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FOR. THE. PEOPLE 
FOR EDVCATION 
FOR SCIENCE 


LIBRARY 


OF 
THE AMERICAN MUSEUM 
OF 


NATURAL HISTORY 


AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY 


ANDEAN CULTURE 
HISTORY 


By 
WENDELL C. BENNETT 
Late Professor of Anthropology, Yale University 
and 


JUNIUS B. BIRD 


Curator of Archaeology, American Museum of 
Natural History 


Second and revised edition 


HanpBook Series No. 15 
NEW YORK 


6 
LIBRARY 
OF THE 
AMERICAN MUSEUM 
OF 
NATURAL HISTORY 


PUBLICATION OF THE 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL HANDBOOK FUND 


COPYRIGHT 1949 AND 1960 BY 
THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY 


PRINTED IN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY 
LANCASTER PRESS, INC., LANCASTER, PA. 


30251 


PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION 


Any brief summation of an involved and im- 
perfectly known subject has inevitable weaknesses. 
Yet, despite its shortcomings, this small volume has 
found some favor and a continued demand makes 
reprinting necessary. Unfortunately, the death of 
the senior author, a deep sadness to all who knew 
him, deprives us of his guidance and good judgment 
in this task. 

In the few years since the first printing various 
archaeological projects have been reported on and 
others undertaken, all bringing new data, clarifying 
old problems, or posing new ones. Bennett, himself, 
visited the great site of Wari and secured a record 
of ceramic changes there. John H. Rowe, Chavez 
Ballon, and others did the same for sites in the 
Cuzeo Basin. Further south, Alfred Kidder, II, 
William Coe, and Alan Sawyer excavated at Chiripa, 
Puecara, and other sites. W. Duncan Strong and 
his associates worked in the Nazca-Ieca Area in an 
effort to re-define Nazca culture. In connection 
with Victor von Hagen’s survey of the Inea road 
system, Dorothy Menzel and Francis A. Riddell, 
together studied Inca and post-conquest communities 
on the Southern Coast. In the Cajamarca Area, 
Henri Reichlen and H. D. Disselhoff have been con- 
cerned with cultural sequence and Coastal-Highland 
relationship; in the Jequetepeque-Chicama region, 
H. U. Doering returned for further work. Under 
the auspices of the University of Trujillo, Richard 
Schaedel uncovered the remarkable adobe relief of 
the Huaca del Dragon, a structure desecrated by 
the Spaniards at the time of the Conquest. At the 
site of Chavin de Huantar, Jorge Muelle’s program 
to free the ruins of debris carried in by disastrous 


1 


2 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


flooding brought to light remarkable and important 
new finds. Near the mouth of the Casma valley, 
Donald Collier has checked the cultural record and, 
in the northern valleys, a survey has been under- 
taken by James A. Ford. 

On the Central Coast, at Ancon, Peruvian archae- 
ologists working for Rebecca Carrion and the Museé 
de Antropologia y Arqueologia de Magdalena Veija, 
in advance of building and real estate development, 
have recovered a vast amount of material. Nearby 
at Playa Grande, Louis Stummer, has recovered im- 
portant material; to the south of Lima, Frederic 
Engel and Edward Lanning tested a Chavin horizon 
deposit near San Bartolo and have found similar 
and pre-ceramic sites at many of the suitable loca- 
tions along the coast. More recently the Uni- 
versity of San Marcos, with the support of the Ful- 
bright Commission instituted a three-year program 
with various North American archaeologists work- 
ing with Peruvians in different parts of the coast. 
The personnel included: David Kelly, Dorothy Men- 
zel, Louis Stummer, Paul Tolstoy, Dwight Wallace, 
Gary Vescelius. Far to the north sites with early 
ceramics have been found and studied; in Colombia 
by Reichel Dolmatoff, in Lowland Ecuador by Emilio 
Estrada, Clifford Evans and Betty Meggers. 
Earlier the Evans-Meggers team did intensive work 
at the mouth of the Amazon and in British Guiana. 
Other Amazonian sites near Pucallpa were studied 
by Donald Lathrop. 

This brief and incomplete listing of archaeological 
investigations undertaken since the first edition indi- 
cates how much has been done. Some reports have 
been published but as others have not we have men- 
tioned the individuals involved in each ease. 

Among publications on field-work completed prior 


PREFACE 3 


to the appearance of the first edition one should 
note: Jijon y Camaiio’s ‘‘Maranga’’, A. L. Kroe- 
ber’s ‘‘Proto-Lima, a Middle Period Culture of 
Peru’’, R. Lareo’s ‘‘Cronologia Arquelogica del 
Norte del Peru’’, and various reports on the Viru 
Valley survey by Bennett, Collier, Ford, Strong, 
Evans, and Willey; also the Ancon report of Willey 
and Corbett with its most important section on tex- 
tiles by the late Lila O’Neale. 

Last, but not least, is the development of a method 
for measuring age by counting the radio activity 
of the Carbon 14 isotope present in organic mate- 
rials. Nothing seemed to promise more valuable 
aid in clearing the fog from Peruvian chronology 
than this method developed by W. F. Libby, J. R. 
Arnold, and associates. However, the number of 
age measurements of Peruvian material is still in- 
adequate and the dates derived are puzzling in 
certain details. A brief comment on the results 
will be found on pages 294-299. 

The incorporation of new data and the elimination 
of some errors is here attempted within the format 
of the original edition. Errors and omissions in the 
section on ceramics have been corrected by Robert 
Sonin and a needed revision of the section on metal- 
work has been done by Dudley Easby. Both John 
H. Rowe and Clifford Evans suggested changes or 
additions which have been incorporated. Such help, 
freely and generously given, cannot be adequately 
acknowledged. 

When the first edition appeared, Rowe published 
the most detailed and conscientious review.’ One 
of his major criticisms, and a valid one, concerns the 
simplified chronological framework here applied to 
the whole Central Andean Area. Such broadly 


1 American Antiquity (Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 170-172, October, 1950). 


4 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


descriptive period designations as ‘‘Formative’’ and 
‘“Hixpansionist’’? and others were first proposed by 
Rafael Larco Hoyle as a substitute for and an im- 
provement on the use of an ever-increasing and 
overlapping list of pottery type and cultural horizon 
designations. It had become fashionable, not only 
to propose names for newly recognized pottery types 
or ceramic complexes and use them as culture period 
designations, but to re-name well-known material. 
Thus, in publications of the past ten years we can 
find ‘‘ Karly Chimu’’, ‘‘Mochica’’, and ‘‘ Huancaco’”’ 
used synonymously. Early Chimu is a survival of 
earlier terminology, Mochica is generally accepted 
and well understood, while Huancaco was proposed 
for Mochica material from the Viru Valley, most of 
which cannot be distinguished from contemporary 
products used fifteen miles away in the Moche Val- 
ley. Similarly we have the ‘‘Gallinazo’’, ‘‘ Nega- 
tive’’, and ‘‘Viru’’ cultures, as well as various 
others. The meanings are not always clear even to 
those actively engaged in ceramic classification, for 
there is some disagreement among the specialists. 

Lareo contended that a broader frame of refer- 
ence was needed. The speedy adoption of his pro- 
posal which was even extended to the Middle Ameri- 
man field, testifies to the need for some such system. 
Its weakness is that only the very broadest terms 
apply to any extensive geographical area, and 
when so extended they lose some of their value. 

Objections can be raised to virtually all such 
period designations as used in this volume. It may 
help the reader if they are mentioned briefly here 
and kept in mind when using the text and the chart 
in? Pre, 49. 

To begin with the oldest division, the ‘‘Hunters’’, 
the finds from the San Pedro-Chicama Area may be 


PREFACE 5 


associated with the mastodon and possibly other 
extinct animals, but the sites are all open and 
eroded. The material might conceivably date back 
nine or ten thousand years, but until intact deposits 
are discovered and carefully excavated, we do not 
know. It is inevitable that the period designation 
‘‘Hunters’’ will ultimately be subdivided into three 
units; first, those early migrants who dealt with 
big game; second, their followers who presumably 
depended on the wild ancestors of the llama and 
alpaea and smaller game; and, third, those who lived 
mainly on birds, marine mammals, and fish. How- 
ever, this will not preclude the use of the broad 
period designation. 

The second major division, ‘‘Karly Farmers’’, 
seemingly a safe designation, apples to the pre- 
ceramic, pre-maize farmers of the Chicama and 
Viru valleys on the North Coast, but includes the 
pre-ceramic maize growers of Aspero, on the Cen- 
tral Coast, and Arica, in northern Chile. The ques- 
tions raised are: one, should such culturally unre- 
lated groups be bracketed together, and, second, 
where should the ‘‘EKarly Farmers’’ division be 
terminated—with the introduction of ceramics or 
with the introduction of maize? The two are not 
coeval throughout the Andean Area. 

The term ‘‘Cultists’’ is also relatively broad. Its 
use was prompted by such obvious evidence of re- 
hgious organization as the Chavin de Huantar ruins. 
Possibly the term ‘‘Karly Cultists’’ is preferable, 
for religious activities continued throughout all sub- 
sequent periods. 

Similarly there are objections to the concept of 
the two subsequent divisions, the ‘‘Experimenter”’ 
and ‘‘Master Craftsmen’’. What we may now 
interpret as diversity resulting from local experi- 


6 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


mentation can prove to be intrusive influences dis- 
placing, disrupting, or fusing with local develop- 
ment. So, too, features on which a Master Crafts- 
men period is based may prove so varied in age and 
distribution as to make it impossible to fix a divid- 
ing line between it and the Experimenters. 

Far less criticism can be focussed on the Expan- 
sionist concept. We may and do lack agreement on 
its dates, source, motivation, and course. We can 
agree that it marks the second time in the Andean 
Area when a single culture influence spread over 
regions which at other times maintained more 
marked local distinctions. It may have been just 
as Imperialistic in nature as the Inca expansion, but 
the answers did not survive in legend and they re- 
main a challenge to archaeology. 

Over and above the problems mentioned, we have 
a more serious criticism, that not all of these desig- 
nations apply to exactly the same area. Beyond 
certain limits we can only suggest what we believe 
to be contemporaneous. In doing this, and even 
in indicating the sequence of the cultural phases, 
there will always be errors of interpretation as long 
as we lack exact dates. 

It is regrettable that lack of space here prevents 
the customary inclusion of the preface to the first 
edition. In it the plan and objectives of this volume 
were outlined and, acknowledgments were made to 
those who had assisted in its production. 


Junius B. Brrp 
JUNE, 1959 


CONTENTS 
Part 1 


By WENDELL C. BENNETT 


PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION 
THE SETTING : 5 : : 
The South American Environment 
Early Migrants 
Plant Domestication 
Southern Hunters 
Tropical Agriculturists . 
Lowland Archaeology 
Andean Farmers ‘ : 
Northern Andean Archaeology 
Colombia 
Ecuador : ; : 
Southern Andean Archaeology 
Northwest Argentina 
Chile 


Part 2 
By WENDELL C. BENNETT 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 
Divisions 
Chronology 
Early Farmers 
Cultist Period . 
Experimenter Period 
Mastereraftsman Period 
Expansionist Period 
City Builder Period 
Imperialist Period . 


Aftermath 
Part 3 
By JuUNIus B. Birp 
TECHNIQUES 
Ceramics 


Metalwork ; ‘ ; 


245 
251 


8 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


Textiles 
Fibers 
Dyes 
Spinning , ; 
Looms and Weaving ‘ 
Weaving Techniques and Cheonulogy . 
RADIOCARBON DATING . 
SELECTED SOURCES 
INDEX 


257 
258 
261 
263 
265 
268 
294 
300 
319 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


. Environmental regions of South America 
. Stemmed points associated with extinct animals in or 


occupation level in South Chile caves . 


. Artifacts of oldest known coastal culture from northern 


Chile. a, Harpoon forepiece, points, and barbs; b, Stone 
scraping tools; c, Stone knife; d, Choppers (?); e, Stone, 
bone, and shell composite fishhooks and barbs; f, Thorn 
and shell hooks; g, Stages in making shell hooks and the 
tools used; h, Stone bowl 


. South American Gane divisions : : : 
. Alacaluf dome- Miah hut and Ona wiitdbreak: Models in 


the Museum 


. Yagua scene showing use of ieee : 
. Ceremonial barkcloth costume from western Brazil 


Shrunken human trophy heads from the Jivaro Indians 


. Maraj6é pottery showing painted, excised, and incised 


decoration 


. Rio Napo urns and platter 
. Santarem vessels and figure urn frets Matick : 
: Eeastorie ceramics from Colombia. a, b, eh, eset 


, k, Santa Marta; j, Sinu; 1, Divsequste effigy urn; 
: aa 


. Goldwork from fomean a. various styles 

. San Agustin stone carvings 

. Types of Ecuadorean pottery 

. Stone seat from Manabi, Ecuador 

. Tablets and tube for mixing and inhaling donate Aisi ieee 


North Chile 


. Principal valleys and major bileaeal ie isions of the Geasbeeil 


Andes 


. Chronological chart Fon ie ent porn = diffusion 


“pattern of textiles, pottery, and maize indicated 


20. Pre-ceramic sites: North of Paracas, Early Farmer; south 


of Paracas, principally fishing cultures 


. American Museum excavation in a pre-ceramic soricatiatad 


community midden, Huaca Prieta, Chicama Valley 


22. Principal Cultist Period sites 


23. Cultist period ceramic types 


. Cultist Period goldwork from Chongoyape aad aoe 6 


facts from Chicama 


9 


24 


112 
115 
119 
122 
127 


128 


41. 


