Wry-mouth had, that I count as having fallen
into my hands, because he slew Eyvind Aurochs-horn, my
body-guard's-man and companion and dear friend. I will do
with that part of the lands as seems good to me. This will
I also determine,! ^ith you two,^ my earls, that I will that you
make terms with Thorkel, Amundi's son, for the killing of
Einar, your brother. I will that this decision should be with
me, if you will consent to it." And this went like the rest,
the earls agreed to everything that the king said. Then
Thorkel went forward, and pledged himself to take the king's
doom in this case. And so this assembly was dismissed.
King Olaf adjudged compensation for earl Einar as for
three landed-men ; but because of his guilt, a third of the
payment was deducted.
Then earl Thorfinn asked the king for leave to depart.
And as soon as it was obtained, the earl prepared to go, as
quickly as he could. And when he was quite ready, it
happened one day when the earl was drinking on his ship that
Thorkel Amundi's son came before him suddenly, and laid his
head upon the earl's knee, and bade him do with it as he
would. The earl asked why he did so. " We are already men
reconciled, by the king's doom ; and stand thou up, Thorkel."
He did so. Thorkel spoke : " The peace that the king made
will I abide by, in the case between me and Brusi ; but in what
concerns thee, thou alone shalt decide.^ Though the king have
reserved for me ray possessions or right of residence in the
Orkneys, yet I know thy disposition, that my way to the
islands is barred unless I go under your* surety, earl. I will
' "stipulate" in Snorri's St Olaf, F.S., and Fl.
2 " brothers " add Snorri's St Olaf, and Fl.
^ "whatever has already been said about it" adds F.S.
« "full "adds F.S.
KING OLAF DIVIDES THE ISLANDS 565
promise you this," said he, " that I come never to the Orkneys,
whatever the king may say about it."
The earl was silent, and slow in speaking. He said : " If
thou wilt rather, Thorkel, that I adjudge in our case, rather
than accept the king's judgement, then this must be the
beginning of our agreement, that thou shalt go with me to the
Orkneys, and be with me, and never part from me, unless thou
have my leave and permission to do so : thou shalt be bound
to defend my land, and to do all the deeds that I will have
done,i so long as we both are alive." Thorkel answered:
" That shall be in your power, earl, like everything else that
I can undertake." Then Thorkel went up to him,^ and pledged
himself^ to the earl to do all that he had decided upon. The
earl said that he would have to speak later about compensation-
money; and then took an oath from Thorkel. Then Thorkel
betook himself at once to the journey with the earl. The earl
went away immediately, as soon as he was ready*; and king
Olaf and he never saw each other again.
Earl Brusi remained there behind, and made ready more
at leisure. And before he went away, king Olaf had a
conference with him, and spoke thus : " It seems to me, earl,
that I shall have in thee a man of trust, there in the west
beyond the sea : my intention is that thou shalt have two
parts of the lands to rule over, as thou hast had before. I wish
thee not to seem a smaller man, or less powerful, now that
thou hast become my vassal, than thou wert before. But I
will make firm thy faith in this wise, that I wish Ronald, thy
son, to remain here behind with me. I think that since thou
now hast my support, and two parts of the lands,^ thou canst
well defend thy rights against Thorfinn, thy brother."
Brusi accepted with thanks his having two parts of the
lands.^
' "that I will lay upon thee" F.S.
- "went a second time to the earl " F.S.
^ From here to the end, this passage appears also in MS. Arn. Mag. 332
(R.S. 88, i, 27-28).
^ "as soon as he got a fair wind" F.S.
° " 'that thou shalt have two parts of the lands to rule over, and there-
with my support, so that thou mayest . . .'". F.S. (omitting "as thou hast
... of the lands," through homoioteleuton).
^ "instead of one third" adds Snorri's St Olaf's Saga.
566 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
Brusi remained a little while after that, before he went
away ; and he came in the autumn west to the Orkneys.
Ronald, Brusi's son, remained behind in the east with king
Olaf. He was the most handsome of all men, with long hair
and golden, like silk ; he grew early big and strong : he was
the most accomplished of men, both because of his wisdom,
and his courtesy.^ He remained long after that with king
Olaf.2
This said Ottar the Black, in the elegy that he composed
upon king Olaf:
" The Shetlanders are reckoned to thee as thy subjects :
thou boldest with fitting firmness to the empire of the good
sovereign-kings [of Norway]. There had existed in the east
no ^ danger-greedy youth that had forced under his sway the
islands in the west, until we got thee." *
^ "eloquence" Snorri's St Olaf s Saga ; " valour " F.S. ; " all accomplish-
ments" Fl.
^ Cf. F.S., V, 190.
Ronald Brusi's son followed Olaf from Norway to Gardariki in 1029,
and returned with him to Norway in 1030. Ronald was present at the
battle of Stiklastadir, in which Olaf fell. Cf Agrip, c. 25 (F.S., x, 399) ;
F., 178, 181, 183, and the shorter St Olaf's Saga, 64, 58, 95 ; and H., St
Olaf, cc. 180-181 (Unger's cc. 190-191), with the added chapter in MS. J2
(Jonsson's ed., iii, 493 ; Unger's c. 245).
After Olafs death, Ronald went to Gardariki with Olaf's 15-year-oId
brother, Harold Hardrddi ; and passed some winters with him there
(H., MS. J2, U.S. ; Hardradi, cc. 1-2 ; Unger's cc. 1-3. Cf F., 217 ;
O.S., c. 23, R.S. 88, i, 36-37 (MS. A.M. 332) ; Fl., ii, 408-409). See below,
1036 X 1046.
^ "had not existed ... a" in Snorri's St Olafs Saga and Fl.
''"before thou didst come" MS. A.M. 332, and Fl. These read naSt
and na&ut instead oi n'o&iim j erroneously.
F.'s version of H.'s St Olaf (Jonsson's ed., i, 159): — "King Olaf laid
under himself first the kings of Norway ; and he took taxes in the Orkneys,
and Shetland, and the Faroes. So said Ottar . . ." (here follow the
verses translated above). Similarly (but with the Faroes omitted) in the
shorter St Olafs Saga, 35, c. 48.
St Olaf, king of Norway, in 1016 had found that Christianity was not
well kept in Orkney and Shetland (H., St Olaf, c. 58 ; Unger's c. 56).
For his method of suppressing Odin-worship and enforcing Christianity,
see H., St Olaf, c. 73. Cf the shorter St Olaf's Saga, 23, c. 32.
EARLS BRUSI AND THORFINN 567
I02I - 1029
Heimskringla, St Olaf's Saga, c. 103 1
Of Brusi and earl Thorfinn.
When those brothers, Thorfinn and Brusi, came west to
the Orkneys, Brusi took two parts of the lands to rule, and
Thorfinn, a third part. [Thorfinn] remained ever in Caithness
and in Scotland, but placed his men over the islands. Then
Brusi alone had the land-defence over the islands. And at that
time they were exposed^ to warfare, because Northmen and
Danes plundered greatly in western piracy ; and they came
often by the Orkneys, when they went westward or eastward ;
and they made head-land raids. Brusi spoke to Thorfinn, his
brother, because he made no war-provision for the Orkneys or
Shetland, although he took taxes and dues from all his share.
Then Thorfinn offered him the choice that Brusi should have a
third part of the lands, and Thorfinn two parts, and [Thorfinn]
alone make war-provision for them both. And although this
division was not made at once, yet it is said in the earls' sagas
that this division did take place — that Thorfinn had two parts,
and Brusi one third — when Cnut the Powerful had laid Norway
under himself, and king Olaf had gone from the land.^
' Unger's c. 109. The same passage is in Snorri's St Olafs Saga, 100,
c. 89 ; F.S., iv. 229-230, c. 98. It is also in P"l., ii, 182 ; and MS. A.M. 332
(R.S. 88, i, 28).
^ "much exposed" R.S., Fl.
^ "and yet not before king Cnut had laid the Norwegian sovereignty
under himself, and king Olaf had perished" F.S. I.e., not before 1030.
See year 1018, note.
"This was when Cnut had dominion in Norway, and Olaf had fled
from the land" R.S. ; i.e., 1028 x 1029. After this, MS. A.M. 332 diverges
from the Heimskringla version.
The Orkneyinga Saga (i, 28-29 ; Vigfusson's c. 22), in MS. A.M. 332 ;
and Fl. (ii, 404), read : " [King Olaf, Harold's son, received no homage from
earl Thorfinn, from the time when they parted after the agreement made
between earl Brusi and the others [1021-1029]. Fl.] . . . [Thorfinn] was
five winters old, when Malcolm, the Scots' king, his mother's father, gave
him the name of earl, and Caithness as his dominion [as was written above,
A.M.] ; and [he] was fourteen winters old, when he took out levies from
his land [and plundered in the territory of other chiefs. Fl.].
"Thus says Arnor Earls'-poet :— 'The ruler, foot-reddener of crows,
made red in battle the sword's edges, before he was fifteen winters old.
Able to defend the land, and (battle-greedy) to attack ; no man under the
568 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
1025
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 554, s.a. 1025 ^
Flandabra, the successor of lona, . . . slept in Christ.^
clouds has lent himself younger than Einar's brother.'" Cf. year 1014,
note at end.
This would place Thorfinn's first muster of troops in 1023,
But Cnut made himself master of Norway in [1028] ; and Olaf left
Norway in [1029] (13 winters after the battle of Nesiar ; F., 178) ; and fell
in the battle of Stiklastadir, on 29th July, [1030] (see H., St Olaf, cc. 171,
181, 235 ; Unger's cc. 181, 191, 248).
Snorri, following Sighvat, retracts an eclipse of 31st August, 1030, to
the day of the battle of Stiklastadir (H., St Olaf, cc. 226, 227, 235). From
tradition, or some Life of St Olaf, Snorri erroneously states that Harold
Hardrcidi's fatal expedition of 1066 took place 35 years after St Olaf's death
(H., Hardrddi, c. 80).
The A.S.C. place Cnut's expedition to Norway in 1028 : " In this year
king Cnut went [from England, DEF] to Norway with 50 ships" CDEF ;
" and drove out king Olaf from that land, and reduced to himself all that
land" DEF : and his return in 1029 : " In this year king Cnut came [home
DE] again to England" DEF. A.S.C, version C, says, s.a. 1030: — "In
this year king Olaf was slain in Norway by his own people ; and he was
afterwards holy . . . "; versions DE:— "In this year king Olaf came
again into Norway ; and that people gathered against him, and fought with
him ; and he was there slain."
Theoderic, c. 19 (Storm's Monumenta, p. 42): "The blessed Olaf
perished on the fourth day before the Kalends of August, which was then
the fourth day of the week, in the year from the Lord's Incarnation 1029,
as exactly as we have been able to discover" ■ i.e., Wednesday, 29th July.
But the 29th of July was a Tuesday in 1029 ; a Wednesday in 1030.
St Olaf was translated, as a saint, in 1031 (Icelandic Annals, KOCA).
Brusi died before 1036 (see below, p. 584). The time when Thorfinn
obtained two thirds of the islands was therefore between 1029 and 1036.
Cf Flateybook's Olaf Tryggvi's son (Fl., ii, 404 ; R.S. 88, i, 29) : "The
Scottish king died when the brothers Brusi and Thorfinn had been re-
conciled." This would place the agreement between them in or before
1034.
1 With fn. and e. of 1025.
2 F.M., ii, 808, s.a. 1025 : "Flandabra, successor of lona of Columcille,
. . . died."
Flandabra's death stands first in the year-section in A.U. and F.M. ;
the death of Maeleoin Ua-Torain, successor of Derry, stands 3rd in A.U. ;
2nd, in F.M. ; and 2nd, in A.L.C..,' i, 26, s.a. 1025. Reeves believed
Maeleoin to have been the chief abbot of the Columban order (Adamnan,
398). But surely Flandabra held that honour.
KING CNUT SUBDUES NORWAY 569
1026
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 366 ;
s.a. [1026] 1
Maelruanaid Ua-Maeldoraid, king of the Cenel-Conaill,
went on a pilgrimage across the sea.^
1027
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 558, s.a. 1027^
Dunkeld in Scotland was completely burned.*
102S- 1030
Theoderic : Historia de Antiquitate Regum Norwagiensium,
in Storm's Monumenta, p. 31
Meanwhile 5 king Cnut allured to himself all the chiefs of
Norway, by giving them much, and promising them more, if
they would remain loyal to his nephew, Hakon, whom he had
brought with him [to Norway].'^ And after taking hostages
' 2 years after 1024.
2 Similarly in C.S. 264, Hennessy's year 1024=1026; and the F.M., ii,
810, s.a. 1026 (but F.M. read "lord" instead of "king"). A.U., i, 556,
s.a. 1026 (with f.n. and e. of 1026), and A.L.C., i, 28, s.a. 1026 (with incorrect
f.n. and e.), read : " Maelruanaid Ua-Maeldoraid went upon a pilgrimage."
A. I., Scriptores, ii, 2, 58. O'Conor's year 1009=1026 (with ferial
and epact of 1026) : " Maelruanaid Ua-Maeldoraid, king of the north [of
Ireland, went] upon a pilgrimage, to Clonfert of Brendan ; and he went
from there to lona of Columcille ; and from there, to Rome of Latium."