42. 


43. 


44. 


45. 


46. 


47. 


ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


. Building and carving of the Cultist Period. Upper left, 


modeled clay, Moxeke; lower left, Cerro Sechin; others, 
Chavin de Hudéntar 


. Principal sites of the Experimenter Period 

. Chiripa ceramics and house site, Experimenter Period 

. Salinar ceramies of the Experimenter Period 

. Paracas Cavernas ceramic style of the Experimenter Portail 


The Pucara style tube or trumpet at the left has fired 
pigments in the incised areas, the others, resinous paints 


. Principal cultural divisions in the Mastercraftsman Period . 
. Recuay style stone statues of the Mastercraftsman Period 

. Pueara style stone carving of the Mastercraftsman Period 

. Varieties of Mochica pottery of the Mastercraftsman Period 
. Nazea style ceramics of the Mastercraftsman Period 

. Gold objects from a Paracas mummy bundle of the Mate 


eraftsman Period 


. Principal centers of the ieseiaualeniek. Poriod 
. Tiahuanaco ruins and decorated gateway 
. Typical wall construction and detail of soekat for aan 


copper cramps or tie bolts in stone paving at Tiahuanaco 


. Monolithie statue from Tiahuanaco. Discovered by Wendell 


C. Bennett 


. Coast and Highland Tatiana ee Upper left, 


Pachacamac; Upper right, Pacheco; Lower half, Bo- 
livian Highland sites. At lower right an example of 
Early Tiahuanaco : , 3 

Miscellaneous prehistoric Paravien brlifactes carved and 
painted box, pyrites mirror, combs, spoons, ear spools, 
and snuff tube . : ° 

Principal centers of the City Biglier ‘aeHiod : 

A fortress of the City Builder period at ee con- 
structed of clay bricks 

Clay arabesque wall decorations at ie ruins of Cienshied 

Chimu blackware water jars. At left, two men boxing; 
center, an example of mold-pressed decoration; at right, 
two men on a balsa raft 

City Builder ceramic styles from the Ganical na South 
Coast. Top row, right, Negative painted Recuay vessel of 
the Mastercraftsman Period, others, two late vessels from 
Pachacamae; second row, Three vessels of Chancay 
Black-on-White rd bottom row, Four vessels of Ica 
style 

Maximum expansion in the aerate Peaa: 


134 
138 
143 
144 


148 
154 
163 
164 
167 
169 
175 
183 
187 
189 


190 


192 


209 


211 
215 


48. 
49. 


50. 


54. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


The famous Inca citadel of Machu Picchu - : F 

Types of Inca masonry. Top, Machu Picchu; lower left, 
Fortress of Sacsahuaman; lower right, a strect in Cuzco 

Inea artifacts: lacquered wooden kero, ceremonial stone 
llama form container and bowl, two very typical pottery 
containers, a pitcher and aryballoid water or beer jar 


. Musical instruments, panpipes, flutes, whistles, and a horn . 
- Molds for ceramic manufacture . é ; 
. Prehistoric Peruvian copper, bronze, and siver aan Ax 


and club heads, bolas weight, knives, chisels and ear 
spoons are cast; tweezers and pin are hammered 

Diagram of Rkeiian loom. a, Loom bars; b, Shed Lee 
c, Heddle rod; d, Batten or sword; e, Bobbin; f, Bagh 
strap; g, Warp lashing; h, Heading string; i, Lease 
cord; j, Leash cord; k, Warp; 1, Weft 


. Paracas Necropolis Srabrendone Top, Poncho siete with 


heavy shoulder fringe; center, Mantle borders, with 
foundation fabric completely hidden by the Hie eee 
bottom, Half of a large mantle 


. Poncho shirt, shaped by inserting pdaitional en at cen- 


ter of fabric (North Chile) ; Cape, shaped by expanding 
the warp; upper half, cotton, warp faced; lower half, 
wool, eccentric tapestry; Boy’s shirt, tapestry; Woman’s 
work basket; Detail of interlocked warp loom . 


. Peruvian pric Top, Gauze weaves, the center one few 


a Paracas Necropolis grave, the others later; center, 
Double cloth; bottom, Late period painted cotton com- 
pared with Paracas Necropolis painting; lower right, 
tie-dyeing . 


11 


225 


227 


228 


236 


248 


255 


266 


274 


284 


287 


Part 1 
THE SETTING 
Tuer SoutH AMERICAN H.NVIRONMENT 


The region designated as the Central Andes in- 
cludes the Peruvian coast and highlands and most of 
the Bolivian highlands, particularly the high plateau 
around Lake Titicaca. The abundant archaeological 
remains in the Central Andes have long been inten- 
sively studied because this area, in spite of its strik- 
ing environmental contrasts and its remarkable di- 
versity of materials, presents a unit of cultural 
development unmatched in intensity in South Ameri- 
can prehistory. Here centered the Inca culture 
which, at its peak, maintained an empire that ex- 
tended from Colombia in the north to Argentina and 
Chile in the south. The Spaniards described the 
Inca Empire as they found it flourishing in the early 
sixteenth century. The archaeologist projects the 
story backward from that date and can demonstrate 
that the basic components of the Inca culture were 
developed in the Central Andes many centuries be- 
fore the Spanish conquest. 

The major purpose of this account is to recon- 
struct the story of cultural development in the Cen- 
tral Andes from its earliest known manifestations 
to historic times. However, it seems profitable to 
begin with the South American scene as a whole and 
to describe the total physical and cultural environ- 
ment within which the Central Andean cultures 
played so distinctive a role. It has long been rec- 
ognized that topography and other features of the 
gveographic environment may affect migration, trade, 
transportation, and expansion; that the natural re- 

13 


14 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


sources present or absent in an area may influence 
cultural growth; and that culture and geographic en- 
vironment are linked in many ways. The cultural 
environment is equally important. This involves 
knowledge of the size of a population, its technology, 
specialization, divisions of authority and over-all 
pattern. Likewise, it is hard to understand one 
group without a knowledge of its neighbors. 

Topographically, the South American continent is 
divisible into three major zones: the Andes along 
the Pacific Coast, the tropical and temperate plains, 
and the highlands of east Brazil and the Guianas 
(Fig. 1). These major zones extend from north to 
south, a topographical factor that has long influ- 
enced migrations and cultural diffusions. Even the 
briefest examination reveals that there are many 
contrasting environments in South America. The 
rugged Andes rise in marked contrast to the flat 
plains of the Argentine Pampas. Northern Chile 
is an extreme desert; the Amazon and its tributaries 
flow through one of the greatest known stretches of 
tropical rain forest. However, in spite of size and 
environmental variety, in terms of pre-Spanish sub- 
sistence patterns large sections of South America 
could not be effectively utilized. Some of the rich- 
est agricultural areas, like the Argentine Pampas, 
were of little use to Indians who had no knowledge 
of the plow or other means of eradicating the deep- 
rooted grasses. The extensive grazing lands now 
utilized had an insignificant value before the intro- 
duction of European domesticated animals. 

The rugged Andes dominate western South Amer- 
ica, extending from the Caribbean coast of Venezuela 
and Colombia, along the entire Pacific Coast to Cape 
Horn. Only in Bolivia do the Andes expand to much 


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Fig. 1. Environmental regions of South America. 


15 


16 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


over one hundred miles in width. They vary from 
section to section. Three parallel ranges in Co- 
lombia reduce to two in Ecuador, break up into 
short diagonal chains in Peru, expand again to a 
pair in Bolivia, and narrow to a single range in 
Chile. Temperatures in the Andes are more or less 
consistent, reflecting altitude rather than latitude, 
so that most sections are cool to cold during the 
whole year, although freezing temperatures are rare 
in the habitable areas. Although trees grow in 
some sections, much of the region is unforested and 
may be classed either as grassland, bushland, or 
desert. The geographers recognize a northern, cen- 
tral, and southern division of the Andes and these 
are important in cultural considerations. The 
Northern Andes, which include Colombia, Ecuador, 
and a small part of Peru, are characterized by a 
double rainy season which supports wet rain forest 
in areas of high altitude between 10,000 feet and the 
snow line. Such highland areas are unfavorable for 
erazing llamas and alpacas, so that the two most im- 
portant domesticated animals of pre-Spanish Amer- 
ica were not permanently acquired by the people who 
occupied this northern region. The Central Andes 
have a contrasting rainy and dry season, resulting 
in a highland covered by a bunch grass, ideal for 
erazing, which makes the region environmentally 
distinct from the Northern Andes. From Bolivia 
southward, the Southern Andes are separated from 
the Central Andes by a desert strip which extends 
from north Chile to the Patagonian plateau. The 
limited habitable areas are not unlike those of the 
Central Andes. 

The Andes everywhere present formidable moun- 
tain barriers with numerous peaks over twenty thou- 


THE SETTING 17 


sand feet in altitude and few passes under twelve 
thousand feet. The habitable sections are the inter- 
mont basins, high plateaus, and valley flats of the 
rivers that drain into the Amazon. These basins 
and flats, however, have well watered, fertile soil, 
-and many resources contributing to cultural devel- 
opment, such as stone and clay usable for building 
materials, and easily mined copper, silver, gold, and 
tin. Many regions are extensive enough to support 
a reasonably large population, and distant enough 
from each other to permit easy defense without ex- 
cessive isolation. Today, of course, the Andes pre- 
sent difficult transportation problems, but in pre- 
Spanish times when travel was essentially on foot, 
the mountains did not constitute a great obstacle. 
Today wild food plant and animal life are limited in 
the Andes, due in part to the fact that intensive agri- 
culturists have occupied the region for over two 
thousand years. However, since many domesticated 
plants and at least two domesticated animals ap- 
pear to be indigenous to this region, it seems rea- 
sonable to assume that wild forms were abundant at 
one time. 

Although not very extensive, the plains along the 
Pacific Coast present a considerable contrast in en- 
vironment. In Ecuador and Colombia, where they 
are widest, they lie within the tropics, with charac- 
teristic high temperatures, excessive rainfall, and 
jungle forest coverage. In Colombia, therefore, the 
environmental contrast between the plains and the 
highlands prevented much cultural interchange. 
The narrow coastal plains of southern Ecuador, 
Peru, and northern Chile form the west coast desert. 
This climatic change is attributed to the effect of the 
eold Humboldt current which cools the air of the 


18 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


on-shore winds sufficiently so that there is no pre- 
cipitation over the hot coastal land and desert con- 
ditions result. The aridity increases in intensity 
from north to south, reaching its maximum in the 
Atacama desert of north Chile. The habitable por- 
tions of the west coast, except for small fishing sites, 
are limited to the valleys of the rivers that have their 
source in the mountains and flow rapidly to the Pa- 
cific. In terms of gross environment, the contrast 
between the desert coast and the high Andes seems 
enormous; but in terms of Indian subsistence pat- 
terns it is not very significant. In fact, the coastal 
valleys and highland basins share such favorable 
features as rich, easily cultivated soils, an absence 
of deep-rooted grasses or forest coverage, a rela- 
tively genial climate, and sufficient water supply to 
permit controlled irrigation. The Central Valley of 
Chile is an alluvium filled trough lying between the 
main Andes and a low coastal range. Here the 
climate is classed as Mediterranean; the soils are 
rich and the rains abundant. Following the intro- 
duction of European plants and animals, the Central 
Valley became the garden spot of Chile. The long 
southern archipelago of Chile is a continuation of 
the coastal mountain range. The climate is cold and 
wet; the coverage, wet rain forest. This region was 
inhabited by small groups of fishermen who spent 
most of their lives in canoes. 

Kast of the Southern Andes are the high semi- 
desert table-lands of Patagonia where the winds 
blow constantly. The soil is shallow and not very 
fertile, trees are rare, and most of the area is classed 
as grassland. North of Patagonia are the Argen- 
tine Pampas with their rich soil, low elevation, 
and temperate climate. The Pampas are the finest 


THE SETTING 19 


erasslands in South America, famed today for their 
cereals and beef. In the past, however, grasslands 
were not favorable to native digging-stick cultiva- 
tion, so that the distinction between the Pampas and 
Patagonia was not of special significance. Instead, 


_this region was occupied by hunters who pursued 


such wild fauna as the guanaco and the rhea, or 
ostrich, and gatherers who collected seeds and roots. 

The transition from the temperate to the tropical 
lowlands is illustrated by that great area known as 
the Gran Chaco which includes parts of Argentina, 
Paraguay, and Bolivia. This uninterrupted flat 
plain is characterized by a concentrated rainy sea- 
son and an exceedingly contrasting dry season which 
results in a greatly varied vegetal coverage. It in- 
eludes sections of grassland, parkland, bushland, 
and, along the rivers, tropical forest. The rivers 
are full of fish and some hunting of game is possible, 
but, on the whole, this area was never very attrac- 
tive either to hunters or agriculturists. 

The Amazon lowlands lie in the true tropics. The 
region is mostly below a thousand feet elevation. 
The rainfall is excessive; temperatures are con- 
sistently high; and tropical forest is characteristic. 
The Amazon River with its numerous tributaries 
forms a network over the whole area so that with 
any form of watercraft, transportation was no prob- 
lem. There is a reasonable amount of wild animal 
life, abundant fish in the rivers, and some wild edible 
roots and fruits. However, these tropical forests 
were probably never very enticing to simple hunters 
and certainly they were not extensively occupied 
until suitable plants had been domesticated. Even 
for agriculturists the region offers no great attrac- 
tion since the soils are thin and poor; clearing a field 


20 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


is an arduous task, and the protection of a village is 
difficult. 

The llanos or flats of the Orinoco River in Vene- 
zuela are in some ways similar to the Amazonian 
lowlands, but irregularities in the distribution of 
rainfall produce a coverage of grass and scattered 
trees, rather than dense tropical forest. In cultural 
terms, however, the two regions do not contrast 
markedly. This is also true of the highlands which 
cover most of the Guianas and parts of Brazil and 
Venezuela. These are old, badly eroded mountains, 
completely surrounded by tropical forest. The 
higher sections, however, are not very favorable for 
agriculture, so that the contrast between highlands 
and tropical lowlands never became culturally im- 
portant. 

The east Brazil highlands cover an enormous area 
and present a number of internal divisions. Grass- 
lands and seattered trees are typical and the variety 
of plant life is great. The climate is subtropical 
with ample rainfall and little variation in tempera- 
ture throughout the year. In the past, game and 
wild life were apparently sufficiently abundant to at- 
tract land hunters and gatherers. 

South America can, then, be divided into a dozen 
major environmental zones, which can be further 
subdivided with ease. However, from the point of 
view of this historical summary, such detailed sub- 
division is unnecessary because, by the time of the 
Kuropean conquest, the whole continent was domi- 
nated by three basic cultural patterns: the Southern 
Hunters, the Tropical Agriculturists, and the An- 
dean Farmers. Furthermore, this broad review 
demonstrates that despite some of its internal con- 
trasts, the Central Andes forms a distinctive en- 


THE SETTING 21 


vironmental zone, a uniqueness even more marked 
when the contrasting cultural factors are considered. 


Earty Micrants 

South America was first populated by nomadic 
hunters, fishermen, and gatherers with no knowledge 
of agriculture, metals, or pottery. All the known 
evidence indicates that the Isthmus of Panama was 
the migration route of these land nomads to the 
South American continent. The only alternative 
possibility is by way of the chain of Caribbean 
islands, a route which presupposes a knowledge of 
watercraft, for the antiquity of which we still lack 
proof, in spite of the important development of 
water travel in the Amazon area and the Chilean 
archipelago. 

Land hunters and gatherers who migrated to 
South America via Panama could easily enter the 
Andean highlands by way of the Cauca and Mag- 
dalena rivers, both of which flow from south to 
north. Some groups may have migrated eastward 
into Venezuela, but further expansion in that direc- 
tion was probably blocked by the Amazon jungle 
where there is, as yet, no evidence for the antiquity 
of a hunting-gathering culture pattern. The same 
line of reasoning applies to the Pacific Coast of 
Colombia and Eeuador which is also a tropical 
jungle. The highlands would, however, offer a rea- 
sonable quantity of game and wild food sufficient to 
support a hunting and gathering people. Further- 
more, once adjustment had been made to the Andean 
environment, there would be no major barriers to a 
continued southward migration. Small groups may 
have moved to favorable fishing sites on the arid 
Pacific Coast, but these minor movements would not 


yy ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


affect the main direction of migration. Once Ar- 
gentina had been reached, a rapid spread through- 
out the Pampas and Patagonia, even to distant 
Tierra del Fuego, probably occurred since this great 
expanse of grassland presented many favorable pos- 
sibilities for hunters and gatherers. From northern 
Argentina it would be easy to enter the open park 
country of the east Brazil highlands. The fishing 
potentials of the Chilean archipelago were probably 
exploited as soon as water travel was perfected. 

This reconstruction of the probable migration 
routes of the early hunting people is based partially 
on geographic logic, but it is confirmed by the meager 
archaeological and historical evidence. The earliest 
remains of man yet found are in the Andean high- 
lands, the east Brazil highlands, and in southern 
Patagonia. Furthermore, at the time of the Euro- 
pean conquest hunting and gathering peoples still 
occupied the east Brazil highlands, the Pampas, 
Patagonia, and the Chilean archipelago. 

The archaeological evidence for these early mi- 
erations consists of human skeletal remains found 
in association with extinct fauna and cultural re- 
mains excavated in the camping and fishing sites. 
In 1835 the Danish naturalist, T. W. Lund, explored 
some eight hundred eaves in the Lagoa Santa re- 
gion of Minas Geraes in the east Brazil highlands. 
These caves contained not only the bones of extinct 
Pleistocene fauna, but assorted human remains some 
of which represented physical types distinct from 
those of the modern Indians. A recent excavation 
of the Confins Cave in the same region has confirmed 
the results of the earlier work. The mouth of this 
cave was completely sealed by fallen debris. Ex- 
cavations in the alluvial deposits on the cave floor 


THE SETTING 23 


encountered at about two meters depth the skull of 
a fossil horse, the molars and bones of a young 
mastodon, and a human skeleton which, although in 
extended position was not an intrusive burial. The 
skull is long-headed, similar to the Lagoa Santa 
type. At Punin, Ecuador, another skull of this 
type, again without artifacts, was found in volcanic 
ash. Association with extinct horse, mastodon, 
sloth, deer, and camel was implied by geology. 
Probably contemporary with this fauna are projec- 
tile points, identical with the oldest from South 
Chile (Fig. 2), found in 1959 on a hilltop near Quito, 
Keuador. 

At about 10 degrees south latitude, near Lake 
Lauricocha in the center of the Peruvian Highlands, 
eave deposits, at an elevation of 138,000 feet, show 
early and continued occupation. This discovery, by 
Augusto Cardich, is remarkable both for the an- 
tiquity of the first occupation, 7566 B.C. +250 from 
radiocarbon, and the altitude, which is near the 
upper limits for habitable sites. A comparable 
date, 6013 B.C. +100, was obtained for similar re- 
mains found by A. R. Gonzalez in the lower strata 
of Intihuasi Cave, 70 kilometers north of San Luis, 
Cordoba, Argentina, again with modern fauna. The 
oldest artifacts at both sites are stone projectile 
points of related forms; later levels yield some 
pottery. 

Many finds of fossil man and early campsites have 
been reported for Patagonia, but few of these are 
based on scientific excavations. The best evidence 
comes from the extreme southern part of Patagonia 
near the Straits of Magellan. Here two caves, Palli 
Aike and Fell’s, excavated by Junius Bird, con- 
tained stratified remains of five distinct periods of 


24 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


habitation. Both caves were below lava outcrops 
on the semi-desert plains. The two caves furnish 
evidence for an historical reconstruction. 

Their first occupants used stemmed projectile 
points, many rough scrapers, lava cylinders, and a 
variety of bone flaking tools (Fig. 2). Bones of 


i 


Fig. 2. Stemmed points associated with extinct animals in earliest 
occupation level in South Chile caves. 


i j : 
4 \ 
ea " 
SES SE 


OnwE INCH 


euanaco and of the extinct ground sloth and native 
American horse in the same level show that these 
animals were eaten in abundance. In several con- 
temporary human burials the bodies had all been 
cremated. One skull, patiently reconstructed, is 
long headed and somewhat resembles the Lagoa 
Santa type. A sterile level formed of slabs which 
had fallen from the roof of the cave isolated the re- 
mains of this first period of occupation. In the 


THE SETTING 25 


second period of occupation the fossil animals were 
not present, but fox and bird bones were common. 
The artifacts were limited to a few chipped flakes 
and scrapers, crude bone points, and polished bone 
awls. The third period of occupation marked the 
appearance of stemless stone points and the first 
use of bolas, mostly small ones for hunting birds. 
The graves contained several skeletons covered with 
red paint. In the fourth occupational period, small 
arrowheads were present, thus demonstrating that 
the bow and arrow was later here than the bolas. 
Shell and bone beads, some incised, were used 
for ornaments. The final occupants made small 
stemmed arrowpoints, bone beads, combs, spatulas, 
pressure flaking tools and other artifacts, all similar 
to those of the Ona Indians of Tierra del Fuego. 
Thus these caves present a sequence of occupation 
from the early hunters up to the historic Ona. 

Bird’s excavations of shell middens on the shores 
of Beagle Channel also proved a relative antiquity 
for some of the fishing groups in southern Tierra 
del Fuego and the archipelago. The earliest oc- 
cupants used mussel shell knives, single barbed 
harpoon points, bird bone beads, whetstones, notched 
pebble fishline sinkers, and rough stone choppers or 
hand axes. The technique of pressure flaking stone 
artifacts was completely lacking. This is surprising 
for apparently bolas and the idea of using the small 
hafted endscrapers or flensing tools were obtained 
from contacts with the inland peoples at a time which 
would correspond roughly to the fourth period of oc- 
cupation of Fell’s Cave. 

On the extreme north coast of Chile, Bird found 
additional evidence of early fishing cultures in strati- 
fied shell middens near Arica, Pisagua, and Taltal. 


26 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


This showed that long prior to the introduction of 
agriculture people had been able to survive on this 
desert coast by depending on the sea for food. Two 
distinct periods of occupation were determined. The 
first, designated as the Shell Fishhook culture after 
the most distinctive artifact, contained composite 
fishhooks with stone weights and bone barbs, har- 
poons with detachable forepieces, bone barbs, stone 
points, small lava bowls, and a variety of scrapers 
(Fig. 3). The occupants of the second period used 
bone fish harpoons, thorn fishhooks instead of the 
earlier shell hooks, sinkers, bolas, chipped stone 
points, and spear-throwers. In spite of the sugges- 
tion of some writers these north Chilean coastal eul- 
tures are unrelated to those of Patagonia. 

The association of extinct fauna with the oldest 
artifacts in the region of Magellan Straits implies 
considerable antiquity for the human record there. 
Carbon, derived from charred horse and sloth bones 
found in Palli Aike Cave, has given a C14 date of 
6689 B.C.+ 450 years. A similar measurement, 
using plant material from dried sloth manure se- 
cured without cultural association in another cave 
125 miles away, indicated 8882 B.C. + 400 as the 
most probable date for that sample. A test of Fell’s 
Cave charcoal, USGS laboratory sample W915, 
yielded the date 8760 B.C. + 300 for the artifacts 
shown on page 20. This suggests that the figure ob- 
tained from Palli Aike bones is conservative. As yet 
no tests have been made of North Chilean material. 

There is little direct information about succeeding 
migrations, although small groups presumably con- 
tinued to enter South America over a long period 
of time. The earliest fossil finds correspond to 
the long-headed physical type. However, the higher 


Nike Se NY ee Oe ee 


\ 


Fig. 3. Artifacts of oldest known coastal culture from northern Chile. 
a, Harpoon forepiece, points, and barbs; b, Stone scraping tools; ¢. Stone knife; 
d, Choppers (?); e, Stone, bone, and shell composite fishhooks and barbs; f, 
Thorn and shell hooks; g, Stages in making shell hooks and the tools used; h, 
Stone bowl. 


27 


28 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


civilizations in both Middle and South America are 
represented by a short, round-headed physical type, 
implying more recent migrations. Likewise the 
wide spread of food plants and other elements com- 
mon to the higher civilization throughout large parts 
of the Americas, as well as the known penetration of 
Arawaks and Caribs into the West Indies from 
South America, all indicates that migrations in one 
direction or another were a continuing pattern. 


Puant DOMESTICATION 


The hunting-gathering culture pattern persisted 
in southern South America up to historic times, but 
the other two major South American patterns were 
dependent upon the domestication of plants and the 
development of agriculture. The plants domesti- 
cated in the New World, except for the gourd, and 
perhaps cotton, are seemingly indigenous species for 
the greater part not related to those utilized in 
Asia or other parts of the Old World. This then 
poses the problem of determining the New World 
center or centers in which various plants were do- 
mesticated, a problem which involves the technical 
knowledge of the botanists and the archaeologists. 
Formerly, it was believed that three of the more im- 
portant New World plants, maize, beans, and squash, 
were first domesticated in Mexico and spread as a 
unit from that center. Present evidence fails to con- 
firm this theory for squashes and beans were culti- 
vated in Peru centuries before maize. Obviously, 
as knowledge of plant cultivation spread, new plants 
were exploited when and where available. Plants 
like beans and squash, represented by several dis- 
tinct species, may have been independently devel- 
oped in several localities. 

This is far less likely for food plants classed as 


THE SETTING 29 


single species, like maize or sweet potatoes, unless 
the ancestral forms were widely distributed. <A 
South American origin for maize was proposed and 
favored for some years, but accumulating new evi- 
dence now points to Central America or Mexico. 

Cotton, like maize, has been intensively studied. 
Unlike maize, two linted species are present and a 
center of variability is known for each. These are 
interpreted as foci of diffusion, but their relation to 
the cultural record is not clear. The first is located 
in northern Peru, the second in southern Mexico 
and Guatemala. As a fiber-producing plant the 
motive for domestication was a need for yarn, not 
food. Geneticists agree that these linted American 
cottons are related to an Old World species, but 
differ on whether this relationship was established 
before or after cultivation. If the latter, it would 
mean that, contrary to current belief some knowl- 
edge of agriculture and at least one plant, a species 
now extinct in America, was introduced from Asia. 
This implheation should not yet be accepted as fact 
nor dismissed summarily. 

This pattern of shifting controversial opinions 
will probably be repeated as other comparable 
studies are made. Fortunately Peruvian coastal 
middens will yield a complete record of the plants 
utilized there. In addition to the botanical data, the 
sequence, relative distribution, and instances where 
two or more genera first appear simultaneously will 
go far to indicate areas of origins and dispersal 
routes. 

Estimated dates for the first domestication of 
plants are very vague. Botanists point out that the 
process of domestication could have been accom- 
plished in a few thousand years. Carbon 14 meas- 
urements seem to bear this out with third millenium 


30 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


B.C. figures for maize in New Mexico and various 
plants in Peru. 