Tigernach, 367, s.a. [1027] ; C.S., 266, Hennessy's year 1025 = 1027 ; and
F.M., i, 812, s.a. 1027, read: "Maelruanaid Ua-Maeldoraid [lord of Cenel-
Conaill F.M.] died upon his pilgrimage."
For Maelruanaid, see A.U. and F.M., s.aa. 1010-1013 = 1011-1014, and
1024; C.S., Hennessy's years 1009, loii, ioi2(=ioii, 1013, 1014) ; T., 364,
s.a. 1024 ; A.I., O'Conor's year 993 = 1011.
^ With f n. and e. of 1027.
* Similarly in A.L.C., i, 28, s.a. 1027 ; which add " in this year."
* While Olaf took refuge (1029-1030) with larizleif, king of Gardariki
(in Novgorod, 1016-1054). For these events, cf. above, years ?996 - ?ioi 8,
note.
^ Hakon was the son of Eric, Hakon's son (who had ruled in Norway
under the king of Sweden), and of Gytha, Cnut's sister (H., Olaf Tryggvi's
son, c. 90 — Unger's c. 97). According to the Icelandic Annals, Hakon had
ruled in Norway from 1012 (CA) to 1015 (KO ; 1014, CA) ; and (under
Cnut) from 1028 -t 1029 (KOCA). Hakon had abjured the kingdom in the
570 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
from those whom he thought least to be trusted, he returned
to England.
Then after a year, Hakon went to England, to fetch his wife.
But while he was returning, he was caught by a storm, and
compelled to enter the Charybdis in that part of the sea that is
called the Pentland Firth, beside the Orkney islands : and there
he was swallowed up in the depths of the whirlpool, with all
his company.^
beginning of St Olafs reign (Theoderic, Storm's Monumenta, 27 ; F.
146-147 ; H., St Olaf, c. 30).
Snorri doubts the truth of this story of Hakon's death. He takes it
from a different source. H., St Olaf, c. 184 (Unger's c. 195): "Earl
Hakon went from [Norway] that summer ; and west to England. And
when he came there, king Cnut received him well. The earl had a
betrothed girl there in England ; and he had gone on purpose to fetch
her ; and intended to hold his wedding in Norway. And he was pro-
curing in England the supplies that he thought would be the most difficult
to obtain in Norway.
"The earl prepared in autumn for the homeward journey; and was
ready rather late. He sailed into the sea, when he was ready.
"But of his voyage, this is to be said, that the ship was lost ; and none
escaped. And some men say that the ship was seen off the north of
Caithness, one evening, in a great storm ; and the wind was blowing out
to the Pentland Firth. Those that will follow this, say that the ship would
have been driven into the whirlpool" {I svelgi7tn; i.e. the Swelkie, off the
northern end of Stroma). " But this we know with certainty, that earl
Hakon was lost at sea ; and nothing came ashore that had been upon the
ship. In the same autumn, the merchants told the tidings (so carried about
the land) that men thought that the earl was lost ; but all knew this, that
he came not that autumn to Norway ; and the land was then rulerless."
An improbable story appears in the Agrip, c. 20 (F. S., x, 396) : "Then
had this father and son, Eric and Hakon, ruled the land for 14 winters,
with the title of earl ; and Svein, Hakon's son. But St Olaf gave to him
(Hakon) the Hebrides, as some say ; and supported him so, that he was
in possession of them : and he was king there, so long as he lived" (i.e.,
1015-1029).
' Knytlinga Saga, c. 17 ; F.S., xi, 201 : "Earl Hakon, Eric's son, was
lost in England's sea one winter before king Olaf the Holy fell" (i.e.,
in 1029).
A.S.C., C, after noticing St Olafs death, s.a. 1030, says: "and before
that, in this year, Hakon the doughty earl perished at sea."
Cf F.W., i, 184-185, s.aa. 1029, 1030: "... And after the festival of
St Martin [nth November, 1029], [king Cnut] sent into exile, as if for the
purpose of an embassy, the Danish earl Hakon, who had in marriage the
noble matron Gunhild, the daughter of [Cnut's] sister, and of Wyrtgeorn,
MAELBRIGTE'S SONS. BOITE'S GRANDSON 571
1029
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 369,
s.a. [1029]!
Malcolm, king of Scotland, the son of Maelbrigte, son of
Ruadri, died.^
1032
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 564, s.a. 1032^
Gillacomgain, Maelbrigte's son, the mormaer of Moray, was
burned, along with fifty of his men.*
1033
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 566, s.a. 1033^
The son of the son of Boite,^ son of Kenneth, was killed by
Malcolm, Kenneth's son.'*'
king of the Winidi : because he feared either to be deprived of his life, or
expelled from his kingdom, by him.
[s.a. 1030] " The aforesaid earl Hakon perished in the sea. But some
say that he was killed in the island of Orkney. . . ." Wyrtgeorn is the
Anglo-Saxon form of Vortigern, a Welsh name ; and Winidi might possibly
mean "the people of Gwynedd." It is perhaps more likely that he was
king of the Wends ; and that Florence has blundered over the spelling of
his name.
For Hakon c£ year 1055, note ; for his father Eric, see also year 1018,
note.
^ With e. of 1029 ; and f.n. 3 (for which read 4).
''■ To the same effect in A.U., i, 560, s.a. 1029 (with correct f n. and e.) ;
F.M., i, 818, s.a. 1029; A.L.C., i, 30, s.a. 1029: but these all omit the
words "king of Scotland." Malcolm is apparently mentioned in the
Additions to the Book of Deer, no. 2. See below, before 1131.
For Ruadri, cf year 1020. For Malcolm's brother, see below.
^ With fn. and e. of 1032 ; and the marginal note "bissextile."
* So also in A.L.C., i, 32, s.a. 1032.
Gillacomgain was the husband of Gruoch, who afterwards married
Macbeth. Cf years 1057 ; 1058, note. See below. Gillacomgain appears
to have been the brother of Malcolm, Maelbrigte's son, who claimed the
kingdom of Scotland (f 1029). Their cousin (and rival ; see year 1020),
Macbeth, appears to have inherited their claim to the throne. See year
1040.
6 With £n. and e. of 1033.
^ Mac mic Boete. Boete may be an Irish form of the name Boethius (cf
Bui{f)te of Monasterboice ; and Baite).
' I.e., by king Malcolm II of Scotland. Boite was the father of Gruoch
572 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
1034
Marianus Scottus, Chronicle, in M.G.H., Scriptores, vol. v,
p. 556; s.a. 1056=1034!
Malcolm, the king of Scotland, died, on the seventh day
before the Kalends of December.^ Duncan, his daughter's
son, succeeded him, for five years and nine months.^
1034
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 374,
s.a. [1034]*
Malcolm, Kenneth's son, the king of Scotland, the honour
of all the west of Europe, died.^
{filia Bodhe; St Andrews, 114) ; and through her, the grandfather of
Lulach, Gillacomgain's son [nepos filii Boidej Chronicle of the Kings,
version E, 131 ; see above, pp. 520-521). See years 1040, 1058.
Dunbar thinks that Boite's father was Kenneth III (t 1005 ; Malcolm IPs
cousin). In that case, Boite's grandson was probably a child in 1033. It
is possible that Boite may have been a son of Kenneth II, and brother of
Malcolm II.
This feud seems to have begun in 999. See that year, above. It led
to the usurpation of the kingdom by Macbeth. See year 1040.
The marriages of Gruoch united two parties hostile to Malcolm II : —
her own party, the descendants of Kenneth ; and her husbands' party, the
Moray family that claimed the kingdom of Scotland. For the history of
these affairs, see the genealogical tables given under year 1040, note.
1 Also the loth year of the emperor Conrad II. This passage does not
appear in the Cottonian MS.
^ I.e., on 25th November.
^ The ninth month was not completed. See year 1040.
The Chronicle of Melrose, 46, s.a. 1034, reads : " Malcolm, the king of
the Scots, died ; and Duncan, his grandson, succeeded him," This is
copied (inexactly) by the Chronicle of Man, i, 46, s.a. 1017 = 1034.
* Placed 3 years after 103 1.
^ Similarly (omitting "all") C.S., 270, Hennessy's year 1032 = 1034; and,
omitting "the honour . . . Europe" (with f.n. and e. of 1034): — A.I., 63,
O'Conor's year 1017 = 1034 ; A.U., i, 568, s.a. 1034 ; A.L.C., i, 34-36, s.a.
1034.
DEATH OF KING MALCOLM II 573
1005-1034
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 152
Malcolm, Kenneth's son, a most victorious king, reigned for
thirty years. And he died in Glammis,i and was buried in Ipna.^
100S-1034
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 179-184; Skene's Picts
and Scots, pp. 99-100
Afterwards, a warrior, fortunate (poets tell it), wrathful-
hearted, who will make war, will take high Scotland^; and his
name is the Aggressor.*
Men of the world will be of pure colour^ because of him
(the prophecy of an angel, whom I serve).*^ A heavy-battler
' So in DF ; but G reads Glaities j I, Slines.
^ Similarly in versions FGI (17S, 302, 289) ; but GI add " island."
K reads (206) : " This Malcolm reigned nobly for 30 years, and was
victorious." N (306) : " Malcolm, a glorious king, [reigned] for 30 years,
and was buried in the island of lona." For the unexpanded versions, see
above, p. cxxxix. Version E notes the length of his reign, and adds an
account of the battle of Carham. See year 1018.
The Duan Albanach reads (Skene's P. & S., 63) : "Thirty years — make
the verse abound with assonance — Malcolm was king of Moin " {Monaidh).
For the meaning of the cheville, breacaid rainn, cf. Thurneysen, Irische
Texte, iii, 131. The four half-lines all assonate. For the locality of Moin,
cf. the note upon Berchan, below.
Malcolm IPs 30th year was not completed. See year 1005.
3 For geabhadh reading geabhaj and for drd reading dird, as the verse
requires. The epithet is alliterative.
^ a\n\ Forranach. This refers to Malcolm II.
" For dathlana reading datk-gklain, as the verse requires. This
metaphor seems here to mean "will flourish." Cf. stanza 194, under
year 1093.
" Aingil ga ttii tharingire, rhyming with de. The same line recurs in
stanza 183 : aingil ga ttu tharranguire, rhyming with roimhe. MS. b reads
in both cases : aingil ga ttii taimgire. Cf. stanza 104, don mhac ga td
tarangaire " of the son who has the promise."
Gattu should be the ist-personal form, catfi "whose I am" (cf Meyer's
MacCongUnne, 19, 27, 138). In that case the initial consonant of taimgire
should probably be unaspirated ; and the construction almost requires an
additional syllable, which the line will not allow {don aingel). A possible
emendation would be : aingil ga did a ihairngire " [they are] angels who
have the promise of it." But since the reading of the verb is confirmed by
repetition, I have attempted to translate it as it stands.
2 O
574 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
of a strong people, the good king will redden red weapon-
points.
Son of a woman of Leinster^; Leap-through-battle; the
florid one; the Aggressor. Enemy of Welsh 2; destroyer of
Foreigners^; voyager of Islay and of Arran.*
A son of the cow that grazes upon the country-side of
Liffey, red will be the tracks of his swift foraying. A leopard
that will eat broad Scotland S; with whom will go the very
pure Gaels.'^
Ten battles will be gained by him (the prophecy of an angel,
whom I serve). Thirty-five years are his time in the sovereignty
of Scotland.
Until the day when he goes to battle, to meet with the
parricides,'' to the swift morning leap of Moin ^ : alas for
Scotland, in opposition to them !
' This implies that Kenneth II had married an Irish lady, probably of
a royal family of Leinster. Cf. the following stanza ; and stanza 202, in
which Berchan says that Scots (sons of Margaret?) took refuge in Ireland
during the reign of Donald Ban (who had probably done the same, during
the reign of Macbeth).
^ According to Fordun, Malcolm II made himself king of Cumbria.
^ Either the Norwegians, or the English.
* This seems to imply that he exacted tribute from the inner Hebrides.
^ on chti is as Attain uillj read onchi'i issas (apparently unelided). For
the metaphor, cf Tigernach's continualor, s.a. [1172] ; R.C., xviii, 285.
" ChaSidhil glan uill. The metre requires glan-uill to be a compound
word. It is an inversion, for rhyme's sake, oi oll-glain "very pure." Cf an
Old-Irish poem on St Patrick, in Archivfiir celtische Lexicographie, iii, 303.
^ Possibly the family of Maelbrigte, whose sons had killed his brother
Findlaech (Macbeth's father) in 1020. They might have risen against
Malcolm in revenge for the burning of Maelbrigte's son Gillacomgain in
1032 ; although we are not told that Malcolm was responsible for his death.
Fordun gives a vague account of Malcolm's death (IV, 41-43), in which
he says that Malcolm was wounded in suppressing a rebellion of relatives
of his predecessors, Constantino and Gryme.
' Or "of the moor," or "swamp." For mo7ia in the MS. we must read
monaid (a genitive case of Moin), because the word rhymes with erchom-
hair (s.l.) in the following line.