Table 1 lists the principal pre-Columbian domesti- 
‘ated plants in Andean South America. Some are 
particularly suited to the warmer lowlands, others 
e¢row best in the highlands or in the sandy desert re- 
gions. Most of these plants were cultivated in the 
Central Andes wherever the local environment was 
favorable. The range of local environments, plus a 
systematic exchange of food products, provided the 
ancient inhabitants of the Central Andes with a 
wider variety of domesticated food plants than were 
available to any other peoples of South America. 


TABLE I 


PRINCIPAL PRE-COLUMBIAN DOMESTICATED PLANTS 
IN THE ANDEAN AREA1 


Seed Crops 


Common Name Botanical Name Occurrence 

Maize Zea mays All areas 

Lupine Lupinus tauris Highlands 

Quinoa Chenopodium quinoa Highlands 

Canahua Chenopodium pallidicaule Highlands 

Amaranth Amaranthus sp. Highlands 

Beans 

Kidney Phaseolus vulgaris General 

Searlet runner Phaseolus multiflorus Cauca River 
or ayecote (or coccineus) 

Lima Phaseolus lunatus Coast 

Jack Canavalia ensiformis Coast 


1 Based on Table 1, Handbook of South American Indians, Vol- 
ume 2, The Andean Civilization. Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Bulletin 143, Washington, 1946. 


Avocado 
Lucumo 
Pacai, guaba 
Pineapple 
Soursop 
Pepino 


Potato 
Potato 
Oca 
Ulluco 
Mashua 
Achira 


Arracacha 


Yacon 

Sweet manioc 
Peanut 

Sweet potato 


Gourd 
Squash 
Peppers, aji 
Cacao, choco- 
late bean 
Cotton 


Cotton 
Tobacco 


Tobacco 
Coca 


THE SETTING 


TABLE I—Continued 


Fruits 


Persea Americana 
Lucuma obovata 
Inga edulis 

Ananas sativus 
Annona muricata 
Solanum mauricatum 


Roots 


Solanum tuberosum 
Solanum andigenum 
Oxalis tuberosa 
Ullucus tuberosus 
Tropaeolum tuberosum 
Canna edulis 


Arracacia xanthorrhiza 
(or esculenta) 
Polymnia edulis 
Manihot utilissima 
Arachis hypogaea 
Ipomoea batatas 


Miscellaneous 


Lagenaria 
Cucurbita maxima 
Capsicum annum 
Theobroma cacao 


Gossypium hirsutum 
(var. marie-galante) 
Gossypium barbadense 


Narcotics 


Nicotiana tabacum 
Nicotiana rustica 
Erythroxylon coca 


31 


Tropical 
Temperate valleys 
Tropical 

Tropical 
Lowlands 
Temperate 


Chile Coast 
Highlands 
Highlands 
Highlands 
Highlands 
Coast; temperate 
valleys 
Temperate valleys 


Temperate valleys 
Tropical lowlands 
Lowlands 

Tropical lowlands 


General 

General 

Medium climates 
Low valleys 


Tropical Coast 
General 
General 


Highlands 
Warm valleys 


Domesticated animals, with the exception of the 
dog, were unknown in most parts of South America. 
The guinea pig had a wide Andean distribution, but 


32 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


was not of major importance. In the Central Andes, 
however, two animals, the lama and the alpaca, were 
domesticated at an early date, presumably from wild 
forms related to the guanaco and the vicuna. The 
llama and the alpaca contributed greatly to the Cen- 
tral Andean economy since they grazed on the high 
grasslands which could not be used for agriculture. 
Both animals were not only useful for transporta- 
tion but furnished wool, meat, hides, fertilizer, fuel, 
sinews, and even bones for making tools. Unlike 
many domesticated plants that are adaptable to dif- 
ferent environments, the llama and the alpaca were 
largely restricted to the terrain of the high dry 
grasslands which include the Central Andes and 
parts of Northwest Argentina. 

By the time of the European conquest of South 
America, three major culture patterns had emerged: 
one still based on hunting and gathering, the other 
two on agriculture. A semi-nomadic agricultural 
pattern was developed in the tropical forest region, 
while in the Andes the intensive farming permitted 
a sedentary life. These three basic patterns are 
briefly summarized in order to provide a cultural 
setting for the more detailed treatment of the Cen- 
tral Andes which will follow. 


SouTHERN HunTERS 

Roughly in the year 1500 all of southern South 
America and most of the east Brazil highlands were 
occupied by Indians who were basically dependent 
on hunting, fishing, or gathering for their subsist- 
ence. Among the better known tribes are the Ala- 
ealuf and Yahgan of the Chilean archipelago, the 
Ona of Tierra del Fuego, the Tehuelche of Pata- 
gonia, the Puelehe and Querandi of the Pampas, the 


! 
7 See 
oo i ike 


~~ LX aa ae ‘ 


AGRICULTURISTS 


1nOPTGCAEL 


PI U 


> Eee Boies 
(A As» ‘NOMADIC , 


| o a : 
G CvE 


A 


PISAGUA% 


1B , ANON 
a 
Re 
5 
\ \ 


EDENTARY anit 


y 7 i pre 
)/QUIMBAYAS 


\ 


AGRICULTURISTS. \ 


> 


| 


Fig. 4. South American eultural divisions. 
33 


34 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


Charrua of Uruguay, and the numerous Gé-speaking 
peoples of east Brazil (Fig. 4). As the archaeologi- 
‘al records demonstrate, the culture pattern of all of 
these groups reflects, in part, a survival from the 
first nomadic hunters in the region. However, in 
spite of a common history and a similar subsistence 
pattern, the component tribes present considerable 
cultural variation. An immediate contrast is ap- 
parent between the ‘‘Canoe’’ Indians who lived in 
the archipelago region and depended largely upon 
marine products and the ‘‘Foot’’ Indians of Tierra 
del Fuego and the mainland who hunted the land 
animals. The isolated Ona and the Yahgan are 
among the most primitive people of the New World, 
while the Gé-speaking tribes of east Brazil, in con- 
trast to their simple economy and technology, have 
an elaborate ceremonial and social organization. 

The emphasis on hunting, fishing, or gathering 
varied not only seasonally but in terms of the 
specific environment. The Canoe Indians fished, 
hunted seals, sea-otters, and other sea mammals, 
and gathered shellfish and certain wild plants. The 
hunters of the open plains pursued guanaco and 
ostrich and collected starchy roots and wild grass 
seed. Deer, tapirs, and monkeys were hunted in 
the forests of east Brazil, and a variety of roots 
and edible vines were gathered. Hunting was in- 
variably a male occupation, while the women were 
responsible for the collecting activities. The east 
Brazil tribes made underground ovens, but else- 
where meat was cooked on a wooden spit or directly 
in the ashes. 

The weapons reflect the nature of the hunting. 
The marine hunters used spears, harpoons, slings, 
snares, clubs, and nets. The land hunters preferred 


THE SETTING 35 


bows and arrows, clubs, and bolas. This last weapon 
consists of two or more stone balls attached to the 
ends of thongs. It was thrown so as to entangle 
the legs of an ostrich or guanaco. Some of these 
weapons also served in the occasional disputes, al- 
though, by and large, conflicts of a magnitude which 
can be termed warfare were decidedly uncommon. 
However, in east Brazil closer contact with Ama- 
zonian neighbors sometimes led to more extensive 
combat in which sharp-bladed wooden clubs were 
the weapons. 

Since these hunters were constantly traveling, 
their shelters were necessarily temporary or easily 
transportable. The Ona used a simple skin wind- 
break consisting of several guanaco hides sewn to- 
gether and supported by upright sticks set to form 
an open semicirele (Fig. 5). When they moved, the 
skin covers of the shelter were rolled up and carried 
by the women. The Alacaluf, who were able to trans- 
port larger skin coverings for their dwellings in 
their canoes, made an elliptical, dome-shaped house 
frame of arched saplings which was abandoned when 
shifting camp. The Patagonians are reported to 
have built a large rectangular skin shelter parti- 
tioned into rooms, but it is doubtful that these were 
transportable before the introduction of the Spanish 
horse. ‘Today the east Brazil natives erect a gabled 
frame house, but their earlier shelters were of the 
simple domed type consisting of a frame of arched 
saplings covered with bark or grass. All the groups 
erected larger and somewhat more durable shelters 
for the rare ceremonial gatherings. Difficulty of 
transportation accounts for the simplicity of the 
dwellings. All land travel and transportation was 
by foot and the secant household equipment and the 


Fig. 5. Alacaluf dome-shaped hut and Ona windbreak. Models in the Museum. 


THE SETTING 37 


house covering had to be carried on the back. With 
introduction of the horse, houses became more elabo- 
‘ate. Canoes, used only in the archipelago, were 
constructed of three cigar-shaped pieces of beech 
bark sewn together and held taut by split saplings 
which served as thwarts and gunwales. Sod and 


- earth fireplaces were built in the bottom of the canoe. 


The women propelled the canoes with wooden pad- 
dles. 

Despite the rigors of the climate, the Southern 
Hunters wore very simple clothing. The Ona male 
costume consisted of a cape, moccasins, and rarely, 
leggings; all of which were made from guanaco 
skins. A headband was worn for decoration rather 
than warmth. The Canoe Indians made similar 
clothing of sealskin, but their capes were much 
shorter than those of the Ona, so that they could 
be worn in the canoes. Both groups greased their 
bodies for protection against the cold and sometimes 
added simple painted designs for ornamentation. 
In east Brazil, where the climate was more genial, 
no clothing was worn, but considerable attention was 
paid to body painting, to lip and earplugs, and in- 
numerable varieties of feather ornaments. 

The material equipment of all of these nomads 
was limited to utensils and implements easily trans- 
portable or easily manufactured; their handicrafts 
can in no sense be called elaborate. Fire was made 
with a hand drill, except by the Ona and the Yahgan, 
who were unique in South America in using flint and 
pyrites. They also used simple stick fire tongs for 
moving hot stones, hammerstones, and a stone on 
which animal bones were broken so that the grease 
would coagulate. The Canoe Indians made bark 
bailing buckets, dip nets for fishing, and five types 


1... aT = 6 


oF at 


38 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


of baskets. Their principal tools were bone bark 
removers, bone awls, stone knives and scrapers, and 
weighted shell hand adzes. The Ona seldom made 
baskets, but used skin bags to carry water, for stor- 
age, and to transport necessary equipment. They 
also used hafted stone knives, fleshers, wood scrap- 
ers, awls, pressure flakers, and polishers. Virtually 
all of these tools were needed to make their bows 
and arrows. The latter were beautifully finished, 
tapering at each end, and were perhaps the finest 
arrows made by any group in America. The equip- 
ment of the Patagonians was equally simple, al- 
though they had, in addition, stone mortars for 
erinding seeds, and possibly made wooden bowls, 
cups, and spoons. Even in east Brazil, where the 
life was less nomadic, material equipment was 
meager. The neighboring Amazonian tribes made 
hammocks, mats, wooden stools, cloth, and pottery, 
but none of these penetrated into east Brazil. In- 
stead, the people of this area made simple mortars 
and vessels of wood and bamboo, bark bags and nets, 
and one type of waterproof basket. 

In Patagonia and extreme southern South Amer- 
ica, social organization was based on family units 
that were loosely organized into territorial bands. 
The Yahgan recognized five districts, not politically 
organized but differing slightly in dialect. Large 
assemblages of people for any purpose were rare 
because of the limited food supplies, and territorial 
chiefs, if recognized at all, were of secondary im- 
portance. The life crises of birth, marriage, and 
death were family affairs surrounded by extremely 
simple ritual. Only the puberty initiation involved 
a number of families. The Ona restricted this cere- 
mony to boys, combining it with initiation into the 


THE SETTING 39 


men’s secret society. The most elaborate Yahgan 
ceremonies were puberty rites for both boys and 
girls and those connected with the men’s secret so- 
ciety which they borrowed from the Ona. A distine- 
tive lodge was constructed for these occasions. The 
novices were isolated, given special instruction, and 
_ subjected to specific ordeals to test their fitness for 
the transition from childhood to adulthood. The 
older men dressed in skin and bark costumes deco- 
rated to represent chosen spirits that were sup- 
posed to terrify the women. 

Recent studies in east Brazil report a more elabo- 
rate type of social organization, although its an- 
tiquity is still unknown. Modern villages, of circu- 
lar or U-shaped plan, have as many as three hun- 
dred inhabitants, but inter-village organization is 
weak or non-existent. Within the village the mem- 
bers are assigned to different halves, or moieties, 
for the purposes of regulating marriage, performing 
ceremonies, and competing in games. The divisions 
differ for each purpose. For example, the Canella 
Indians have one division for regulating marriage. 
A child belongs to his mother’s group and must 
marry someone from the opposite moiety. Another 
dual division for ceremonies functions during the 
rainy season. All boys go through a prolonged 
initiation ceremony which takes about ten years 
for completion. Each group of initiates belongs 
throughout life to his age class and the various 
classes are assigned to one of two groups for com- 
petition in games. There are also six men’s socie- 
ties, semi-secret in nature, again arranged in two 
sets of three each. All of these divisions and socie- 
ties perform seasonal ceremonies, own property, and 
compete in various ways. The village recognizes 


— 


40 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


one or more chiefs, but the chieftaincy is a position 
of prestige rather than real power. 

The ceremonies of east Brazil are intimately as- 
sociated with religious rituals and concepts. Else- 
where the religious beliefs and practices of the 
Southern Hunters were simpler. Most tribes ree- 
ognized a supreme god and numerous lesser deities 
such as the spirits of the forest and ancestral ghosts. 
Medicinemen and sorcerers, men who had received 
special inspiration as well as formal training, were 
important. They cured the sick, cast evil spells, 
and predicted weather changes, employing special 
paraphernalia and such devices as going into a 
trance, singing, fasting, and posturing to achieve 
their goals. 

Contact with European civilization caused pro- 
found changes in these hunting groups, eliminating 
some, strengthening others. The horse was intro- 
duced some time before 1700 to the Indians of Pata- 
gvonia, increasing their mobility and effectiveness in 
hunting and permitting larger numbers to assemble. 
Warlike tendencies emerged and leadership became 
important. Foreign equipment, including such trap- 
pings as saddles, bits, spurs, and stirrups, was also 
introduced; new techniques of working metal were 
learned; and many other new items hitherto un- 
known. After the introduction of horse transporta- 
tion, the simple skin houses were enlarged so that as 
many as forty or fifty guanaco hides formed the 
cover. The size of camps increased to include two 
or three thousand inhabitants. Ceremonies, par- 
ticularly those surrounding birth, puberty, mar- 
riage, and death, became far more elaborate. The 
tribes now engaged in stealing cattle and raiding 
border settlements. The history of Indian wars in 


THE SETTING 4| 


Argentina is similar to the history of warfare on 
the plains of the United States, and the Indian threat 
was not eliminated finally until 1880. 


TrRopPIcAL AGRICULTURISTS 


The culture pattern of the Tropical Agriculturists 
is characterized by semi-nomadism, the slash and 
burn method of clearing fields, the psychological im- 
portance of hunting, fishing, and warfare, a weak 
political structure based on band organization, and 
a number of distinctive crafts. By 1500 this basic 
pattern was widely distributed over most of the 
tropical forest, which includes the tropics of Brazil, 
eastern Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia; the 
llanos of Venezuela; most of the Guiana Highlands; 
part of the east Brazil highlands; the West Indies; 
and the Caribbean and Pacific coasts of Colombia. 
A few tribes in the tropics do not conform to this 
pattern which suggests, although by no means 
proves, that it may not have been the earliest in the 
area. Some of these simple ‘‘underlying’’ tribes 
are the Maku on the Japura River, the Warrau on 
the delta of the Orinoco, the Sirionéd of eastern 
Bolivia, and the Shiriana on the Venezuelan-Brazil- 
ian border. 

The complex network of tropical rivers permitted 
a great mobility for canoe travelers and conse- 
quently a wide cultural diffusion, but, in spite of 
this, too much cultural uniformity would not be ex- 
pected in so vast an area. Some of the differences 
are due to diversity of cultural origins; others are 
based on linguistic, geographic, and cultural factors. 
For example, there are three widespread linguistic 
stoecks—Carib, north of the Amazon; Tupi-Guarani, 
south of the Amazon; and Arawak, peripheral; but 


42 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


along the eastern margin of the Andes are a large 
number of small linguistic stocks which suggest that 
before the spread of the major ones the linguistic 
picture was complicated indeed. 

The basic culture pattern of the Tropical Agricul- 
turists, irrespective of subdivisions, contrasts with 
that of the Southern Hunters and the Andean Farm- 
ers. Consequently, a generalized picture is pre- 
sented here, allowing for regional variation where 
necessary. Because of their great number, the se- 
lection of specific tribes for illustration is difficult. 
However, the following have been chosen for special 
emphasis: the Wapisiana, Macusi, and the Barama 
River Caribs of the Guianas; the Goajiro of Vene- 
zuela; the Tupinamba, Tapirapé, and other Guarani 
eroups of Brazil; and the Bora, Witoto, Campa, 
Yagua, Jivaro, and Chama of the upper Amazon. 

From an objective point of view, agriculture was 
the principal economic basis for life in the tropical 
forest, but the Indians placed greater emphasis on 
hunting. Except for the heavy labor of clearing the 
fields, agricultural work was left to the women. Re- 
ligious and magical practices surrounded hunting 
rather than planting. As a consequence, agricul- 
tural techniques were not too advanced and because 
of the wasteful methods, fields were utilized for a 
few seasons only. The villages were moved at regu- 
lar intervals, although this practice was motivated 
by the diminishing of the game supply rather than 
by the exhaustion of the fields. The fields were 
cleared by the slash and burn technique. The larger 
trees were cut down and the underbrush burned. 
Then the seeds were planted, using a simple digging- 
stick which also served as hoe, shovel, and rake. 
Manioe was the principal crop, but corn, sweet po- 


THE SETTING 43 


tatoes, yams, peppers, peanuts, beans, and cotton 
were important. Little effort was expended on 
cultivation, so that harvesting was the next major 
activity. 

The bitter or poison manioce, or cassava, common 
throughout Brazil, contains hydrocyanic acid which 
has the advantage of supplying the plant with its 
own insecticide, but must be removed. The process 
and equipment for preparing bitter manioe are simi- 
lar wherever itis grown. The tubers are soaked in 
water, peeled with shell scrapers, and grated on a 
special curved board with projecting points of wood 
or stone. The grated pulp is then placed in a long 
narrow cylindrical basket with a loop handle at each 
end. One loop is hooked over a branch of a tree, 
the pulp squeezed by means of a log lever in the 
lower loop, and the poisonous juice drained into a 
jar. Later, it is boiled until the poison has evapo- 
rated and the residue, now in the form of tapioca, is 
served as a sauce. The dried pulp is taken from 
the squeezer, mixed with water to form a batter, and 
cooked on a large cylindrical clay platter into cas- 
sava pancakes. Corn and some other foods are 
placed in large log mortars and ground with ex- 
tremely long wooden pestles. In eastern Bolivia, 
food was ground with a wooden rocker in a hollowed- 
out trough mortar of wood. 

Hunting, as previously stated, was perhaps of 
greater psychological than economic importance, but 
it consumed a major part of the men’s time and 
attention and brought considerable prestige. The 
principal animals, none too abundant, were deer, 
tapirs, peccaries, monkeys, birds, and several local 
rodents. The hunting weapons were a long bow, 
arrows with specialized points for different game, 


44 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


wooden paddle clubs with sharpened edges, spears, 
and blowguns. The Guiana blowgun was made of 
a section of bamboo tubing covered with pitch and 
bound tightly. The upper Amazon blowgun con- 
sisted of two pieces of chonta palm, grooved on the 
inside for the bore, and bound together with bast 
(Fig. 6). The mouthpiece was of carved bone. 


Courtesy of Dr. Paul Fejos. 


The blowguns were about eight feet long. The 
standard equipment for the blowgun included a 
bamboo quiver for the supply of split palm darts; a 
gvourd full of tree cotton to be used as a wadding on 
one end of the dart; the jaw of a piranha fish, the 
teeth of which are sharp enough to cut a groove near 


THE SETTING 45 


the point of the dart; and a clay jar of curare poison. 
Only specialists trained in the proper magical ritual 
were permitted to prepare the curare poison which 
Was an important article of trade. The strychnine 
element in curare produces a paralyzing effect on 
the game but does not permanently poison the meat. 
‘Traps were also used in hunting and included spring 
bows, spring nooses, deadfalls, pitfalls, and nets. 
Dogs, the only domesticated animals, were specially 
trained for hunting. 

The rivers of the tropics abound in fish; these 
were shot with bow and arrows, harpooned, or 
speared. Weirs were constructed and many kinds 
of basketry traps were known and some groups used 
dip nets. The most widely used technique was to 
dam a stream and poison the fish. Many varieties 
of effective poisonous plants were known. Wild 
plants supplemented the food supply. Over twenty- 
two plants and edible fruits, of which palm cabbages 
and nuts were most important, were collected by the 
women who also gathered honey, birds’ eggs, and 
shellfish where available. 

Fish and meat were grilled over the fire, but the 
basic dish was the pepper pot, a stew of the available 
meat and vegetables. Some foods were dried or 
smoked, but in general little attention was paid to 
preserving for storage, due in part to the scarcity of 
salt, itself an important article of trade. The fire- 
drill and basketry fire fan were part of the standard 
equipment. Most forest tribes prepared mildly in- 
toxicating drinks from fermented cassava bread or 
from the local fruits and also used several narcotics. 
Tobacco, the most important of these, was rolled into 
cigars, chewed with lime, taken as snuff, or, in liquid 
form, snuffed up the nose through tubes. Most of 


46 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


the tobacco was used in connection with ceremonies, 
particularly those of initiation. 

Although the tribes changed locale from time to 
time, a village might be occupied for two or three 
years and the houses were correspondingly durable. 
All houses were constructed of log frames covered 
with thatch, and, in spite of considerable variation 
in detail, conformed generally to two types. One, 
the round house, had an outer circle of upright wall 
posts connected to a tall center pole by crossbeams. 
The conical roof thus formed was thatched with 
grass or palm leaves. This type of house was com- 
mon south of the Amazon and in the Guianas. The 
second type, the maloca, had a rectangular ground- 
plan outlined with short wall posts, a central ridge- 
pole, and a gabled roof. The ends might be bowed 
outward to form an oval groundplan. The roof ex- 
tended almost to the ground and was closely thatched 
as a protection against rain and wind. House walls 
might be left open or filled in with bamboo splints, 
bark, or poles covered with wattle. In some regions 
the houses were sealed tight to guard against mos- 
quitoes. The floor was of packed clay. Hach house 
had an entrance at either end, one for the women, 
one for the men and their guests. Some houses were 
large, others small, the size depending in part on the 
type of village. Three main village plans were fol- 
lowed: the barnyard type, consisting of a number of 
small houses without special alignment; the Guarani 
type, with regular streets flanked by large houses; 
and the upper Amazon type in which the village con- 
sisted of one large house. Some of the last-men- 
tioned houses had a groundplan one hundred fifteen 
by seventy-five feet and a height of thirty feet. 

The hammock, a common article of household 


THE SETTING 47 


equipment, was made of palm fiber or cotton, either 
woven on a true loom, or netted. Some tribes of 
the upper Amazon built platform beds of split palm 
poles set on a frame raised from the floor. Wooden 
stools, with either two or four legs, which might 
be carved in animal form were used everywhere. 


Other household equipment was part of the craft 


tradition. Many types of palm leaf baskets were 
woven, including openwork carrying baskets, tele- 
scope storage baskets, work baskets of various 
shapes, and square baskets with fitted covers. Palm 
leaves and reeds were also used in plaiting manioc 
squeezers and sieves, fire fans, fish traps, and crowns 
for feather headdresses. Fish nets, net bags, and 
hair nets were made of bast fibers, twisted on the 
thigh. Pottery, used everywhere, was either painted 
in geometric designs or decorated with modeled lugs. 
The main forms were plates, bowls, cooking pots, big 
platters, storage jars, and large burial urns. Weavy- 
ing had a wide distribution although it was not al- 
ways of major importance. Both cotton and palm 
fibers were spun on a supported spindle or rolled on 
the thigh. A frame loom was used to weave ham- 
mocks, bolts of cloth for clothing, headbands, bags, 
and similar articles. The techniques were compe- 
tent, but not unusually complex. In eastern Bolivia 
and elsewhere, bark cloth was made from the inner 
bark of certain trees, soaked and pounded with 
wooden clubs or flat stones. The bark cloth was 
painted and used for dance masks and ceremonial 
costumes. Many artifacts, mortars, pestles, stools, 
drums, clubs, bows, platters, and bowls were made 
from wood; bark vessels were common; and bones 
and teeth were used to make a number of imple- 


48 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


ments. Stone tools were rare, metals infrequent, 
and dressed skin work unusual. 

The manufacture of many of these articles was 
usually a village specialty. In a limited area the 
people in one village made pottery, in another 
they prepared calabashes, another basketry, another 
blowguns, another poisons, etc. The finished prod- 
ucts were then traded by private informal barter or 
gift exchange; but this practice did not result in 
regular markets, middlemen, mediums of exchange, 
or formal trade. Still, this exchange system pro- 
vided each village with a reasonably wide selection 
of craft products. The quality and versatility of 
craftsmanship was relatively high, but it led neither 
to the formation of craft guilds nor to any particu- 
lar emphasis on the individual artist. Likewise, 
wealth and property concepts remained undeveloped. 

Boat building was also a village or tribal specialty. 
Of course, all groups made simple rafts by lashing 
logs together, and some authorities consider these 
the oldest form of water transportation in the area. 
The log dugouts, the most widespread type of water- 
craft, required exceptional skill in manufacture, es- 
pecially those used for ocean travel which were up 
to sixty feet long and capable of carrying from thirty 
to sixty men. Large trees were felled by fire and 
ax, chopped and trimmed to the desired size, and 
the interior burned out with controlled fire. Both 
the outer and inner sides were then scraped to the 
proper thickness and thwarts inserted. The pad- 
dles were of wood with a crutch handle and a long 
thin blade. Bark canoes were also widely used. A 
large piece of bark was cut from a tree in the shape 
required. The ends were turned up and the ribs 
and thwarts inserted. Some bark canoes were forty 


THE SETTING 49 


feet long and could hold thirty persons. In con- 
trast, land transportation was of minor importance. 
Paths were cut through the forest and log or twisted 


Fig. 7. Ceremonial barkecloth costume from western Brazil. 


cable bridges were built for crossing small streams. 