Malcolm is called "king of Moin" {ri Motiaidh) in the Duan. Monaid
might possibly be a Pictish nominative {i?ionid, monithj see years 728, 729) ;
which might stand for the Mounth, the range of the Grampians. But it is
hard to see why a king should have taken his title from a range of
mountains, which cannot have been inhabited to any extent. A more
probable explanation is suggested by Professor Watson, that the title was
KING MALCOLM II 575
The Gaels will fall in the battle ^ ; they will melt away
before the Aggressor (?).'- Alas for whom he reaches ; alas
for him who goes. I shall expound it to you (it is not a
lying tale).^
Ireland will be in evil state because of it (the prophecy
shall reach to her) ; along with every one in turn,'^ in every
place.
derived from the castle o{ Dunmonaidh^ or Edinburgh ; since Lothian had
been added to the Scottish dominions during this king's reign. This name
for Edinburgh, however, seems to lack historical confirmation.
Dun-monaid in early literature seems to stand for Dunadd in Monadh
Mhor, and, poetically, for the kingdom of Datriata, of which that fortress
was the capital. In later literature magh mhonaidh and cldr monaidh appear
to mean the kingdom of Scotland. The "king of Moin" was primarily king
of Scone, so that if Moin was a district we should expect it to mean the
kingdom of Scone.
The Prophecy implies that Malcolm died in Moin. The Chronicles of
the Kings say that he died at Glammis. If these traditions are the same,
they would place Glamis in the district of Moin ; but no confidence can be
placed in them.
' Reading chath for gcath.
^ dreifid re sin foirscanach. Read dricfid . . . forranach? C£ go
n-driogfaid a mbrigh in stanza 20 ; p. 450 of MS. The verb driog {T^xohzhXy
of Scandinavian origin) means in modern Gaelic, "trickle, distil."
^ This and the previous stanza seem to mean that Malcolm died of
wounds received in the battle ; perhaps also that his opponent was killed
there. Cf the account of Fordun, IV, 41 ; who says that Malcolm was
victorious, but wounded ; and that he survived the battle for three days.
•* ar uair. Skene (following MS. b) erroneously omits ar.
PART XXII
Reigns of Duncan, Macbeth, and Lulach. History
OF Northumbria
1005-1034
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, p. 227; s.aa. 1003, 1034 ^
[s.a. 1003] Grim, the king of the Scots, was slain ; and after
him, "[the same Malcolm reigned for thirty summers. He
was in battles a warlike and valiant knight^]. A free [death] ^
carried off the king, in the village of Glammis : he perished
under foot, after laying low the enemy.* The daughter of the
above-named king [Malcolm] was the wife of abbot Crin[an]^ :
Bethoc, worthy of her name."®
[s.a. 1034] This Malcolm had no son ; but a daughter, who
was the wife of Crin[an], the abbot of Dunkeld.'' And "by
her he begot a son, Duncan by name ; who for six years was
king of Scotland. Macbeth, son of Findlaech, struck him a
mortal wound. The king died at Elgin."
'■ With the verse parts (within inverted commas) cf. the Bodleian text,
in Skene's P. & S., 180.
^ Not in CM. ; supplied from Bodleian text.
■' "A shameful death" {mors improba), B. ; so read in CM.
^ Yot: prostratis . . . perit, B. reads erroneously ^ar(?//> . . . ruit.
^ Abbatis Crini : the metre forbids the addition of a syllable.
" The reading of B. is corrupt.
The writer probably understands the name to mean "birch-tree"
(modern Gaelic beathag; Irish beathoc. Dinneen, Lane. The middle-Irish
bethe "birch" was also used as a woman's name : cf. L.L., p. 216).
' abbatis Diincaneli Crini. Cf. the forms given by the Chronicles of the
Kings ; below, year 1040. The same person is once called " Cronan, abbot
of Dunkeld," by A.U. See below, year 1045, note.
Fordun calls Bethoc " Beatrice," and says that she was the only
legitimate child of Malcolm II. She was married, according to Fordun,
"to a man of great vigour and power, Crinan, abthanus of Dull, and
seneschal of the islands." Fordun explains that abthanus is not equivalent
to abbas, but means "chief of the thanes"; his function being that of a
steward or chamberlain (IV, 39 ; i, 181. Cf. i, 187).
There is a district called Appin in the parish of Dull {abthania de DuT) :
576
KINGS MALCOLM II AND DUNCAN 577
its revenues were 20 shillings, and were reserved for Dunkeld, when the
bishop and chapter of Dunkeld conceded Dull to the prior and canons of
St Andrews (see St Andrews, pp. 295-297).
The name Appin is derived from the middle-Gaelic abbdaine or apthaine,
which meant "abbacy," and had the transferred meanings "supremacy,"
and (probably) "abbey-lands." This word was rendered in Latin abthania;
but the title abthanus seems to be Fordun's own invention. His explana-
tion shows that he means by it "Steward of the Appin or abtkania" ; and
that he understood abthania in some sense akin to " supremacy."
There were no Stewards of Appin in Fordun's time. But the High
Stewards of Scotland were "of Breton origin, descended from a family
which held the office of Senescal or Steward of Dol, under the counts of
Dol and Dinan, ... in the nth century" (Scots Peerage, i, 9).
Fordun seems to have mixed up the abthania of Dull with the Stewardry
of Dol ; and has erroneously assumed that Crinan was an ancestor of
Walter, Alan's son (+ 1 177), who became the first High Steward of Scotland
in the reign of David. Underneath these confusions there may have been
a substratum of fact, which cannot now be ascertained. Crinan is called
"Crinan the thane" in the tract De Obsessione Dunelmi (R.S. 75, i, 216).
Crinan may have been the son of Duncan, the abbot of Dunkeld, who died
in 965.
According to Fordun (IV, 40 ; i, 182), Malcolm II had made Duncan
king of Cumbria. This is supported by F.W., who calls Malcolm III
"son of the king of the Cumbrians" (E.C., 85). Owen was king of
Strathclyde in 1018 (E.C., 82). See year 1018, above.
For Duncan's sons, Malcolm Cendmor and Donald Ban, see Fordun,
IV, 44-45 (i, 187-189). Fordun says that Duncan had, immediately upon
his accession to the kingdom of Scotland, given Cumbria to Malcolm.
(In reality, Cumbria seems to have been ruled by Maldred.) Malcolm
(he says) fled to Cumbria, when Macbeth became king of Scotland ; and
afterwards to Siward, the earl of Northumbria, his mother's relative : while
his brother, Donald, went to the islands.
For Duncan's brother, Maldred, see E.C., 81, 96 ; D.K., 5-6.
On the authority of the Orkneyinga Saga, Dunbar gives Duncan a
sister, the mother of Moddan, earl of Caithness. But the Saga's story
may here be entirely fabulous. See below, year 1106, note.
The Orkneyinga Saga, cc. 22-23 (l^S. A.M. 332, R.S. 88, i, 29-36 ; Fl.,
St Olaf, cc. 339-341, ii, 404-408 ; Hjaltalin and Goudie (1873), c. 5, pp.
17-20), gives a fabulous story, not contained in earlier saga-collections,
telling that the Scottish king [Malcolm II], Thorfinn's grandfather, died,
after the agreement made between Thorfinn and Brusi [1028 x ] ; and that
"then Karl Hundi's son took dominion over Scotland." Karl claimed
Caithness (which Malcolm had given to Thorfinn), and wished to place
over Caithness the chief who was called Moddan [Matadin ?] ; he was
Karl's sister's son, and had many relatives and friends in Ireland. Thorfinn
fought for his right ; Karl was defeated at sea, off Deerness ; Moddan was
killed, in Thurso ; Karl was routed at Torfnes, south of Moray Firth (to
the south of Oykell, according to Arnor). Thorfinn advanced with great
578 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
1034
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 374,
s.a. [1034]
Suibne, Kenneth's son, king of the Galwegians, died.^
1034
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 568, s.a. 1034
Macc-nia Ua-Uchtain, lector of Kells, was drowned while he
came [to Ireland] from Scotland ; and Columcille's fiabellum,
and three of the relics of Patrick, [were lost with him] ; along
with thirty men.-
10353
violence into Fife, while the Scots fled and did not dare to fight. Thorfinn
returned to Caithness for the winter ; and plundered in the western lands
every summer afterwards.
The Thorfinns-drapa of Arnor Earls'-poet, Thord's son, is the authority
quoted for this account. Arnor calls Karl Hundi's son "Karl," "king"
(jo/urr), and "lord of Scotland" ; and speaks of the battles of Deerness
and Torfnes, and of three other defeats of the Scots ; and of ravagings of
Thorfinn in Scotland.
For Arnor's verses, see J.S., i, A, 344-348 ; B, 317-321 ; Corpus
Poeticum, ii, 195-196. If these verses are genuinely Arnor's, they are
valuable, since Arnor was Thorfinn's contemporary. Karl may have been
a ruler of Sutherland, or of Moray. His father's name (according to the
saga), Hundi, means " dog" ; it might be a translation of the Gaelic Culen
or Matad. It does not seem to be possible to identify Karl with king
Duncan, the successor of Malcolm II.
If the story is not entirely fabulous, it is possible that Karl Hundi's son
("churl, son of dog") was an opprobrious name applied by allies of the
family of Malcolm II to the usurper, Macbeth. This last supposition is
made less improbable by the fact that, during Macbeth's reign, Thorfinn
endeavoured to conciliate the Norwegian kings (Magnus, 1046 x 1047,
unsuccessfully ; Hardradi, successfully, 1047 x ? 1064, and perhaps 1047 x
? 1050. See below, 1036-1046, note). But since an unsuccessful ruler of
Moray could hardly have made himself king of Scotland, it is more likely
that Karl may have been an intruder placed over Moray. No solution of
this riddle seems to be justified.
1 Similarly in A.U., i, 568, s.a. 1034 ; and in A.L.C., i, 36, s.a. 1034.
2 Similarly in A.L.C., i, 36, s.a. 1034 ; and so read in F.M., ii, 828, s.a.
1034.
Cf years 1009, 1040.
3 In the year 1035, king Cnut died. See years 1055, 1018, notes. For
the oaths taken at his death-feast, see Fagrskinna, 83-86.
KINGS SUIBNE, DUNCAN, AND MACBETH 579
1040
Marianus Scottus, Chronicle; M.G.H., Scriptores, vol. v,
p. 557; s.a. 1062 = 10401
Duncan, the king of Scotland, was killed in autumn, (on
the nineteenth day before the Kalends of September,^) by his
earl, Macbeth,^ Findlaech's son ; who succeeded to the kingdom,
[and reigned] for seventeen years.*
1040
Marianus Scottus, marginal addition in the Palatino-Vatican
MS. ; in M.G.H., Scriptores, vol. v, p. 558 ; s.a. 1079= 1057'"^
Duncan reigned for five years: that is, from the mass of
St Andrew 6 to the same, and beyond, to the Nativity of
St Mary.^
Then Findlaech's son reigned for seventeen years, to the
same mass of St Mary.^
1 Also the 1st year of emperor Henry III.
^ I.e., on 14th August. This date is added in the margin of the
Vatican MS.
^ a duce suo Macbethad: perhaps "his general." This is the correct
spelling of Macbeth's name (literally "son of life"; "one of the elect").
The chroniclers constantly confuse it with Macheth. Cf year 11 57, note.
The word Bethu ("life") occurs as a man's name in the Book of
Leinster, 321, column 5.
■* This passage is not in the Cottonian MS. (Waitz).
The Chronicle of Melrose, 47, s.a. 1039, says simply: "Duncan, the
king of the Scots, died ; and Macbeth usurped to hmiself his kingdom."
^ These notes were written before 1079. See year 1057, note.
" 30th November, 1034.
" This should mean 8th September, 1040 ; but probably, as below, the
day of the Assumption is meant : i.e., 15th August, 1040.
8 This should mean 8th September, 1057 ; but in the same notes (see
below, year 1057) Marianus says that Macbeth was killed in August :
therefore probably the day of the Assumption, 15th August, 1057, is
meant.
The Chronicle of Huntingdon calls Macbeth a nephew {nepos) of
Malcolm II. Its evidence is hardly sufficient to establish this relationship.
See year 1054, note. Cf. R. O'Flaherty, Ogygia (1685), 489. D.K , 6-7.
If Boite had been the son of Kenneth II, not of Kenneth III, Macbeth's
wife would have been the niece of Malcolm II. See year 1033, note.
Macbeth's immediate claims, by descent and by marriage, to the
kingdom of Scotland, will best be shown by genealogical tables,
580
EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
(i) The descendants of Kenneth.
Malcolm I and Indulf were great-grandsons of Kenneth, Alpin's son.
Malcolm I
k. Sc. 943 - 1 954
Dub
k. Sc. 962 - t 966
Indulf
k. Sc. 954- 1962
Culen
k. Sc. 966-1971
Kenneth II
k. Sc. 971 - t 995
Kenneth III | 1 1 Constantine III
k.Sc. 997- + 1005 I I I k. Sc. 995-t997
? Dungal ? daughter Malcolm II
t 999 ==Findlaech k. Sc.
I t 1020 1005 -t 1034
^. I . . I,
' Gillacoimgin ? Boite
fl. 999
Macbeth
k. Sc. 1040- 1 1057
'I
Bethoc = Crinan
Gruoch ^= (i) Gillacomgain
= (2) Macbeth
t 1032
Duncan
k. Sc. 1034 - 1 1040
son
t 1033
Lulach
k. Sc. 1057- 1 1058
(2) The family of Moray.
Ruadri
I
Findlaech
k. Sc. t 1020
I
Maelbrigte
Gruoch ^ Macbeth
k. Sc.
1040 -t 1057
Malcolm
k. Sc. + 1029
Gillacomgain = Gruoch
morm. Moray
t 1032
Lulach
k. Sc. 1057 - 1 1058
I
Maelsnechtai
k. Moray, f 1085
daughter
Angus
k. Moray, 1 1130
? ? Wimund.
KINGS DUNCAN AND MACBETH 581
1040
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 379 ;
s.a. [1040] 1
Duncan, Crinan's ^ son, sovereign of Scotland,^ was slain by
his subjects, at an immature age.*
1040
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 152
Duncan, son of Cr[in]an'^ the abbot of Dunkeld, and of
Bethoc, daughter of Malcolm, Kenneth's son, reigned for six
years. And he was killed by Macbeth, Findlaech's son," in
Bothngouane '' ; and was buried in the island of lona.*
' This year-section is placed between years dated 1039 and 104 1. This
passage is copied by C.S., 272; Hennessy's year 1038=1040. A similar
passage appears in A.U., i, 576, s.a. 1040 ; and is copied by A.L.C., i, 40,
s.a. 1040.
2 "Critan's" C.S.
3 airdri Aldan. " King of Scotland " (rz Alban) in A.U. and A.L.C.
* "at an immature age" not in A.U., A.L.C.
These words are contradicted by Berchan (below). They cannot have
been strictly true ; because Duncan had three sons. His pedigree (see
above) suggests that he should have been of middle age. He was
apparently of the same generation as Gruoch, Macbeth's wife.
* mac Cra?i, D ; mac Trim, F ; mac Trini, G ; filius Crini, I ; 77tac
Kryn, K.
^ a Maketh mac Fyngel, D. See above, p. cxl, note.
' Bothngouane, D ; Bothgauenan, F ; Botkergouenan, G ; Bothgouanan,
I. I.e. both-inna-7tgobannf Stated to be Pitgaveny, near Elgin (cf. D.K.) :
but this is uncertain. Balnagowan has a somewhat similar name.
On 2ist April, 1235, king Alexander II endowed a mass-chaplaincy in
Elgin cathedral, for the soul of king Duncan ; giving 3 marks yearly from
the firma of the royal borough of Elgin (Moray, no. 36). This probably
implies that Duncan I had been killed within the diocese of Moray.
' This passage appears similarly in versions FGI (175, 302, 289). But
FI omit "reigned" ; F omits "the island of."
K (206) omits the places of death and of burial, and reads "son" instead
of "daughter." N (306) reads: "Duncan [reigned] for 5 years; and he
was killed ; and was buried in the island of lona."
Duncan's reign is omitted by E.
The Duan Albanach reads (Skene's P. & S., 63) ; " Six years of Duncan,
pure [and] wise."
582 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
1 034- 1 040
Berchan's Prophecy, stanzas 187-190; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. loi
After [the Aggressor], without delay, a king whose name is
the Man of many diseases ^ will take [Scotland]. The king will
not be young, but will be old,^ who will crush ^ the hostages of
the Gaels.
During the time of the Man of many diseases, of many
melodies, Scotland will not venture [to raise] the standard of
red gold,* which arouses battle. He will be an old man, lasting
well.*
Joy to Scotland, which he will take; but short is the time
in which she will enjoy him : five years and a half (a bright
space) over Scotland in sovereignty."
Afterwards a king diseased, whose name is the Man of
many diseases, will take [Scotland].'^ He will die of that
disease : this will be his high history.
1040
Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 576, s.a. 1040^
. . . Maelmuire Ua-Uchtain, Columcille's successor, . . .
slept in Christ.^
^ an t-ilghalrach : perhaps erroneously attracted to the epithet of the
succeeding king. Possibly read ilghalach "of many exploits"? Of.
galach, in Irische Texte, iii, 346 ; Saltair na Rann (1883), 11. 8121, 8340.
2 A similar redundant statement occurs in stanza 200 (see year 1094).
This statement seems to be a contradiction of Tigernach, who says that
Duncan died at an immature age. But Berchan's authority is not good.
^ shuithfes for; read suaithfes for " v/'iW knead," as in stanza 134. MS.
b (followed by Skene) reads erroneously fuithfeas.
* ni leimthar . . . ineirge deigh dir : for deigh read deirg {dearg in
MS. b). "The standard of red gold" is possibly a circumlocution for fire ?
For Berchan's use of the verb, cf stanza 77 : ni Uimhthar lets i?i ferann.
'•" bidli he an seanoir somharthain, rhyming with cath. Read therefore
bidh seanoir (or bidh he seann) so-niharthanach f
•^ This seems to be the reign of Duncan, who was king for 5^ years and
82 days.
^ an t-illghalrach. This cannot be Macbeth, who did not die of disease ;
but may possibly be Lulach. In that case the stanza has been displaced ; it
should stand after stanza 193. For Lulach's reign see below, 1057- 1058.
^ With f.n. and e. of 1040 ; and the marginal note "bissextile."
^ Cf. F.M., ii, 836, s.a. 1040: "Maelmuire Ua-Uchtain, the successor of
EARLS EADULF AND SIWARD. CRINAN 583
1038-1041
Simeon of Durham, Historia Regum, vol. ii, p. 198
After the death of his brother, [Ealdred,]i Eadulf [Uhtred's
son] was made earl of the Northumbrians. He, being exalted
with pride, ravaged the Britons [of Cumbria] with sufficient
ferocity.^ But in the third year afterwards, when he had come
in peace to Harthacnut,^ to be reconciled, he was killed by
Siward, who had after him the earldom of the whole province
of the Northumbrians ; that is, from the Humber as far as
the Tweed.*
104s
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 385 ;
s.a. [1045]'^
A battle [was fought] between Scot's, upon a united expedi-
tion^; and Crinan, abbot of Dunkeld, was killed in it; and
many along with him, namely nine score fighting men.'^
Columcille and of Adamnan, died " (i e., abbot of Kells and of Raphoe. Cf.
charter no. 4 in the Book of Kells).
A previous head abbot of the same name died in 1009. The present
Maelmuire was certainly a relative of the former one ; and possibly a son.
Cf. year 1034, for another member of the family. See Reeves, Adamnan,
397, 398.
The next recorded successor of Columba is Murchaid Ua-Maelsech-
laind, for whom see year 1055.
^ See year 1072, note.
2 Similarly Siward (1041x1055), Gospatric (in 1070; E.C., 92), and
Waltheof (1072 x 1075), attempted to subdue Cumberland and Westmoreland.
See years 1055, 1072, notes.
3 Therefore 1040 x 1042. A.S.C. CD place Eadulf's death in 1041 ; and
F.W. (i, 195) names Siward "earl of the Northumbrians" in 1041. But the
tract De Northymbrorum Comitibus says that Eadulf was killed by Siward
"in the reign of Edward" the Confessor (1042 x 1066). See year 1072, note.
■• For Siward, see year 1055.
5 The year-section stands between years dated 1044 and 1046 ; and is
distinguished by f.n., e., and golden number, of io45-
" ar aenrian "on one road" Stokes, who adds the note : "Perhaps an
idiom for . . . 'among themselves'" (as in A.U.).
The same expression occurs in the continuation of Tigernach, 272,
referring to an expedition led by several kings for one object. The
phrase appears to be a corruption of an older phrase for oen-roen. Roen
"road" was used in the transferred sense of "military expedition" (cf.
584 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
I 036- I 046
Snorri's St Olaf s Saga, c. 270 ^
King Magnus the Good, son of the holy king Olaf, reigned
over Norway, as was said before. Then was with him earl
Ronald, Brusi's son. At that time, earl Thorfinn, Sigurd's
son, Ronald's father's brother, ruled over the Orkneys.
Then king Magnus sent Ronald west to the Orkneys,^
and requested that Thorfinn would let [Ronald] receive^ his
patrimony. Thorfinn let Ronald have with him a third-part*
of the islands ; because [Ronald's] father, Brusi, had so had,
upon his dying day.
English "field") ; see Oengus, May 27, June 19. Of. the Egerton Tochmarc
Ferbe, Irische Texte, iii, 2, 552, where i n-aenraen . . . no a turcomrac is
translated by Windisch "auf einem gemeinsamen Wege oder in Versamm-
lung" (ibid., 556). For aenraen would probably mean "upon a united
expedition," or "in a mass-levy" : the implication here being that an army
was composed of different elements, which divided into hostile parties.
' nae xxlaechj "laymen" Stokes (literally).
Cf. A.U., i, 584, s.a. 1045 (with f.n. and e. of 1045) : "A battle [was
fought] between Scots, among themselves ; and in it fell Cronan, the abbot
of Dunkeld." Similarly also in A.L.C., i, 46, s.a. 1045. Cronan was a
more familiar name to Irishmen than Crinan.
This Crinan seems to have been the father of king Duncan. See year
1034. Duncan's grandson, ^thelred, also was an abbot of Dunkeld. See
year 1093, note.
This warfare was doubtless a rebellion raised against Macbeth. It may
have been the same attempt against him, in which the Northumbrians
took part ; and which the Annals of Durham place in 1046. See E.C., 84.
1 Munch and Unger, p. 244 ; F.S., v, 141.
2 F. (201) places this event between [1036] (fSven) and [1042]
(t Harthacnut) ; and says that Magnus the Good "sent Ronald, Brusi's
son, west to dominion in the Orkneys ; and gave him the name of earl.
And in his days occurred the disagreement between Ronald and Thorfinn,
[Ronald's] father's brother, as is told in the Earls' Saga."
Magnus had ruled over Norway during the winter in which Sven died
(1035-1036) ; while Sven was in Denmark with Harthacnut. The Icelandic
Annals (KOCA) place the death of Sven ^Ifgifu's son in 1036.
^ "requested that Ronald should receive" F.S.
* The Orkneyinga Saga (c. 26) says that Ronald got two-thirds of the
islands, on condition of aiding earl Thorfinn, who "had at that time great
contentions \deilur\ with the Hebrideans and the Irish." Cf below.
The islands thus divided into three parts were the Orkneys and Shet-
lands only (O.S., c. 30).
EARL THORFINN AND INGIBIORG 585
Thorfinn had then married Ingibiorg^ Earls'-mother, the
daughter of Finn, Ami's son.
Earl Ronald thought that he owned two parts of the lands,
as Olaf the Holy had given to Brusi, his father ; and as Brusi
had had in [Olaf's] days. These were the beginnings of the
contention between the kinsmen: and there is. a long story
about that.^
1 See years ? 1065, 1070, notes.
2 In Snorri's time, therefore, there existed a saga describing these
events.
The vivid story told by the Orkneyinga Saga of the dealings between
Thorfinn and Ronald is scarcely historical (R.S. 88, i, 35-56 ; cc. 23-36, Fl.,
St Olaf, cc. 342-355 ; ii, 408-420) ; except that in contains verses quoted
from Arnor Earls'-poet. These verses are the historical nucleus ; but the
reading is often corrupt, and the meaning obscure. For these, see NordaFs
edition of the saga, when it appears.
The Orkneyinga Saga implies that Ronald came to Orkney, and
obtained two-thirds of the islands, in [1038], 8 winters before the winter of
his death.
According to O.S. (cc. 26-27) Thorfinn and Ronald collected their
forces in spring, [1039] ; and "in the summer, plundered in the Hebrides,
and in Ireland, and widely in Scotland's firths. Thorfinn laid the land
under himself, wherever they went." In the summer, they had a great
battle in Waterford [Skye] ; and were victorious.
For eight winters (1038-1046] they shared the Orkneys ; and every
summer they went on plundering expeditions, together or separately
(c. 27).
One summer (c. 28), [1040 X 1042] Thorfinn plundered in the Hebrides
and the west of Scotland. He came to Galloway, and sent a force into
England to get cattle. This force was destroyed by the English. At that
time, Harthacnut reigned in England and Denmark (c. 29). Next spring
[1041 X 1042], Thorfinn collected levies in Orkney, Caithness, Scotland.
Ireland, and the Hebrides ; and invaded England, gaining victory in
two battles, and in other fighting. He returned to the Orkneys for the
winter.
Kalf Ami's son fled from Norway (c. 30), to Thorfinn, who had married
Ingibiorg, a daughter of Finn, Kalf's brother. [For Finn and Kalf see
year ? 1050, below.] Thorfinn wished to take again from Ronald Einar's
third of the islands. Thorfinn collected forces from the Hebrides and from
Scotland. His whole dominions at this time were a third of the islands ;
Caithness, and a great part of Scotland ; and all the Hebrides (R.S. 88, i,
45 ; Fl., ii, 413). Ronald fled to Norway ; and king Magnus gave him
forces, and sent by him a promise of pardon to Kalf if Kalf would aid
Ronald against Thorfinn.