In most parts of the tropics, clothing was re- 
stricted to the simplest genital covering. An excep- 
tion to this rule was found in the upper Amazon 


50 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


where, due to Andean influence, loin cloths, belts, 
and slit neck shirts were worn. Everywhere, how- 
ever, ceremonial costumes were more elaborate than 
the ordinary dress (Fig. 7). The use of ornaments 
and body decoration compensated in part for the 
paucity of clothing. Ligatures were bound tightly 
around the upper arms and the ankles, giving a dis- 
torted appearance to the limbs. This practice was 
followed for magical increase of strength rather 
than for beauty. Heads were deformed by means 
of tightly wrapped boards in the upper Amazon 
area. Most groups tattooed their faces and arms, 
and some filed or blackened their teeth. Lip plugs, 
earplugs, and noseplugs were made from stone, shell, 
and wood. Grease paint was used on the body, not 
only for decoration on ceremonial occasions but 
also for protection from insects. Each tribe had a 
distinctive style of hairdress; all used combs made 
of palm splints bound between two wooden bars. 
There were many types of feather ornaments. 
Feathers were attached to basketry hats and sewn 
on woven bands for back hangings, arm pendants, 
and aprons. Capes had a net base to which feathers 
were attached. The Tupi glued feathers on their 
bodies with honey. Beadwork aprons were com- 
mon, and necklaces were made of jaguar teeth and 
claws, stones, shells, seeds, beetle wings, human 
teeth, and bird bones. Quite apart from their aes- 
thetic value, these ornaments indicated distinctions 
of sex, age, and position; designated tribal affilia- 
tions; and furnished magical protection for the 
wearers. 

Subsistence activities and material culture were 
more or less uniform throughout. There were, to 
be sure, some differences in details and emphases, 


THE SETTING 51 


but no startling contrasts. The social, religious, 
and political organization, on the other hand, was 
far more variable. The village was the basic social 
unit, and its members were usually loosely united by 
kinship ties. The villages varied greatly in popu- 
lation, but the maximum figure was probably around 
the six hundred reported for the Tupi. It is difficult 
to establish the minimum because of the common 
practice of a larger village absorbing one that be- 
came too small to function. Most villages were com- 
posed of several enlarged families, with relation- 
ship traced through either the mother or the father. 
These enlarged families occupied a single house 
within which each of the component families had 
its own fireplace and sleeping quarters. However, 
many activities, such as house building and group 
hunting, required the cooperation of all the village 
members. 

Each village had a chief who sometimes acquired 
considerable power through his ability as a war 
leader. However, permanent political organization 
rarely extended beyond the village itself. Even 
though many members of two villages might be re- 
lated, kinship did not outlaw internecine fighting. 
Common language helped to unite a number of vil- 
lages, but the unity was informal. Several Jivaro 
villages might unite for a time under a single chief, 
but they had no name for this larger political group. 
Everywhere a powerful village might dominate a 
weaker one, but such fitful unity lasted only until 
strength was regained by the subject people. 

Perhaps as a reflection of the intimacy of the vil- 
lage life and the numerous social and kinship rela- 
tionships, events in the individual life cycle were 
treated as public affairs. Birth was an occasion for 


52 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


public celebration. The whole village saw to it that 
the parents observed the proper taboos, particularly 
the widespread custom of the couvade, in which the 
father, not the mother, goes into confinement and re- 
ceives the visits of his neighbors. Soon after birth 
the child was named, an important event supervised 
by the magician or medicineman. At puberty, girls 
were isolated for several days, forced to observe spe- 
cial food taboos, and instructed by the older women. 
A change in style of hairdress or facial tattooing 
signified that they had completed the ceremony. 
Boys were subjected to certain tests before being 
admitted to full adult tribal status. In one of the 
more drastic of these ordeals reported for the Gui- 
anas, a wickerwork frame which contained many 
wasps was placed on a boy’s bare back. When 
simultaneously stung by these insects, he was ex- 
pected to show no sign of pain. Marriage was not 
celebrated with great ceremony since it was usually 
prearranged by the parents, according to standard 
rules of the village. Death, on the other hand, was 
an occasion of grave concern for all the commu- 
nity since the ghosts might return, a circumstance 
avoided by abandoning the house, performing wild 
dances, mutilating the corpse, building fires on the 
erave, and participating in complex purification 
rites. 

Warfare, one of the curses of Amazonia, played 
an important role in the activities of many groups. 
Motives for aggression were numerous, including 
plunder, revenge, and individual prestige for the 
warrior. Some groups sought trophy heads, others 
wanted prisoners for their cannibalistic practices. 
Even the non-aggressive tribes were forced to take 
measures in their own defense. The weapons for 


THE SETTING 53 


warfare and hunting were interchangeable, except 
for the blowgun, which apparently was ineffective in 
fighting. Protection was a major consideration. 
Consequently, many villages were situated well back 
from the rivers, were approached by hidden paths, 
and might be further protected with palisades, re- 
_inforced outer walls, sentry boxes, and watch towers. 
Pitfalls with poisoned stakes and spring traps were 
placed along the open approaches. In northern 
Amazonia, log signal drums were used to summon 
aid and warn friendly neighbors. The war spirit 
was drilled into the boys from early childhood, not 
only through specific instruction in fighting, but also 
through tales of the honor and prestige to be gained 
by becoming a full-fledged warrior. 

As mentioned before, some warfare was inspired 
by the desire for trophy heads which not only 
brought great prestige to the taker, but also trans- 
ferred the ghost power of the victim. Carefully pre- 
served and decorated trophy skulls were commonly 
collected, but the Jivaro Indian tsantsas, the 
shrunken heads, are probably the best known 
trophies (Fig. 8). The Jivaro warrior tried to 
obtain his enemy’s head so that it could later be 
skinned and shrunk for a trophy. Only heads taken 
in formal warfare with established enemies were 
recognized. The residents of neighboring villages 
who frequently were actually relatives were often 
the traditional enemies. It was a violation of cus- 
tom to allow the head of a blood relative to be 
shrunk, but the killer was permitted to substitute a 
sloth or monkey head. The heads were prepared 
before the war party returned to its home village. 
The process took about twenty hours. A slit from 
the top of the head to the base of the neck facilitated 


54 


n human trophy heads from the Jivaro Indians. 


Shrunke 


8. 


Fic. 


wt 


THE SETTING oe 


the removal of the skin from the skull. The slit, the 
eyes, and the mouth were sewn so that the skin 
formed a bag which was then simmered but not 
boiled in a vine juice solution that contained some 
tannin. Next, round stones were heated and rolled 
inside the skin bag, and hot sand was poured in at 
intervals. The outside was ironed with hot stones. 
This repeated scorching process reduced the skin to 
about the size of a doubled fist. A ring was then 
sewn around the neck and a suspension cord inserted 
through the top. Finally the trophy was smoked 
over a smudge for final curing. When the warriors 
returned to their village, they were received in a tri- 
umphal entry which was succeeded by elaborate cere- 
monies, intended to purify the killer and to transfer 
the power of his trophy head to him. Later, the 
slayer himself gave a victory feast at which the puri- 
fication rites were repeated and the transfer of 
enemy power completed. 

Not all tropical forest tribes were cannibals. How- 
ever, some, like the Witoto and Bora of the upper 
Amazon and the Tupinamba of the Brazilian coast, 
were ardent practitioners. Tupinamba cannibalism 
has been recorded in some detail. In every battle 
the warriors attempted to take prisoners alive in 
order to bring them back as slaves until the time 
arrived for their sacrifice. The prisoners were 
forced to do menial tasks and were frequently in- 
sulted verbally, but otherwise they were well treated 
and even permitted to intermarry with their captors. 
Dressed like other Tupinamba, they were distin- 
euished only by a cotton rope around the neck or 
by a string of beads representing the number of 
months preceding the day of sacrifice. Prisoners 
never attempted to escape, even though they were 


56 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


not closely guarded, since it would be a great dis- 
erace for them to return to their own villages. A 
ceremony of several days’ duration preceded the 
execution. The prisoner was painted black, deco- 
rated with feathers, and was even forced to escape 
and be recaptured, thus giving prestige to still an- 
other warrior. Finally, the victim was led around 
the village, secured by a rope around his waist, but 
otherwise free to repel attacks, until, still fighting, 
he was killed by a selected executioner. The orgy 
of eating his barbequed flesh was enjoyed by men, 
women, and children alike. The skull was cleaned 
and placed on a pike set on the village stockade. 
The executioner went through a long period of 
purification. 

The Tropical Agriculturists had numerous cere- 
monies, but these were not calendrical, reflecting 
their lack of interest in the agricultural seasons. 
Instead, ceremonies were coincidental with such ir- 
regular occasions as baptism, house-warming, death, 
or the return of a war party. All such celebrations 
presented a mixture of social and religious elements, 
but in general they were gay affairs, involving beer 
drinking, singing, animated dancing, and distinctive 
costumes and ornaments. The music was furnished 
by split log or skin-headed drums, flutes, panpipes, 
trumpets, and rattles. 

As suggested by the social nature of the cere- 
monies, the religious practices were not very for- 
malized. The Indians were strongly animistic, with 
a belief in many nature demons, ghosts, and good 
and evil spirits, but none of these was arranged 
into a complex hierarchy. Cults were rare although 
some groups had secret religious societies, but none 
of these was led by formal priests. The medicine- 


SNe eee 


a 


ame ee Ee 


THE SETTING 57 


man, however, was prominent both as a curer of 
sickness and a sorcerer. He was carefully schooled 
by older members of the profession and taught a 
knowledge of herbs, ventriloquism, and the methods 
of attaining a state of trance. This last ability in- 
volved taking strong narcotics, such as tobacco juice, 
which induced visions and, according to belief, al- 
lowed the spirits to speak through the medium. 
Centuries of Huropean contact have changed these 
tropical forest Indians. Some have been eliminated, 
others have been driven from their original terri- 
tory, but none has escaped modification of culture 
principally through the acquisition of Huropean 
trade goods. A few have maintained their inde- 
pendent culture patterns by the simple device of re- 
tiring still deeper into the vast Amazonian jungle. 


LowLaNp ARCHAEOLOGY 


It is difficult to do more than speculate on the 
antiquity of tropical agriculture. The region in- 
volved is so vast, the number of tested sites and 
areas so small, that we do not have adequate data. 
Nor do we know, as assumed, that pottery marks the 
initial spread of the Tropical Agriculturists. In 
this region, as in the Andean, agriculture may have 
had an early stage among people not yet familiar 
with pottery. The most pertinent data on age 
comes from a study of Venezuelan chronology and 
radiocarbon dates. This implies that agriculture, 
as marked by the presence of pottery, was estab- 
lished on the lower Orinoco at the beginning of the 
first millenium B.C. 

Prior to this there were two unrelated preceramic 
phases, the oldest, an Early Hunter stage known 


58 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


from chipped stone artifacts, is designated El Jobo 
complex. No extinct faunal remains have been 
found im association. Other sites without pottery, 
shell deposits presumably left by canoe-using fisher- 
men, occur on the coast and islands. These are 
under three meters in thickness, on what may be a 
subsiding shoreline. Carbon from the bottom of 
one site indicates an age of over 4000 years. Cul- 
turally there are similarities with comparable Carib- 
bean deposits but none with the sometimes huge 
preceramie middens of the Atlantic coast of Brazil. 

The subsequent record in Venezuela has been de- 
vided by Cruxent and Rouse into four periods within 
which three basic ceramic traditions form or give 
rise to six classes or series of ceramics. These are 
not all sequential as they overlap to some extent in 
time and distribution. The oldest, the Saladoid, 
from the lower Orinoco, has flat-based, flaring bowls 
with vertical strap handles and white on red paint- 
ing; a ware which ultimately spread via Lake 
Valencia to the north coast, Trinidad, the Lesser 
Antilles and Puerto Rico. Later, starting in the 
same area, the Barancoid wares have annular bases, 
incised flange rims, and modeled and incised lug 
ornaments. These spread, via Lake Valencia, to the 
north coast, Trinidad, perhaps the Guianas, and in- 
fluenced Antillean potters. The third ware, To- 
ecuyanoid, which may have spread eastward from 
Colombia, brought three and four-legged bowls, 
broad line incision, and red and black curved designs 
on white ground. 

Existing archaeological collections from the Ama- 
zon come mainly from three widely separated lo- 
ealities. The ceramics forming the bulk of the 
material are distinctive, yet the three complexes 


® 


~ ome 
wa Sn ROU eect seas cen eas snk eee 


Maraj6 pottery showing painted, excised, 
and incised decoration. 


59 


ie 
o 


60 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


share the trait of anthropomorphic burial urns 
decorated with relief, modeling, polychrome paint- 
ing, and broad line incision. We may assume that a 
broadly similar cultural pattern prevailed but the 


Fic. 10. Rio Napo urns and platter. 


relationships are still undefined. Systematie field- 
work on the island of Maraj6, at the mouth of the 
Amazon, shows that the Marajoara culture is in- 
trusive in this area. More than one hundred ceme- 
tery and habitation mounds have been reported, the 
former containing abundant, elaborately decorated 


THE SETTING 61 


pottery. The basic decorative techniques are in- 
cision, excision of background adjacent to the de- 
sign, painting, and modeling. These were used with 
red and white slips covering the vessel surface or 
applied to incised or excised areas, producing a com- 
plex, varied, and impressive ceramie art (Fig. 9). 
These elaborate styles disappeared before the be- 
ginning of the historic period and only the more 
simple forms survived. 

The second site area, Mirakanguéra, is on the 
middle Amazon at the mouth of the Madeira River. 
Here bowls and effigy urns have been found. The 
head of the effigy figure is on the cover of the urn; 
the limbs are represented in low relief; and the urns 
are further decorated by incised and painted recti- 
linear designs. The final site, on the Rio Napo in 
eastern Ecuador, again has bowls and anthropo- 
morphie urns. The urns have relief features, but 
the limbs are modeled as separate appendages and 
are banded in a fashion suggesting ligatures (Fig. 
10). The decoration combines broad incisions with 
black, red, and white polychrome painting to form 
patterns of alternating broad and narrow lines. In 
brief, these three Amazonian sites all have effigy 
urns with covers decorated in somewhat similar pat- 
terns in relief, modeling, polychrome painting, and 
broad line incision. 