The forces of Ronald and of Thorfinn met in the Pentland Firth [in
1046?] (c. 31). Kalf did not fight. Thorfinn, finding himself in difficulty,
586 EAELY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
They fought a great battle in the Pentland Firth. Kalf,
Ami's son, was then with earl Thorfinn. Thus said Biorn
GuUbrar-skald ^ :
"We have learned, Kalf! how thou didst follow Finn's
kinsman-in-law in battle ; and how thou didst quickly put
to sea swift ships, against the earl.
" Impetuous one, bloodthirsty, remembering the feud ! Thou
didst overcome the courage of Brusi's son ; and thou wert of
use to Thorfinn."^
begged Kalf to help him. Kalf joined the fight, and Ronald was defeated.
Ronald fled to Norway.
Thorfinn took possession of all the islands (c. 32). He sent Kalf to rule
the Hebrides. In the beginning of winter [1046], Ronald returned with
a picked force, in one ship. He surprised Thorfinn in Pomona (c. 33) ;
and burned down the house in which he was. But Thorfinn and his wife
escaped, without being seen. Thorfinn rowed over to Caithness, and was
believed to be dead. Before Christmas [1046], Thorfinn surprised Ronald
in Papa Stronsay (c. 34) ; and burned down the house in which he was.
But Ronald escaped. Search was made along the sea-shore. Ronald was
found, and killed, by Thorkel Fosterer. His death was concealed ; and
Thorfinn surprised his followers in Kirkwall. Thirty men, mostly of king
Magnus's body-guard, were put to death ; one was sent back to Magnus.
Ronald was buried in Papa Westray (c. 35). Thorfinn took all the
islands. Magnus was at war with Sven, Ulf's son, king of Denmark.
Harold Hardradi, Sigurd's son, reigned with Magnus in Norway
[1046-1047] (c. 36). Thorfinn went to Magnus, and by a ruse gained peace ;
but terms of atonement were postponed. The body-guardsman who had
been spared by Thorfinn claimed atonement for his brother. Thorfinn
escaped to sea. Magnus died, leaving the realm to Harold [1047].
After the death of Magnus, Thorfinn made friendship with Hardradi
(c. 37 ; FJ., c. 356, ii, 420-421). He seems to have acknowledged
Hardradi's overlordship (1047x1057; perhaps x ? 1050, q.v.) during the
reign of Macbeth, who had ejected from the Scottish kingdom the family
of Malcolm II, Thorfinn's ally. Cf. Adam, below, years 1047 x 1066.
^ Cf. the quotation in Snorri's St Olaf, 185, c. 173 (F.S., v, 17 ; H., St
Olaf, c. 177; Unger's c. 187; Fl., ii, 311), introduced thus: "This says
Biorn [or Biarni] Gullbrarskald, in the poem that he made upon Kalf
Ami's son . . ." The poem is called Kalfs-flokkr, in Snorri's St Olaf, 236,
c. 254 (F.S , V, 123 ; H., Magnus the Good, c. 14, Unger's c. 15 ; F\., ii,
374). For the poem, see J.S., i. A, 393-396 ; B, 363-365-
^ There are a few different readings in F.S. See J.S., i, A, 396 ; B,
365, stanza 8 : where (I find) the latter part is translated somewhat
differently.
The metre decides in favour of the reading of the last line as it stands
in Munch and Unger's text. Cf. PT, ii, 421-422, 439-440 (O.S., c. 38).
THORFINN DEFEATS RONALD BRUSI'S SON 587
Arnor Earls'-poet claimed to have been present in this battle. See
R.S. 88, i, 47 ; Fl., ii, 415 ; J.S., i, A, 355 ; B, 326, stanza J.
Ronald Brusi's son and Finn Ami's son had been with St Olaf at
Stiklastadir ; Kalf Ami's son had been among those who killed St Olaf
there. See F., 178-182, 217.
For Kalf Ami's son, see below, year ? 1050.
Morkinskinna, Magnus the Good's Saga, p. 44 : "Now when they had
ruled the land for two winters [1045- 1047] both together— king Magnus and
king Harold — they prepared their host in the summer, [to go] south to
Denmark ; and they called out the levies from Norway. That was one
winter after the fall of earl Ronald, Brusi's son, in the west, in the Orkneys.
The kings went with their host south to Denmark."
This was the expedition of [1047] (see below), upon which king Magnus
died (see H., Hardradi, c. 28). Therefore Ronald died in 1046. So also
F. (246). Cf the shorter St Olaf's Saga, 67, c. 89.
Morkinskinna implies that the kingdom of Norway was divided in
[1045]. Similarly also the Flatey-book's Magnus and Harold (Fl., iii, 326).
F. implies that Magnus reigned alone from [1036] to [1046] (201, 216) ;
although it sajs also (243-244), erroneously, that the kingdom was divided
122 years after the death of Harold Fairhair [tg33].
The facts seem to be that the kingdom was divided in 1046, and that
Magnus died in the beginning of the second winter (1047) after the division.
Cf. Icelandic Annals KOCPA, s.aa. 1046, 1047 (E, s.aa. 1047, 1048).
Theoderic, c. 28 (Storm's Monumenta, 56), says : " After [Magnus],
Harold, brother of the blessed Olaf, reigned for 20 years ; 19 of them alone,
one with his nephew Magnus." Similarly, the Agrip says that Magnus
died one winter after Harold's arrival ; and Harold, 19 winters after Magnus
(cc. 34, 36; F.S., X, 405, 407-408). Since Harold died in 1066, Magnus
died in 1047.
The Heimskringia agrees with these, and allows one winter between
the division of the kingdom and the death of Magnus (Hardradi, cc. 25-27).
Cf F.S., vi, 185. So also O.S., c. 36 (Vigfusson's MS. b\ i, 53. Hemings
Thattr says that Harold was 32 winters old at his accession [i.e., in 1047] ;
but also that he reigned for 20 winters [i.e., 1046-1066] (Fl., iii, 400; R.S.
88, i, 347)-
The dates of the A.S.C. are here confused. Chronicle D says, s.a. 1047
(a year-section parallel to C's 1046, E's 1044, F's 1045): "And Magnus
won Denmark." Chronicle D, s.a. 1048 (parallel to C's 1047, E's 1045,
F's 1046) : " And Sven also sent hither, [and] asked for aid against Magnus,
the king of the Norwegians ; that fifty ships should be sent to his support.
But the whole people thought it unadvisable, and it was then prevented,
because Magnus had a great force of ships. And [Magnus] then drove out
Sven, and won the land, with great slaughter ; and the Danes paid him a
great amount of money, and accepted him as king.
"And in the same year, Magnus died."
These two entries (for 1047 and 1048) may refer to the events of one
year (1047).
Cf. A.S.C. D, s.a. 1049 (parallel to C's 1048, E's first 1046, F's 1047) ;
588 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
1050
Marianus Scottus, Chronicle; M.G.H., Scriptores, vol. v,
p. 558; s.a. 1072=1050!
The king of Scotland, Macbeth, scattered money like seed^
to the poor, at Rome.
1047 X 1060
? 1047 -? 1050
Heimskringla, Harold Hardradi's Saga, c. 45 ^
Finn, Ami's son, dwelt at Yriar in Austritt* He was then
a landed-man of king Harold. Finn had married Bergliot,
daughter of Halfdan, son of Sigurd Sow ; Halfdan was the
brother of king Olaf the Holy, and of king Harold. Thora,
king Harold's wife, was brother's daughter of Finn, Ami's son.^
Finn was the dearest [friend] to the king, and [so were] all
the brothers.
Finn, Ami's son, had been for some summers in western
piracy.® They had then been all together in v/arfare — Finn,
and Guthorm, son of Gunnhild,'' and Hakon, Ivar's son.^
" In this year, Sven came again to Denmark ; and Harold, Magnus's
father's brother, went to Norway, since Magnus was dead. And the
Norwegians received him ; and he sent to this land, concerning peace.
"And Sven sent also, from Denmark, and asked king Edward for aid
with ships : it should be at the least fifty ships. And all the people
opposed it."
' Also the nth year of emperor Henry III.
^ seminando distribuit : possibly with a suggestion of advantage to be
reaped ? F.W., copying this passage, alters seminando to spargendo (E.G.,
84). CM., 49, s.a. 1050, copies the passage from Florence.
^ Unger's c. 46; Fr., c. 51, p. 219. The same passage is in Harold
Hardrddi's Saga, c. 64 (F.S., vi, 283).
* In North Mserr. For Finn's family cf H., St Olaf, c. 1 10 (Unger's
c. 116).
'" Cf Agrip, c. 35 (F.S., x, 406). It is there said that Finn "lived in the
east, in Rann'ki" (Alfheimar).
'' Fr. reads falsely, "in eastern piracy."
' "Daughter of king Sigurd Sow" adds Harold Hardradi's Saga
(F.S., vi, 283).
^ Finn made peace for Harold with the people of Trondhjem, and with
Hakon Ivar's son ; and claimed in return pardon for Kalf, his brother
(H., cc. 45 fif ; F.S., vi, 283-286). See below.
Hakon was great-grandson of earl Hakon (H., Hardr4di, c. 39). After
FINN AND KALF, ARNI'S SONS 589
1047 X 1060
? 1050
Heimskringia, Harold Hardradi's Saga, c. 51 ^
Peace between king Harold and Kalf.
Kalf, Ami's son, had been in western piracy ever since he
went from Norway ; and often ^ in the winters he had been in
the Orkneys with earl Thorfinn, his kinsman-in-law.
Finn, Ami's son, [Kalf's] brother, sent word to Kalf, and
had him told of the special agreement that king Harold and he
had made, that Kalf should have permission to reside in
Norway ; and his possessions, and such grants as he had
had of king Magnus. And when this message reached Kalf,
then he prepared at once for his going : he went east to
Norway. . . .^
earl Orm's death, Hakon became earl of the Uplands, and married
Ragnhild, Magnus the Good's daughter (H., c. 50). He was dispossessed
(in 1064) by king Harold, because he had assisted king Sven to escape
from the battle of Niza, in 1062 (ibid., cc. 64, 72, 74).
1 Unger's c. 53, Fr., p. 223. So also in Magnus the Good's Saga, F.S.,
vi, 293.
2 " most often " F.S.
^ Kalf, Ami's son, had been with those who killed king Olaf in 1030
(H., St Olaf, c. 228 — Unger's c. 240; Theoderic, Storm's Monumenta,
p. 39 ; Agrip, c. 29). For his relationship to St Olaf and Harold Hardrddi,
see H., Hardr^di, c. 45 ; Olaf Tryggvi's son, c. 60 ; and below, year 1070,
note. After having been on friendly terms with Olafs son, Magnus the
Good, he fell into disfavour, owing to the part he had played in the battle
of Stiklastadir ; and he had to flee from Norway. His exile is placed
1036X 1042 in F., 197 (x 1040, 216) ; 1036X 1040 in H., Magnus, cc. 13-15.
" Then he sailed west beyond the sea, and dwelt there long ; [he]
plundered about Scotland, and about Ireland, and the Hebrides" (H.,
Magnus the Good, c. 14 (Unger's c. 15) ; Fr., p. 176. Snorri's St Olaf, Munch
and Unger, 238; F.S., v, 127. Cf Magnus the Good's Saga, in F.S., vi, 37).
For Kalf s visits to Thorfinn, cf above, 1036 x 1046. He seems to have
been placed over the Hebrides in 1046.
The next summer after Kalf's return to Norway (according to H.,
Hardridi, c. 52), king Harold invaded Denmark ; Kalf was in his company,
and fell there. Finn blamed king Harold for having contrived his death.
This invasion is dated by F. Jonsson in 105 1 ; because in the next summer
is placed the plundering expedition of king Margad and Guthorm into
Wales. See below, year ? 1052.
Finn left Norway, and went over to king Sven in Denmark. He was
taken prisoner there by Harold in the battle of Nizd (in 1062), and
2 P
590 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
1047 X 1061
? 1052
Heimskringla, Harold Hardradi's Saga, c. 54 ^
Of GuthorDi, Gunnhild' s son.
A son of Ketil Calf and Gunnhild, in Hringu-nes, was called
Guthorm ; sister's son of king Olaf and king Harold. Guthorm
was an accomplished man, and early of mature appearance.
Guthorm was often with king Harold, and was there in great
affection and in the counsels of the king ; because Guthorm
was a wise man. He was the most popular man.
Guthorm was often on warfare, and plundered much in the
western lands. He had a great company.
He had asylum and a winter-seat in Dublin, in Ireland, and
was in great affection with king Margad.^
pardoned. He returned to king Sven (H., Hardradi, cc. 63, 66 ; Unger's
cc. 65, 68. Agrip, c. 35 ; F.S., x, 407).
Finn's daughter, Ingibiorg, married Thorfinn, earl of Orkney : and
afterwards king Malcolm III. See below, years ? 1065, 1070, notes.
' Unger's c. 56.
2 "Maddad" FL, ii, 379, falsely.
Part of this passage stands in Snorri's St Olaf (Munch and Unger,
p. 241): "A son of Ketil Calf and Gunnhild of Hringunes was called
Guthorm — sister's son of king Olaf the Holy. Guthorm went into western
piracy in Ireland, and was there in great affection with king Margad. . . ."