At Santarem, at the junction of the Tapajoz and 
the Amazon, the style of ceramics is quite different. 
There are many variations on the basic shapes of 
open bowls, open mouth jars, and constricted neck 
vessels. Many ceramics are painted; another type 
is so elaborated with modeled lugs and _ other 
appended elements that it can be called the most 
bizarre pottery of South America (Fig. 11). A 
few, possibly older pieces, more simply modeled 


Fig. 11. Santarem vessels and figure urn from Maraca. Courtesy 
Belem Museum (Santarem) and Museo Nacional, Rio de Janeiro. 


THE SETTING 63 


are geometrically painted, either black on red, red 
on buff or black and red on white. Most of the 
material seems to be more recent than the effigy 
urn group described above. Anthropomorphic urns 
continued to be made well into the historic period, 
as illustrated by those found with glass bead brace- 
lets at the site of Maraca in the Brazilian Guianas. 
At Mojos, in the eastern Bolivian tropies, stratified 
habitation mounds have been excavated. The ear- 
lier levels contain polychrome painted ceramics, but 
no urns; tripod urns painted in a manner suggestive 
of the Amazon effigy urn group are found in the 
later levels. 

These ceramic features suggest that the older 
cultures were more highly developed in that regard 
than are the Modern Agriculturists. At the mouth 
of the Amazon the elaborately decorated Marajoara 
material (Fig. 9) is intrusive. It appears suddenly, 
fully developed and ends abruptly. Beneath it are 
types of simple ceramics and traits which imply 
that the culture of the Modern Agriculturists de- 
rives from this older stock and not from the Ma- 
rajoara or the Tapajo. The latter has not been 
fully investigated. 

This raises the questions of the origin and fate of 
the intrusive elements. The area is so vast, the 
problems of recovery so difficult that the answers 
may not all be found for some time. The marked 
stylistic connection between the Marajoara and Rio 
Napo material led to field-work in the latter region. 
This showed a strong, direct connection even though 
the areas are eighteen hundred miles apart. Cer- 
tain Marajoara elements are lacking and are as- 
sumed to have developed at some intermediate point 
within the Amazon basin. 


64 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


Sites near Pucallpa on the Ucayali yield evidence 
of occupation of some depth. In a succession of 
changes in the ceramic sequence the strongest con- 
nections are with early material found at Valdivia 
in the Province of Guayas, Ecuador, and to a much 
lesser degree with Marajoara. These similarities 
occur in the second Ueayali horizon. 


ANDEAN F'ARMERS 


The third major South American culture pattern 
was based on intensive sedentary agriculture. The 
pattern was distributed throughout most parts of 
the Andes, or, in terms of modern political divisions, 
the highlands of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Bo- 
livia; the coast of Eeuador and Peru; northwest 
Argentina; and north and central Chile. All of 
this area, except Colombia, formed part of the Inca 
Empire when it was conquered by the Spaniards in 
1532, which accounts for some of the cultural uni- 
formity. However, the Inca held this region only 
a short time and there is considerable evidence that 
the basic Andean pattern had prevailed long before. 

In many countries, the names of outstanding pre- 
Inea tribes were recorded. The Chibcha, the most 
advanced tribe in Colombia, were limited in distri- 
bution to the Departments of Cundinamarea and 
Boyaeca, roughly around modern Bogota. Else- 
where the Colombian highlands were occupied by 
many small tribes, of which the best known were 
the Tairona of the Santa Marta Mountains and the 
Quimbaya, Lile, and Coconuco of the Cauca Valley. 
Hach major basin of the Ecuadorian highlands was 
dominated by a single tribe, named, from north to 
south, Pasto, Cara, Panzaleo, Puruha, Cafiari, and 


THE SETTING 65 


Palta. The Esmeralda, Manta, and Puna oceupied 
the coastal plains. The pre-Inca cultures in Peru 
and Bolivia will be discussed in detail, in terms of 
their archaeological remains, in the second section 
of this volume. North Chile was held by the Ata- 
‘ameno, while Northwest Argentina was divided 
between the Humahuaca and the Diaguita. The 
Araucanians once occupied the whole Central Val- 
ley of Chile, but were forced southward by the Inca 
invaders. The Araucanians deviated considerably 
from the Andean Farmers pattern and were in many 
ways equally close to the Southern Hunters. 

The Andean Farmers based their subsistence on 
intensive agriculture; hunting, fishing, and gather- 
ing were definitely secondary activities. Agricul- 
ture was both a male and female occupation. The 
major religious ceremonies and rituals concerned 
the agricultural cycle. The principal domesticated 
plants were distributed to their full climatic limits 
within the area wherever they could possibly be 
grown. Most important were: maize, beans, squash, 
potatoes, quinoa, sweet potatoes, manioc, peanuts, 
cotton, peppers, tobacco, and coca. The agricultural 
implements were simple: a digging-stick, with or 
without a metal point, a hoe, and a club with a stone 
head for breaking up clods. In spite of these simple 
tools, technical knowledge of planting and cultivat- 
ing was well advanced. Fields were systematically 
irrigated; most groups not only used fertilizers, but 
understood the virtues of crop rotation and allowing 
land to he fallow. Terraces were built to utilize hill- 
sides and to prevent erosion. This agricultural 
knowledge was shared by the total population and 
was not the property of a few specialists. 

Everywhere food preservation and storage were 


66 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


important. Drying and freezing were the princi- 
pal methods of preservation, and special granaries 
were built for storage. Foods were prepared by 
boiling, toasting, roasting, and baking in under- 
ground ovens. Corn was fermented for a mild beer 
ealled chicha. In areas where the narcotic coca was 
chewed with lime, tobacco was of secondary impor- 
tance and was used more like a medicine. Else- 
where it was smoked in pipes or taken through nose 
tubes as snuff. In the Central Andes, Northwest 
Argentina, and northern Chile, herding was second 
only to agriculture in importance. The domesti- 
eated llama and alpaca added greatly to the total 
economy of these people. 

The crafts were advanced. The potters made 
utilitarian cooking jars, bowls, plates, and water 
jars for daily use, as well as elaborately decorated 
vessels for ceremonials and burial. Both men and 
women shared the work of weaving their garments 
on simple looms. Both cotton and wool were 
employed. <A distinction was maintained between 
clothing for common wear and the superlative cloth 
woven for ceremonial and mortuary purposes. 
Utilitarian tools and fine ornaments were made of 
gold, silver, copper, and tin as well as in combina- 
tions of these metals in a variety of techniques, such 
as hollow casting, soldering, filigree, and gilding. 
Other craft skills were devoted to basketry, wood- 
work, the decoration of calabashes, and the manu- 
facture of numerous artifacts of stone, shell, and 
bone. In general, each family produced its own 
utilitarian articles, but more skilled craft work was 
in the hands of specialists. Villages as well as indi- 
viduals might specialize and exchange the products 
of their skills. In some places, fixed markets were 
established. 


_ 


THE SETTING O4 


All clothing was loom woven. The standard male 
costume consisted of a breechclout, belt, slit neck 
shirt, shawl, and headband. The women wore a 
wrap-around garment secured at the waist by a 
belt, a headband, and a shoulder shawl. Woven 
bags with carrying straps were a constant part of 
the costume. More elaborate costumes were made 
for religious and ceremonial occasions and for in- 
terment. Body painting, tattooing, skull deforma- 
tion, earplugs, noseplugs, necklaces, and many other 
types of ornaments were elaborated and often dis- 
tinguished people of different rank, profession, or 
tribe. 

On the whole, water transportation was only 
slightly developed. Simple rafts and reed balsas 
were used on Lake Titicaca and on the coast of 
Peru; more elaborate rafts were built on the north 
coast of Ecuador. The Araucanians were excep- 
tions, and made large dugouts and plank canoes. 
Elsewhere, more attention was paid to land travel, 
on foot, and with llamas and alpacas as transport 
animals. The widespread Inca Empire was united 
by a network of roads, bridges, and wayside inns 
for the traveler. 

Intensive agriculture resulted in a relatively stabi- 
lized food economy and the consequent support of 
large permanent populations. Houses were built 
accordingly. In the Central Andes the commonest 
building materials were sunbaked adobe and stone. 
The tribes of Ecuador and Colombia constructed 
round frame houses with conical thatched roofs. 
The side walls were either of stone or clay lined. 
Plank houses were built by the Araucanians in 
Chile. The village which consisted of a number of 
houses formed an important social and cooperative 


68 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


labor unit and often held title to the real property. 
Each village had a chief or headman, and usually 
its own religious cult. The households represented 
several closely related families who were united as 
a village by affiliations of residence alone. The 
Andean Farmers pattern was characterized by po- 
litical organization of the village units. The com- 
plexity of this political superstructure varied: in 
many places it assumed the form of a confederacy 
and among the Inca it became a true state or em- 
pire. Both within the village and in the political 
superstructure class distinctions were marked, were 
based on wealth and leadership, and tended to erys- 
tallize into true caste systems. 

Warfare was well organized. The military lead- 
ers were also political figures, and the warriors 
constituted a specialized class. The spear-thrower, 
spear, club, sling, and shield were basic weapons; 
the bow and arrows and the bolas were of secondary 
importance. The war tactics involved the use of 
spies, blockades, storming, and formation fighting. 
Many villages were fortified and special forts and 
places of refuge were built. 

Events in the life crises of the individual, birth, 
puberty, and marriage, were usually family af- 
fairs with little public ceremony. Death, however, 
involved considerable public ritual in the prepa- 
ration of the corpse, the tomb, and the grave 
equipment. In part this was associated with the 
widespread practice of ancestor worship. Other 
public ceremonials were correlated with the calen- 
drical agricultural cycle and were conducted by 
specialized priests. Medicinemen, as distinguished 
from priests, confined their practices to individuals 
and did not participate in the great public cere- 


; 
; 


THE SETTING 69 


monials. The priests were the interpreters of the 
formalized religion and the leaders of specialized 
cults. Religious centers and temples were con- 
structed. The gods were arranged in a hierarchy 
and surrounded with specific ceremonies. The 
Araucanians were the exception to this formalized 
religious pattern; among them animistic beliefs, 
sorcerers, and medicinemen were of paramount 
importance. 

This basic pattern existed throughout the Andean 
area, although in varying degrees of elaboration, 
since its intensity depended in large part on the 
availability of large areas suitable for wide scale 
agriculture. The EKuropean conquest initiated pro- 
found changes, eliminating, displacing, or absorbing 
some groups, radically modifying the cultures of all 
others. The modern Indian population, judged cul- 
turally as well as physically, is concentrated in 
certain areas. The Quechua-speaking Indians, de- 
scendants of the Inca, live in the highlands of EKeua- 
dor, Peru, and eastern Bolivia. Around Lake Titi- 
eaca are the Aymara, who successfully resisted both 
Inca and Spanish absorption. The Araucanians 
survive in the extreme southern part of the Central 
Chile Valley. Elsewhere the Indian cultures have 
been largely eliminated, although a few small groups 
of minor significance are still extant. The Indian 
of the past is rapidly becoming the Mestizo of to- 
day, mixed both in blood and in culture. 

The Andean Farmers pattern is demonstrably 
old in the Central Andes, where sufficient archaeo- 
logical work has been done to furnish the data for 
an historical reconstruction of development from 
its earliest beginnings to its culmination in the Inca 
Kmpire. Outside of the Central Andes the evidence 


70 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


for antiquity is less satisfactory, due in part to the 
limited amount of recorded excavation. The Cen- 
tral Andean cultures seem to have been united for 
many centuries. Elsewhere, there was apparently 
ereater cultural diversity. This may be clarified 
in a brief review of the outstanding archaeological 
finds beyond the boundaries of the Central Andean 
region. These archaeological finds are presented 
in terms of the major geographical divisions: the 
Northern Andes, which covers Colombia and Eeua- 
dor; and the Southern Andes, which includes North- 
west Argentina and Chile. 


NorTHERN ANDEAN ARCHAEOLOGY 
COLOMBIA 


Although the western mountainous section of Co- 
lombia is extensive, it contains only a few regions 
suitable for the intensive development of the An- 
dean Farmers pattern. The best terrain with cul- 
tivable soil and adequate rainfall is the high plateau 
of the Departments of Cundinamarca and Boyaca 
where the Chibcha achieved their significant cultural 
development. Elsewhere appropriate flat lands 
and intermont basins are relatively small, with 
the exception of the Cauca Valley flats which in 
early times were too swampy or too grass-covered 
to be utilized by Indian farmers. The archaeo- 
logical records demonstrate that the full Andean 
pattern erystallized late and principally in the Chib- 
cha region. The small mountain areas developed 
local cultures which were comparatively isolated 
and had little influence on each other. At least we 
have no evidence for widespread organization or 
for any great cultural overlap from one region to 
another. 


EOE O_O ee 


THE SETTING 71 


The Colombian cultures are in some ways similar 
to those of the Tropical Agriculturists. Slash and 
burn clearing was practised; the circular houses 
were of frame construction; secondary burial in 
effigy urns was widespread; leg ligatures were worn; 
and four-legged wooden stools were used. How- 
ever, the Colombian cultures are distinguishable 
from those of the Amazon in their great emphasis 
on agriculture and in their craft skills in metal- 
lurgy, ceramics, and weaving (Fig. 12). Moreover, 
in view of the extremely limited amount of scientific 
archaeological work, it is premature to draw con- 
elusions. Many areas have never been investigated 
and others are known only through undocumented 
collections. Consequently, the archaeology must 
still be described in terms of the major geographic 
zones which present distinctive local styles. The 
evidence for arranging these zones and styles in 
any chronological order is largely conjectural. 