Similarly in F.S., v, 135 ; and to the same effect in Fl., ii, 379. Cf. Acta S.
Olavi, in Storm's Monumenta, 133-134: ". . . [Guthorm] was allied with
Margodius, the king of Dublin, and had joined with him in a friendly
union. . . ."
These authorities, continuing, describe how the Irish king and Guthorm
went on a plundering expedition in Wales, and quarrelled in Anglesey
Sound over the spoils. They fought, and Margad was defeated and killed,
through the miraculous intervention of St Olaf, upon the eve (28th July) of
St Olafs day.
Chapters 54-57 of the Heimskringla's Hardradi (Unger's cc. 56-59),
though attributable to Snorri, are not in the Frisbok. They describe
miracles of St Olaf. In c. 58 is described an invasion of Jutland by Harold,
in the summer [1061] before the battle of Niz^.
According to G. Storm (Kongesagaer, 493), the Margad who was over-
thrown by Guthorm was Echmarcach, "king of Dublin 1035- 1038, and 1046-
1052." F. Jonsson, connecting the Heimskringla's story of Margad's death
with the conclusion of Echmarcach's reign, dates Margad's defeat in 1052.
There are difficulties in the way of identifying the two names. In later
Middle-Irish, nouns ending in aspirated d sometimes changed that
consonant into ch (since nouns with these endings formed vocative and
GUTHORM AND ECHMARCACH 591
genitive cases with terminal consonants that sounded alike) ; but Irish ch
did not normally become S in Icelandic. Echmarcach ("horse-rider"?)
may have been an Irish name : Margad was not a Scandinavian name.
Conceivably, marka^ "market" may have been a Scandinavian nickname,
and the source of both forms.
The name occurs below, year ? 1182.
The loss of an Irish fleet that is recorded in [1051] by the Annales
Cambriae is placed off South Wales, not in Menai Strait ; and perhaps
resulted from storm, not from defeat. Echmarcach's defeat in 1061,
according to Irish Annals, took place apparently in Man, not in Anglesey.
If Margad was Echmarcach, the Heimskringla implies that he was still
king of Dublin when he was defeated by Guthorm : i.e., 1046 x 1052 ; or, if
he was restored after the death of his rival, Ivar,' 1054 x 1061. In either
case, Echmarcach was not killed in the battle ; but died at Rome, in 1065.
One of the kings who submitted to Cnut (above, 547-548 ; 1018 x ? 1025)
is called lehmarc. This name does not appear to be English, Scandinavian,
or Welsh ; but bears some resemblance to Echmarcach. lehmarc is
associated, probably in alliance against Cnut, with Malcolm, king of
Scotland, and a king Malbathe (A.S.C. E) or Mmlbceathe (F) ; which can
hardly have been the same name as Macbeth {Macbeothen A.S.C. D, 1054),
but should stand for Pictish *Mael-bede " devotee of Bade." Mslbaethe
was presumably a leader of men from the east of Scotland ; lehmarc, of
men from the south-west. It is not impossible that lehmarc may have
been the son of the king of Waterford and Dublin.
A Melbefhe, a Cumbrian, was the physician of Waltheof, Gospatric's
son (Wetherhal, 386).
In the end of the loth century, a Scandinavian kingdom had been
established in Wales. See Olaf Tryggvi's son's Saga, F.S., i, 155-156,
183-184 ; and Jomsvikinga Saga, Joleik's ed., 28 66, 108 ; F.S., xi, 49-99, 156.
Cf. Annales Cambriae, MS. B, s.aa. [972, 983, 988-990, 996, 1002].
When Griffin or Grufud became king of North Wales in 1039 (cf. A.U.,
s.a. 1039), he tried to make himself king of South Wales also ; and the
king of that district, Higuel or Howel, Edwin's son, joined the Scandinavians
against him. Cf. the Annales Cambriae, MS. B, s.aa. [1039, 1041, 1042,
1044, 1046].
In [1048], the same chronicle says (R.S. 20, 25 ; 94 years after 510 = 954,
and 49 years before 1097): "The whole of the southern land [of Wales] was
deserted [deserta esty In [1051], ibid. (3 years after [1048]) : "The fleet
of Ireland perished in the southern part" [of Wales]. "Perished" may
mean "was shipwrecked," rather than "was destroyed." The Brut y
Tywyssogion reads (Red Book of Hergest, ii, 267 ; R.S. 17, 42) : " 1050
years was the age of Christ, when a fleet from Ireland perished [ballawd']
on the way to South Wales."
The dates of the Annales Cambriae may here be i or 2 years too early.
Events recorded under [1046], [1056], [1061], [1065], took place in 1047,
1058, 1064, 1066.
For the involved history of Dublin at this time, see the Irish Annals.
Echmarcach's father, Ronald, Ivar's grandson, king of Waterford, was
592 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
IOS4
Tigernaoh, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 395 ; s.a. [1054]^
A battle [was fought] between Scots and English ; and in
it many soldiers ^ fell.
killed in Dublin by Sigtrygg, Olafs son, in 1035 (A.U. ; F.M. ; A.L.C.).
Sigtrygg went across the sea [to Wales] in 1036 ; and Echmarcach became
king of Dublin (T. ; D.A.I.). In 1037, Waterford was burned by Diarmait,
Maelnambo's son (A.I. ; T. ; F.M.). Ivar [Harold's son] succeeded
Echmarcach in Dublin, in 1038 (T. ; D.A.I.).
In 1042, Sigtrygg, Olafs son, the king of Dublin, died (A.I. ; T. ; P.M.).
In 1046, Echmarcach was made king there, after the expulsion of [Ivar]
(F.M. ; of Harold, according to T. and D.A.I., probaljly erroneously).
Diarmait and the Foreigners of Dublin were defeated by Donald, Brian's
son, in 1048 (T. ; C.S. ; D.A.I.).
In 1052, Diarmait harried the province of Dublin : Echmarcach
crossed the sea [to Wales], and Diarmait succeeded him as king of Dublin
(T. ; C.S. ; F.M. ; D.A.I).
Diarmait seems to have reigned, with interruptions, until his death in "
1072 (see that year, below).
In 1054, Ivar, Harold's son, king of the Foreigners, died (A.U., A.L.C).
Tigernach (R.C., xvii, 402), s.a. 1061, says : " Murchaid, son of Diarmait,
son of Maelnambo, went into Man [a Manaind\ and took tribute out of it ;
and defeated Ronald's son " [Echmarcach]. Similarly in D.A.I. , O'Conor's
year 1061 ; F.M., s.a. 1060. (Probably Man is meant ; as also in the Ulster
annals above, year 987.)
Echmarcach seems to have gone upon a pilgrimage to Rome in 1064 ;
and to have died there in 1065 (in 1064, according to A.I., A.U., A.L.C).
Marianus Scottus, in M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 559, s.a. 1087 = 1065, says:
" Duncan, Brian's son, king of Ireland ; and Echmarcach, king of the
Rinns [? ; innarenn\ men not ignoble among their own [people] came to
Rome, and died." The Rinns were in Roscommon county : in the barony
of Boyle (MacCarthy) ; in the parish of Ardcarne (Hogan).
(For Duncan's deposition, pilgrimage, and death at Rome, see T., s.a.
[1064]; C.S., Hennessy's 1061 = 1063; A.U., F.M., A.L.C, s.a. 1064. His
pilgrimage is noted by A.I., O'Conor's year 1047 = 1064 ; and by the Annals
of Boyle, s.a. [1065].)
It seems fairly legitimate to conjecture that the battle of Menai Strait
described in the saga was in reality a defeat of Echmarcach in South
Wales ; and that this defeat took place after he had crossed the sea, in
1052 ; on July 28th. But it is also possible that the saga's story is a
confused account of Echmarcach's defeat in 1061. It may refer to some
unrecorded defeat 105 1 x 1061 ; or it may be entirely fabulous.
1 The year-section is placed between years 1053 and 1055 ; but for f n. 6,
read 7 ; and for e. 17, read 18.
^ Pipran do miledhaib.
SIWARD DEFEATS MACBETH 593
1054
Annals of Ulster, vol. i., p. 594; s.a. 1054 ^
A battle [was fought] between men of Scotland and English ;
and in it fell three thousand of the men of Scotland, and one
thousand five hundred of the English, including Dolfin,
Finntur's son.^
IOS4
Chronicle of Melrose, pp. 50-51
In the year 1054, Siward, the earl of the Northumbrians,
by king Edward's command entered Scotland with a great
army ; fought a battle with the king of the Scots, Macbeth, and
put him to flight ; and appointed Malcolm king, as the king
had commanded.^
1 With f.n. and e. of 1054.
^ Similarly in A.L.C., i, 52, s.a. 1054.
For this battle, see E.G., 85-86. Dolfin seems to have been a
supporter of Malcolm against Macbeth. He may have been a relative of
Malcolm. A great-grandson of Crinan bore the name : Dolfin, Gospatric's
son. See E.G., 96 ; and below, year 1072, note.
Stokes suggests that the name Finntur may have been an inversion of
Thorfinn (Transactions of the Philological Society (1890), 427).
^ This passage is derived, probably through S.D., from F.W. ; cf. E.G.,
85, note. It is inexactly copied from G.M. by the Ghronicle of Man, ii, 48,
s.a. 1035 ; and by the Ghronicle of Huntingdon (P. & S. 210), which reads :
" In the year of the Lord i[o54], Siward, the earl of Northumbria, entered
Scotland, and drove from the kingdom, after he had reigned for fifteen
years, king Macbeth, the nephew {nepotemi of the said Malcolm [II]. And
he restored his kingdom to Malcolm, Duncan's son."
For the relationship between Macbeth and Malcolm 1 1, see year 1040,
note ; for Siward, year 1055.
The Ghronicle of Garlisle, s.a. 1054 (Palgrave, 70): "Siward, the earl
of York, by king Edward's command entered Scotland ; put to flight the
king, Macbeth ; and appointed there as king, Malcolm, the king of the
Gumbrians." Gf. year 1072, note.
The event is noted also by other chronicles of 1291 (Palgrave, 85, 87, 90,
96-97, 108). .
Edward I's letter to Boniface (Foedera, 1,2, 932): "Also St Edward,
the king of England, gave the kingdom of Scotland, to be held of him, to
Malcolm, the son of the king of the Gumbrians." (Gf F.W., W.M.)
Langtoft (i, 388-390) says that Macbeth was made prisoner ; and that
"Malcolm of Gumberland" became king of Scotland, "by gift of king
Edward," to whom he is alleged to have done homage. B.S. in R.B.H.,
594 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
IOS5
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, D, s.a. 1055
In this year earl Siward died at York. And he lies at
Galmaho, in the monastery that he himself had caused to be
built, and to be consecrated in the name of God and of
Olaf. 1
And Tostig took the earldom that [Siward] had had.^
395, between 1048 and 1066, says : — "Then prince Siward subdued Scotland,
beyond the Humber, for the king of England, after slaying Macbeth, the
king of [North] Britain. . . ."
This battle has been supposed to have been the same as the traditional
battle of Dunsinnan. See P.S.A.S., ii, 93-99; C.C, i, 406-414. For
Macbeth's final overthrow and death, see year 1057.
Life of Waltheof, in C.A.N. , ii, 109-110: "In process of time, after
Siward's many powers and virtues had been proved, it happened that the
king of the Scots, Donald by name, was cast out of his kingdom. He
insistently asked earl Siward to afiford him aid and counsel against his evil-
wishers. Yielding to his petition, the earl collected an army in support of
the king ; and proceeded as far as Dundee, where it was announced to him
that his vassals of Northumbria had risen against him and his supporters, to
so great purpose that they had killed his son, Osbert Bulax. Compelled to
return, the earl was so strongly moved that he struck a most powerful blow
upon a mass of rock with an axe that he was carrying in his hand ; the
traces are evident still.
"And he restored to the king the lands that he had invaded by force
and occupied in opposition to tlie king's enemies ; and returned home, and
destroyed and slaughtered, with swords and other kinds of tortures, his
enemies and evil-wishers."
Probably Malcolm was placed in possession of some part of southern
Scotland in 1054.
1 To the same effect in C, s.a. [1055] ; but C reads : "in the monastery
at Galmanho that he himself had previously built, to the praise of God and
all his saints." Cf. R.S. 3, 408. Siward's death is noted also by EF, s.a.
1055 ; and by the Annals of Durham, M.G.H., Scriptores, xix, 508. See
H.H., 195-196; Life of Waltheof, C.A.N., ii, iio-iii. Cf. CM., 51 ; from
F.W., i, 212; from A.S.C.
A church of St Olaf exists in the parish of St Olave Mary-Gate, in the
north-west of York city. Siward's How is a small hill to the south-east of
York.
Gytha, Godwine's wife, and perhaps Siward's grand-aunt, gave a grant
of land from her dowry to "the church of St Olaf, king and martyr,"
1055 X 1065. Kemble, no. 926.
2 The earldom of Northumbria was given to Tostig (cf A.S.C. EF :
W.M., i, 245), because, according to H.H , 196, Siward's son Wahheof
NORTHUMBRIA AND HUNTINGDON 595
was still a child. Cf. Kemble, no. 927. For Waltheof, see years 1071,
1072, note.
Tostig was expelled from the earldom in 1065.
Siward ruled over all Northumbria, from the Humber to the Tweed
(S.D., i, gi, s.a. 1042 ; ii, 198). Cf. year 1076, note. For the lands given
by him to his wife /Elfflied, daughter of Ealdred, son of earl Uhtred, see
S.D., i, 219-220.
Some part of southern Scotland was subdued by Siward and placed
under Malcolm III in 1054.
Siward may have held Cumbria for king Duncan's son, Malcolm, during
the reign of Macbeth. Gospatric held it afterwards (see years 1070, 1072,
notes). Waltheof seems to have claimed it in inheritance from Siward ; and
king David appears to have claimed it in the right of his wife, Waltheof's
daughter, Matilda. See year ? 1 1 14.
Siward was earl of Northumbria in the reign of Harthacnut. In the
reign of Edward, he became also earl of Huntingdon and Northampton.
Cf. N.C., ii, 559-560.
Doomsday Book implies that the earldom of Huntingdon was held
successively by Siward, Tostig [Godwine's son], and Waltheof [Siward's
son] (Huntingdonshire, s.f. ; i, 208). Cf below, year 1071 ; and ? 1114, note.
Huntingdon was included in the province of Harold, Godwine's son, in
1051, while Siward was earl of the Northumbrians, according to F.W., i, 205.
A letter of Edward the Confessor is addressed to bishop Ulf, earl
Siward, sheriff ^Ifric, and all [Edward's] ministers of Huntingdonshire
(R.S. 83, 165 ; Kemble, no. 903). This implies that Siward was earl of
Huntingdon, 1050 x 1052. (Huntingdonshire and part of Northamptonshire
were included in the diocese of Dorchester (W.M., i, loi ; R.S. 36, ii, 215),
of which Ulf was bishop 1050-1052. Wulfwig was bishop of Dorchester
1053-11067. See A.S.C.)
Another letter of king Edward is addressed to bishop Wulfwig, earl
Tostig, sheriff Normann, and all [Edward's] vassals and ministers, [both]
clergy and laymen, of the county of [Northampton (R.S. 83, 167 ; Kemble,
no. 904). This implies that Tostig was earl of Northampton, 1053 x 1065 ;
but since Tostig did not become earl until after the death of Siward, the
charter may be dated 1055 x 1065.
Tostig has the title nobilis in 1049 (Kemble, no. 787) ; 7ninister, from
1050 to 1054 (Kemble, nos. 792, 793, 796, 800). In 1054, he witnesses along
with earl Siward; in 1055, Siward ceases to witness, and Tostig receives
the title "earl" (Kemble, nos. 800, 801). Tostig is still "earl" in 1065
(Kemble, no. 817). He was expelled in 1065 (cf i.a. R.S. 3, 421-423).
It may be inferred that Tostig obtained no earldom before Siward's
death ; that he received the earldom of Northampton in succession to
Siward ; and therefore that Northampton had been included in Siward's
earldom of Huntingdon. These two shires seem to have formed one
earldom. See year ? 1 1 14, note.
A predecessor of Siward in the earldom of Huntingdon (while Siward
was earl of Northumbria) was Thuri (R.S. 83, 151, 164-165 ; charters dated
by the editor 1040x1042 and 1042x1050. See also Kemble's charter no.
596 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
797, in which earl Siward and earl Thuri are consenters. It is dated by the
editor (iv, 130) 1052 x 1053 ; but, if it be genuine, it must have been written
1045x1051. Cf. Kemble's spurious charter no. 761; iv, 64, 65). Thuri
is called earl of the Midlanders {mediierraneorum, i.e. Middle Angles of
Mercia), during the reign of Harthacnut, by F.W., i, 195. Thuri must,
from his name, have been a Dane.
A landholder, Thuri, is mentioned in Doomsday Book, as a tenant of
king Edward in Northampton, Oxford, and Warwickshires (i, 224, 159,
241 verso ; ss. 18, 33, 17, respectively. Ellis, ii, 246).
Alexander Maufe (R.S. 79, i, 160-165) says that the earldom had been
held, under Cnut, by Thurkil ; perhaps the same who was placed over the
eastern division of England, from 1017 to 1021 (W.M., i, 218 ; A.S.C.) ; and
over Denmark, as guardian of Harthacnut, in 1023 (A.S.C). Earl Ulf,
Thorgils Sprakalegg's son, was guardian in Denmark 1026 -t 1027 (H., St
Olaf, cc. 134, 148, 153; Icelandic Annals KOCE, s.a. 1027). Possibly the
name Thuri might have been an abbreviated form of Thurkil. A Thurkil
is mentioned, without the title of earl, in Doomsday Book, as a tenant of
Edward the Confessor in Huntingdon, Northampton, and several other
shires. See Ellis, Introduction to Doomsday Book, ii, 244-245.
The Life of Waltheof (in C.A.N., ii, 107-109) says that Siward killed
Tosti, a Dane, who had married a daughter of Godwine, and held the
earldom of Huntingdon ; and that king Edward [the Confessor] bestowed
the honour of Huntingdon upon Siward. All Tosti's vassals were killed by
Siward's followers ; and in memory of the event a church of the Danes was
built beside the place where they had been buried. "Afterwards, when the
circles of some years had revolved, it happened that the Northumbrians
\Norrenses\ made war against the king ; who hesitated, vacillating,
[doubting] what would be best for him to do. But at last, with harmonious
mind and purpose, he conferred upon earl Siward Northumberland,
Cumberland, and Westmoreland ; investing the same earl in them.
[Siward] pacified that land throughout, and avenged in many ways the
insults and injuries that had been inflicted on the king. . . ."
Little reliance can be placed upon this account. Tosti, Godwine's
son-in-law, seems to have emerged from a confused tradition of Tostig,
Godwine's son. Cf. N.C., i, 461, 587 ; ii, 558-559.
King Duncan I had, according to Fordun (IV, 44), married a kins-
woman of Siward. See year 1040, note. Siward supported the sons of
Duncan, during the usurpation of Macbeth. In this warfare he lost his
son, Osbarn or Osbeorn (E.C., and above, year 1054, note) ; and his sister's
son, Siward.
Ordericus Vitalis (iii, 404 ; E.C., 167) speaks of an Edward, Siward's
son, [a witness in Dunfermline, no. i] commander of knighthood and
leader of a Scottish army in 1130, as a cousin \consobrinus\ of king David.
He seems to say that Edward, but must be understood to mean that Siward,
had been placed in charge of Mercia, 1042 x 1066. The interval of time is
so great that we may conjecture that a generation has been missed ; and
that Edward was a grandson of Siward of Mercia. That Siward may have
been Siward Barn (the son of jEthelgar, grand-nephew of Edward Confessor;
SIWARD AND TOSTIG 597
O.V., ii, 1 66) ; or more probably may have been the Siward, earl Siward's
nephew, who was associated with his uncle in the expedition of 1054
against Macbeth, and fell there (E.G., 86).
King David was related to earl Siward through his wife (Siward's
grand-daughter), and through his grand-mother, Duncan's wife. Since
Edward is called David's consobrinus, the suggestion is that Duncan's wife
and Edward's ancestress were sisters ; and, if Edward was a grandson of
earl Siward's nephew, that Duncan's wife was a sister of Siward.
Earl Siward was a Dane (Epitaph of Waltheof, in O.V., ii, 289). He
was surnamed with a Danish word, Digara (Life of Edward, R.S. 3, 401 ;
Digera, W.M., ii, 312 ; Diera, Life of Waltheof, C.A.N., ii, 112) ; i.e., hin
digera " the stout."
The Life of Waltheof says that Siward's father was Biorn, Ulf's son
(C.A.N., ii, III, 104-105; 1 1049, F.W., i, 202; A.S.C., 1046 E, 1049 C,
1050 D. The biographer spells Ulf's name Ulsius, which ought to stand
for Wulfsige). This Biorn was a brother of Sven, the king of Denmark who
sent forces to England to oppose William I. See year 1070, note.
Ulf's father was Thorgils Sprakaleggr (Heimskringla, St Olaf, c. 134;
Magnus the Good, c. 22). The Life of Waltheof says that Sprakalegg's
father was a white bear (G.A.N., ii, 104, 109, iii ; cf. Saxo Grammaticus,
346 ; see F.W., i, 202). He was more probably Styrbiorn, a son of Olaf,
the brother of Eric the Victorious (H., Harold Fairhair, c. 29 ; Thorpe's
Lappenberg, ii, 184). Styrbiorn married a sister of Sven Forkbeard. He
died 10 years before f Eric the Victorious (H., Earl Hakon, c. 6).
Gytha, Ulf's sister, married earl Godwine (Adam of Bremen, M.G.H.,
Scriptores, vii, 325 ; scholion, ibid., 340 ; H., St Olaf, c. 152. But F.W., ii,
2, erroneously calls her a sister of Sven, Ulfs son. The Life of Edward,
R.S. 3, 392 ; W.M., i, 245 ; and the Life of Harold, in C.A.N., ii, 152, call
her Cnut's sister, instead of sister-in-law. Cf. N.C., i, 467. W.M. says
erroneously that Gytha was not the mother of Godwine's sons). Their
daughter, Gytha or Edith (f 1074), married king Edward the Confessor.
Godwine's father was Wulfnoth, the son of yEthelmKr, brother of Eadric
Streona, ^Ethelric's son, the earl of Mercia, who married Edith, ^thelred's
daughter (F.W., i, 160, 161) ; and who afterwards killed king Edmund
Ironside (in 1016). For stories of Ulf and Godwine see KnytUnga Saga,
c. II ; F.S., xi, 191-194. Another brother of Eadric Streona was ^Ifric, the
father of Eadric the Wild, for whom see E.C., 95, note. F.W., ii, i.
Swegen, Godwine's son, killed Biorn, Ulf's son, in 1049 (A.S.C. C ;
1050, D ; 1046, E ; 1048, F).
Tostig, Godwine's son, married Judith, probably a sister of Baldwin V
(called Insulanus), count of Flanders (f 1067 ; M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 66).
Judith is said to have been a niece of Edward the Confessor (R.S. 3, 404) :
she was his mother's great-grandniece. Baldwin V's daughter (by Adela,
daughter of Robert, king of the Franks), Matilda, married king William I
of England (son of Robert, son of Richard H, son of Richard I, dukes of
Normandy). Grand-daughters of Baldwin V married St Cnut, king of the
Danes ; and Philip, king of the Franks.
Harold Godwine's son married Edith, the daughter of ^Ifgar, Leofric's
598
EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
son, of Mercia ; the sister of Edwin and Morkere. She had previously
been married to Grufud Lewelin's son (f 1064 ; see year 1061, note).
Harold's daughter Gytha married " Valdemar, king in Holmgardr : their
son was king Harold," according to Knytlinga Saga, u.s., 194. Gytha's
husband was Valdemar I, the son of Cnut Lavard (called also Cnut the
Duke, and the Holy ; f 1130) ; Valdemar reigned in Denmark 1155 - 1 1182.
" He conquered Slavia, [Mecklenburg,] subdued it, and compelled it to
accept Christianity" (Brevior Historia Regum Daniae, in Langebek, i, 18;
cf i, 386-387). Cnut Lavard had previously been prince of the Wends.
The relationships of this time are rather important, and a few of them
may be given in a table :
Sven Forkbeard ( 1 1014)
Guiihild I = Sigrid
Thorgils Sprakaleggr
i
Cnut Ct 1035)
I
Estrith
Ulf
( + 1027)
Gytha -
: Godwine
(+1053)
Sven
C •1-1076)
I
Harold
(tlo8o)
St Cnut
(tlo86)
Olaf
Ctiogs)
I
Eric
(t 1103)
I
Cnut Lavard
(+ 1130)
Biorn
(tl049)
Siward
C+I05S)
I
Waltheof
Ctio76)
Harold
(tio66)
Tostig
(t 1066)
See also year 1072, note.
Cnut's mother was Gunhild, a daughter probably of Miesko, king of
Slavonia or Wendland ; and sister of Boleslav Chrobri, king of Poland. Cf.
year 1070, note. Cnut's stepmother, Sigrid, had previously been the wife
of Eric the Victorious, king of Sweden ; and was by him the mother of
Olaf, king of Sweden. This Olaf's daughter, Estrith or Astrid, in 1019,
married St Olaf, king of Norway (f 1030) ; her sister Ingigerd married
larizleif, king of Holmgardr, in the same year. St Olaf's son, Magnus the
Good, was born in 1024.
Earl Eric Hakon's son of Norway married Gytha, a half-sister of Cnut.
He was placed by Cnut over Northumbria, 1016-1023 (see years 1018, 1072,
notes). Eric's son Hakon married Cnut's niece, Gunhild (see year 1029,
note). Gunhild married afterwards Harold, Thorkel's son (f 1042). Eric's
nephew, Ivar the White, killed earl Ulf in 1027 (see year ? 1065, note).
Cnut's half-sister, Estrith, married also a duke of Normandy, apparently
Robert I (Richard I's grandson ; the father of king William I), after the
death of Ulf (Rodulfus Glaber, IV, 6 ; p. 108. Cf Lappenberg, in M.G.H.,
Scriptores, vii, 325 ; Thorpe's Lappenberg, ii, 217 ; N.C., i, 521-523). She
was rejected by him 1027 x 1035.
Cnut married Emma or ^Ifgifu, in 1017, before August ist (A.S.C.
CDE; in 1017, F). Emma (cf i.a. W.M., i, 218) had previously married
king yEthelred II, and been the mother of Edward the Confessor. Emma
RELATIVES OF CNUT. ST ANDREWS 599
I05S
Tigernach, Annals ; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 396 ; s.a. 1055 ^
A battle [was fought] between Dubdaleithe, Patrick's
successor,^ and Murchaid Ua-Maelsechlaind, the successor of
Finnian and Columcille,^ in contention over Martry * ; and the
victory was with Patrick's successor and the staff of Jesus.''
And many fell there.^
loss
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 397, s.a. loss
Maelduin, Gilla-Odrain's son, the bishop of Scotland,^ and
the glory of the Gaels from [their] priests, reposed in Christ.*
was the daughter of Richard I, duke of Normandy. (Cf. William of
Poitiers ; H.N.S., 178, 206. Hoveden, ii, 239.) Emma was a great-
grandmother of Margaret, the wife of king Malcolm III. Cf. Turgot,
below, year 1093 ; and year ? 1114, note.
Cnut and Emma's daughter Gunhild married the emperor Henry III
(11056). Cf. year 1018, note. See Life of Edward, R.S. 3, 395.
1 With f.n. and e. of 1055.
^ Abbot of Armagh, 1049 - f 1064. He was deposed in 1060 (A.I.) ; and
died " in good penance."
^ I.e., abbot of Clonard and Kells. Reeves (Adamnan, 399) makes
Robartach Columba's successor from 1040 to 1057 (see those years).
* a cosnum Martraigi. In A.U., caih Martartaighi. Martry is in
Meath.
^ This crozier {bachall-Issu or bachall-Patraic) appears to have been a
relic of Patrick. See A.U., s.a. 788 = 789; cf. 1012=1013, 1015, 1073, iioi,
1113, IIS7, 1166, 1167, 1538.
s Similarly in D.A.I., 75, O'Conor's year 1055.
Cf. A.U., i, 596, s.a. 1055 (with f.n. and e. of 1055): "The battle of
Martry [was gained] by Dubdaleithe, Patrick's successor, against the son of
Loingsech Ua-Maelsechlaind, the successor of Finnian and of Columcille.
And in it many fell." Similarly in A.L.C., s.a. 1055.
'■ Maelduin was bishop of St Andrews. See St Andrews, 116; L.C.,
no. 6.
For the early bishops of this see, consult Bower, VI, 24 ; i, 339-340.
Cf. S.C.S., ii, 323-355 ; H. & S., ii, 1, 148, 173-174. E.C., 131, note. See
below, years 1093, 1109.
' Cf. C.S., 282, Hennessy's year 1053 = 1055; F.M., ii, 868, s.a. 1055.
These call Maelduin "son of Gilla-Andriais " ; C.S. omits "from their
priests," and "in Christ" ; and F.M. reads "died."
600 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
IOS7
Annals of Ulster, vol. ii, p. 2, s.a. 1057 ^
. . . Robartach, Ferdomnach's son, the successor of
Columcille, slept in the Lord.^
1057
Tigernach, Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 398, s.a. 1058 ^
Macbeth, Findlaech's son, sovereign of Scotland, was slain
by Malcolm, Duncan's son.*
1040-1057
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 152
Macbeth, Findlaech's son, reigned for seventeen years. And
he was killed in Lumphanan, by Malcolm, Duncan's son ; and
was buried in the island of lona.^
1040-1057
Prose and Verse Chronicles inserted in the Chronicle of
Melrose, pp. 47, 227, s.a. 1039
Duncan, the king of the Scots, died ; and Macbeth usurped
to himself his kingdom.
1 With f.n. and e. of 1057.
^ Similarly in A.L.C., i, 54, s.a. 1057. F.M'., ii, 872, s.a 1057, noticing
Robartach's death, call him the "successor of Columcille and Adamnan" :
i.e., abbot of Kells and Raphoe.
Cf. year 1055. A Ferdomnach, successor of Columba (at Kells, according
to P.M.), died in 1008. Reeves suggests that he may have been Robartach's
father.
^ With f.n. and e. of 1058. Earlier in the same year-section is placed
the death of " Lulach, king of Scotland": apparently Tigernach thought
that Macbeth was Lulach's suzerain. Perhaps Lulach ruled Moray, under
Macbeth.
■* Similarly in C.S., 284, Hennessy's year 1056=1058. A.U. also place
Macbeth's death after that of Lulach. They add to Tigernach's account
the words : "in battle" (ii, 4, s.a. 1058, at the end of the year-section ; with
f.n. and e. of 1058). So also A.L.C., i, 54-56. (MS. A. of A.U. read
erroneously " Maelsechlaind " instead of " Malcolm.")
*> Similarly in versions FGI (175, 303, 289). K (206) omits the places of
death and burial. N (306) reads : " Findlaech's son [reigned] for 17 years.
And he was killed ; and was buried in the island of lona."
For the traditional cairn and stone of Macbeth (in the parish of
Lumphanan), see the Statistical Account, xii, 1083, 1092.
MACBETH AND MALCOLM III 601
' Macbeth became king of Scotland, for seventeen years ;
and in his reign there were productive seasons.^ But
Duncan's son, named Malcolm, cut him off by a cruel death,
in Lufnaut."2
? 1040-1057
Eerchan's Prophecy, stanzas 191 -193 ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 102
Afterwards^ the Red king will take the kingdom of
high, field-faced'* Scotland. After slaughter of Gaels, after
slaughter of Foreigners, the generous king of Fortriu will take
[Scotland],
The ruddy, pale-yellow-haired, tall one,** I shall be joyful
in him.'^ Scotland will be brimful, in the west and in the east,
during the reign of the furious Red one.''
For twenty years, and ten years,^ the sovereign reigning
over Scotland ^ ; in the middle of Scone he will bleed to death,!"
on the evening of a night, after a wound. ^^
' fertile te7npiis erat.
^ The metre requires this name to be a dissyllable. The passage
within inverted commas is in verse in the original : cf. the Bodleian text,
in Skene's P. & S., 180. That text omits tamen, and reads Liimphanan.
^ After the reign of Lulach, or of a fictitious successor of Duncan. See
year 1040.
* dreach-leircc, rhyming with dercc: read drech-lerc {drech-learg in MS. b).
° In ruadh bidh fionn-bhuidhe foda. The line has a syllable too many :
we must omit bidh (" will be ").
" occu, rhyming \i'vCb.foda; therefore read occa.
' an deircc dhasachtaigh.
^ Fiche bliadhan is deich tnbliadhna. If the abbreviations are thus
extended, the line has a syllable too many. Possibly read bliadhna for
bliadhan. The true reading may have been secht mbliadna ocus.
^ for Albain in ardri riaghla. The line has a syllable too many :
omit in.
!'* for lar Scoine sceithfdh full. Literally " on the floor of Scone he
shall vomit blood."
!' iar n-iomargain, rhyming with full. Read imarguin.
If this king is Macbeth, the place and manner of his death do not agree
with other accounts. It is here implied that he was wounded, but brought
back to Scone before he died.
Macbeth reigned for 17 years, not 30 ; and there seems to be little in
these stanzas to prove that Macbeth is spoken of. The order of the reigns
602 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
1057-1058
Marianus Soottus, marginal additions in the Palatine- Vatican
MS. ; in M.G.H., Scriptores, vol. v, p. 558 ; s.a. 1079= 1057
Findlaech's son was killed in August.^
Lulach succeeded, and was killed in March ; and Malcolm
succeeded him. . . .^ Lulach reigned from the Nativity of
St Mary^ to the mass of St Patrick, in the month of
March.*
Since then, Malcolm has reigned for twenty years, to the
mass of St Patrick.^
1057-1058
Duan Altoanach, in Skene's Picts and Scots, pp. 63-64
After Macbeth of renown, seven months in the reign of
Lulach.
Malcolm is now king, the son of Duncan, the high-coloured,
is of little account in the existing text of the Prophecy. But this reign does
not fit any other king. Malcolm II and David both died in their 30th
years ; but they were not killed, and they did not die at Scone. If this is
IMacbeth, it is strange that the composer of the Prophecy should speak so
favourably of him, considering that the composer expresses admiration for
Macbeth's conqueror, king Malcolm III.
^ Apparently on 15th August, 1057 ; see Marianus's notes, translated
under year 1040. Fordun (V, 7) says, on 5th December 1056 ; erroneously.
^ The notes omitted here are given above, year 1040.
^ Properly 8th September, 1057 ; but, since Macbeth is said above to
have died in August, the day of the Assumption, 15th August, 1057,
appears to be meant.
* I.e., to 17th March, 1058. Fordun dates Lulach's death on Thursday,
3rd April, 1057 (incorrectly) ; V, 8 ; i, 206. The contemporary Duan
Albanach supports Marianus.
* I.e., to 17th March, 1078. This note must have been written soon
after that day; certainly before 17th March, 1079. Marianus died before
the death of Malcolm (t 1093).
Cf. Marianus, M.G.H., Scriptores, v, 558, s.a. 1079=1057 (and the ist
year of emperor Henry IV) : " Malcolm, Duncan's son, reigns over
Scotland."
Chronicle of Melrose, 51, s.a. 1056 (beginning with the succession of
the emperor) : " Malcolm, Duncan's son, received the kingdom of Scotland,
by hereditary right." Similarly in the Chronicle of Melrose's inserted folio
13, which adds : "and he reigned for 37 years" (written 1263 x 1264).
LULACH, STEP-SON OF MACBETH 603
of lively countenance.^ His time none knows, save the Wise
one who is wise.^
1057-1058
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version E ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 131
Lulach, nephew of the son of Boite,^ [reigned] for four
months and a half*
1057-1058
Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, version D ; Skene's
Picts and Scots, p. 152
Lulach the simpleton ^ reigned for four months. And he
was killed in Essie,^ in Strathbogie ; and was buried in the
island of lona.^
1 dhata, dhrechbhi. These are alliterative epithets (for dh read d).
Data may also mean "stately" (Marstrander, s.v. dattae). Similar epithets
are applied by Berchan to Malcolm II.
^ Here the poem ends. But this verse has been added to it : " Fifty-
two kings, thou hearest," (probably we should omit for before caogad, and
supply in before cluine : "dost thou hear?") "to the son of Duncan of
royal countenance," {drechruire, an alliterative epithet) " of the descendants
of Ere, the loftily pure, in the east, have taken Scotland, learned one."
^ nepos filii Boide. Lulach's mother was Gruoch, daughter of Boite.
See years 1032, 1033, 1040. Lulach's father was Gillacomgain, Maelbrigte's
son. Cf. above, pp. clvi, 580.
* An early insertion (perhaps by the text-hand) in the Chronicle of
Melrose, 51, s.a. 1055, reads : "Lulach reigned for four months and a half."
^ Lulach fatuus.
^ Esseg, DFG ; Esseth, I.
' Here the list of kings ends in version D.
This passage appears similarly in versions FGI (175, 302, 289); but I
omits "in the island of lona."
K reads (206): "Lulach the Fool reigned for one month ; and he was
killed in Strathbogie"; and adds here: "All these kings were buried in
the island of lona."
N reads (306) : " Lulach [reigned] for 4 years. And he was killed ;
and was buried in the island of lona."
For the account perhaps given of Lulach by Berchan, see year 1040.
For the traditional burial-place of Luath (? Lulach), Macbeth's son, in
the parish of Tough, see the Statistical Account, xii, 613.
604 EARLY SOURCES OF SCOTTISH HISTORY
1057-1058
Verse Chronicle inserted in the Chronicle of Melrose, p. 227 ;
s.a. 1055 1
The unfortunate Lulach was king for three months : he fell
by the arms of the same Malcolm. The man met his fate at
Essie, in Strathbogie; thus, alas! through lack of caution,
the hapless king perished.
The island of lona^ holds these men^ buried, in peace, in
the tomb of the kings, until the day of Judgement.
1058
Tigernach Annals; Revue Celtique, vol. xvii, p. 398; s.a. 1058*
Lulach, the king of Scotland, was slain, [by Maljcolm,
Duncan's son, by treachery ^.^
• Cf. the Bodleian text, in Skene's P. & S., 180.
^ loua, in CM. ; lona in Skene's edition of B.
^ I.e., Lulach and his predecessors, from Kenneth Alpin's son onwards.
* Cf. Tigernach above, year 1057. This is the first entry in the year-
section.
^ Per dolum,
^ Similarly in C.S., 282, Hennessy's year 1056=1058. A.U., ii, 4, s.a.
1058 : — " Lulach, Gillacomgain's son, sovereign of Scotland, was killed by
Malcolm, Duncan's son, in battle." So also in A.L.C., i, 54.
A.U., with Chronicle E (above), show that Lulach was the son of
Gruoch by her first husband (t 1032). Fland's continuator calls him the
son of Macbeth (see above, p. cl) ; but that is probably an erroneous
deduction from the fact that he succeeded Macbeth.
END OF VOL. L
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