The Chibcha civilization, in its advanced devel- 
opment, is frequently classified with the Inea and 
Aztee. Its builders occupied the most favorable 
plateau in Colombia. It is in this area, then, that 
one would anticipate discovering the most elaborate 
archaeological remains and the best evidence for 
the antiquity of the pattern. As yet, however, the 
archaeology is disappointing. Large village sites 
have not been discovered, although there are some 
circles of upright stones outlining the foundations 
of conical houses. Chibcha burials are in simple 
pits, either with or without stone slab covers, or 
in dry caves. The ceramics are not very well 
made. The principal shapes are ollas, pedestal 
bowls, and jars with either short or tall collars deco- 
rated with painted or relief faces and figures. How- 


Prehistoric ceramics from Colombia. a, 
Santa Marta; j, Sinu; 1, Mosquito effigy 


72 


— 


b, e-h, Quimbaya; ¢, 1, k, 
urn; d, unknown. 


THE SETTING 73 


ever, most of the vessels are decorated with simple 
geometric designs executed by painting, incision, 
punch, applique, and, more rarely, relief. There 
are also elaborately decorated clay figurines, in- 
eised whorls, effigy ocarinas, clay pipes, and carved 
stamps. A few pieces of cotton shawls with painted 
and some warp pattern designs have been found in 
dry caves. These have loom widths in excess of 
fifty inches and show a curious multiple bobbin 
handling of the weft. The goldwork, to which the 
style term ‘‘Muisca’’ is now applied, has a rough 
surface unlike most other Colombian gold. Seem- 
ingly made of sheet metal, with soldered wire de- 
tails, it is actually all cast reproduction of wax ori- 
ginals. Two examples of such work are shown (Fig. 
13, top row, right). The collections also contain 
many utilitarian artifacts, such as stone axes, celts, 
and grindstones as well as wooden stools, lances, 
and spear-throwers. Although all of this material 
is pre-Spanish, it does not imply any great antiquity 
for the Chibcha culture. 

The isolated mountain range of Santa Marta in 
northeastern Colombia was the center of the Tai- 
rona culture. This region is the best known scien- 
tifically, but the large collections have not been tem- 
porally subdivided although they are all believed 
to be pre-Spanish. Some of the Tairona sites are 
large villages with a great deal of above-ground 
stone construction. The stone masonry includes 
both rough stone and carefully dressed and fitted 
blocks. Ring house platforms lined with single or 
double rows of stone are typical. The houses 
have two entrances approached by stone slab steps. 
Other stone building features are faced terraces, 
long stairways, paved roads, slab bridges, and lined 


74 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


reservoir pits. A village consists of a number of 
ring houses surrounded by paths, terraces, stars, 
and reservoirs. Most burials were in simple pits 
or in large urns, but a few were in stone-lined 
boxes or in dressed stone burial vaults. There are 
two major types of ceramics; thick redware plates, 
bowls, and jars with appliquéd design; thin incised 
blackware annular base open bowls, cups, double 
spout vessels, tetrapod jars, stirrup spouts, and 
modeled effigy vessels. Tall cylindrical ‘‘treasure”’ 
jars with fitted clay covers are also characteristic. 
Rarely do these have polychrome painted designs. 
Tairona collections abound in small artifacts. 
These include clay toys, rattles, cylindrical stamps, 
ocarinas, whistles, and small modeled figures, but, 
interestingly, no spindle whorls. Among the nu- 
merous stone artifacts are utilitarian metates, ma- 
nos, mortars, and pestles, as well as better finished 
polished axes, incised batons, winged pendants, and 
many types of beads. Jade was used to some ex- 
tent. Incised and carved objects of bone and shell 
are also characteristic. Beads, rings, and pendants 
were also made of gold, copper, and tumbaga. The 
Tairona culture had certainly achieved a reason- 
able complexity, but again evidence for antiquity is 
lacking. 

The hills on both sides of the Upper Cauca Val- 
ley, roughly between Cali and Popayan, are dotted 
with small scattered house sites, again dated as pre- 
Spanish. The house platforms are simple cut-out 
earth terraces with a thin refuse deposit, indicating 
only a brief occupation. Graves are found in or 
near the houses. A typical grave has a square or 
round shaft about one meter in diameter and some 
two meters deep, and a hollow side chamber en- 


THE SETTING 75 


tered through a slab-covered window door. Several 
extended burials and as many as two hundred pots 
may be found in a single grave. The pots, mainly 
open bowls, pedestal jars, ollas, and constricted 
mouth vessels with conical bases, seem to have been 
made especially for burial. They have a red slip, 
but no painted designs. Decoration is by incision, 
punch, erude scoring, and simple applique. Other 
associated artifacts are clay spindle whorls and gold 
noseplugs. 

The Chibeha and Tairona cultures present some 
evidence of complexity. Other Late period sites are 
similar to those of the Upper Cauca, without evi- 
dence of concentrated population, large settlements, 
or great complexity. Because of certain stylistic 
analogies with Kecuador and Peru, the Narino and 
Quimbaya cultures seem to be slightly earlier in 
time than the Late period cultures described above. 
In gross comparative terms these cultures may be 
classed as Middle period in Colombia. 

The Narino sites are in the Narino Department 
along the Ecuadorian border at the headwaters of 
the Cauca River. No surface ruins are known, but 
there are both short and deep shaft graves that con- 
tain both direct and crude urn burials. The main 
ceramic shapes are variants of ollas, plates, and an- 
nular base bowls, all decorated in two-color positive, 
or, commonly, in resist negative decoration. Posi- 
tive designs were applied directly before firing. 
Negative ones were formed after firing by using a 
resistant coat of liquid clay to protect certain 
areas from a subsequent over-all deposit of carbon. 
Most designs are carelessly applied broad line geo- 
metric figures, but there are some animal motifs. 
Among the typical associated artifacts are clay oca- 


76 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


rinas, spindle whorls, and whistles; stone chisels, 
celts, T-shaped axes, pounders, and grindstones; and 
some simple gold dises and plaques. 

The Quimbaya sites are located in the Depart- 
ments of Antioquia and Caldas in the Central Cauca 
Valley. The large Quimbaya ceramic collections 
include a great variety of materials which may even- 
tually be temporally subdivided. The most typical 
pottery shapes are double jars, modeled containers, 
double spout vessels, whistling jars, tripod and tet- 
rapod vessels, annular base bowls, tall shoulder jars, 
and many open bowls and ollas. These vessels are 
decorated in fired red and white positive painting, 
resist negative decoration, and may also have model- 
ing, incision, and excision in which the back- 
eround is cut away to produce a relief design. The 
designs are generally simple geometric patterns. 
Seated and standing clay figurines, incised whorls, 
and a variety of decorated clay stamps are also 
common. Stonework is abundantly represented by 
celts, T-shaped axes, beads, and grindstones. The 
Quimbaya culture is best known for its metal work 
in gold and tumbaga, a combination of gold and 
copper. The objects demonstrate great technical 
skill in solid and hollow casting, cast filigree, cut- 
outs, and repoussé. Most of the gold was worked 
into ornaments, such as nose rings, breast plates, 
bells, and bracelets, but this metal was also fash- 
ioned into hollow jars, bottles, and figurines (Fig. 
13). There are gold masks for burials, and solid 
scepters, decorated by bands of metal of different 
composition. Although distinctive in many details, 
both the Quimbaya and Narino cultures share such 
features as deep shaft and chamber graves, annular 
base vessels, and particularly two and three-color 


. 


styles. 


nN 
=| 
oO 
rl 
MH 
fas) 
> 
ma 
one 
eo} 
3 
t ome | 
a) 
Y 
°o 
mw 
SH 
a 
mo 
° 
ica 
we 
n=) 
lm) 
oO 
re 
VY 


vo. 


Fig. 1 


78 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


resist negative painting. These features also serve 
to link them with the middle periods of Keuador. 

Between the Upper Cauca and Magdalena rivers 
lie sites of the Tierradentro culture which is also 
classed with the Middle periods, although it may be 
slightly earlier than the Quimbaya and Narino. 
Tierradentro culture is distinguished by elaborate 
painted subterranean tombs excavated directly into 
the soft rock of the area. <A spiral stairway enters 
the main arched chamber which may have one or 
more central columns and a series of cut-out side 
niches. The walls and ceiling are decorated with 
high relief figures and with an over-all black, white, 
red painted geometric design. Broken pottery coy- 
ers the floors but, nevertheless, the chambers seem 
to have been intended for burial rather than habi- 
tation. The ceramic fragments represent several 
styles: blackware, black-on-red painted, and incised 
red. Most distinctive, however, are fragments of 
large vessels with relief serpentine bands decorated 
with deep incised lines and punctations filled with 
a white paste. Some of these serpent-like bands 
end in high relief snake heads. Two crude statues 
were found in one of these tombs; otherwise the 
stone artifacts are limited to polished axes, chisels, 
erindstones, and beads. Gold is the only metal yet 
found. 

The rolling forest-covered hills at the headwaters 
of the Magdalena River do not appear to be a favor- 
able region either for the support of a large popu- 
lation or for the development of an advanced ecul- 
ture. Yet here are found the San Agustin stone 
earvings and temples that represent the earliest 
known remains in Colombia. San Agustin is a 
gveneral designation for a series of sites in this 


THE SETTING 79 


rather extensive area. Some of the sites consist 
of large artificial mounds containing stone-lined and 
covered temples and carved idols. The slabs are 
not well dressed; some are painted in geometric 
design. Other sites have isolated, slab-lined tombs, 
some of which contain monolithic coffins. All strue- 
tures seem to have been of a religious nature. San 
Agustin is famed for its stone carvings of which 
over three hundred have been found. These include 
bas relefs on large boulders, cylindrical stones 


Fig. 14. San Agustin stone carvings. The face 
is about nine feet high. 


with sculptured heads, carved animal figures, elabo- 
rately carved base rock in stream beds, and many 
statues, some human and some anthropomorphic 
(Fig. 14). The carved figures are depicted as wear- 
ing headbands, ornaments, simple clothing, and 


80 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


holding some object in the hands. The sculpture is 
well executed and highly varied, especially in de- 
tails. Some carvings are found in the temples; 
others in isolated spots were possibly intended as 
grave markers. Grave accompaniment is limited. 
The ceramics are simple clay bowls, plates, pedestal 
jars, and tripod vessels, characterized by body angu- 
larity and great rim variation. Most vessels are 
monochrome, but on a few, geometric designs are 
executed in positive and resist painting, incision, 
and punch. Other artifacts include plain spindle 
whorls, simple gold ornaments, stone axes, mortars, 
pestles, and stone cutting tools. 

In spite of the carvings, there is scant evidence 
in Colombia for any great elaboration of the Andean 
Farmers pattern until relatively late times. The 
local cultures of each region show little relationship 
to those of neighboring regions. 


ECUADOR 


Keuador has been investigated more thoroughly 
than Colombia, although there are still many un- 
touched areas. The evidence thus far assembled 
indicates that the Andean Farmers pattern was well 
established in both the highlands and the coast and 
also that it has a respectable antiquity in some sec- 
tions. The highlands are dominated by two paral- 
lel mountain ranges, between which he ten large 
intermont basins with sufficiently rich soils and ade- 
quate rainfall for the support of intensive agricul- 
ture. The coastal plains vary from tropics in the 
north to desert in the south, but all sections present 
remains of higher civilization, at least from the im- 
mediate pre-Spanish periods. However, significant 
period names have not been established, except in 


ha és 


| Fig. 15. Types of Ecuadorean pottery. 


| $l 


| 
‘ 
| 
| 


82 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


a few places, and it is still impossible to set up 
comparable sequences for the whole country. Con- 
sequently, a review must follow the major geo- 
eraphiec divisions. (Fig. 15.) 

A Far North Highlands unit is represented in the 
basin of Tuledn in Carchi Province, actually the 
southern extension of Narino, Colombia. Most of 
the archaeological finds are virtually identical with 
those previously described for the Narino culture, 
although some Inca materials are known in this 
basin. The similarities occur in ceramic shapes 
and design, in gold work, and even in the deep shaft 
type of tomb. In Ecuador, as in Colombia, there 
is no evidence of any great antiquity for these finds. 
Apart from the graves and their contents, there are 
also circular house foundations with thick earth 
walls, arranged in village clusters. The roofs were 
probably of the conical frame and thatch type. 

The basins of Ibarra and Quito in the provinces 
of Imbabura and Pichincha are closely united physi- 
eally and culturally as a North Highlands unit dis- 
tinguished by large earthen mounds. Some _ of 
these were for burials, others were foundations for 
houses or temples. The three commonest shapes 
are circular, elliptical, and squared pyramidal. The 
mounds contain pottery and fragments in consider- 
able quantity, but none is particularly distinctive. 
Local archaeologists recognize three major culture 
periods: the first with burial mounds; the second 
lacking mounds, but with burial in direct pits; and 
the third with habitation and temple mounds. 

The Central Highlands unit includes the basins 
of Riobamba and Alausi in the provinces of Chim- 
borazo, Tungurahua, and Alausi. Here seven pe- 
riods have been established, the longest known 


\ 
} 
0 
tH 
I 
H 
| 


THE SETTING 83 


sequence for Keuador. The Karly period, which in- 
eludes Proto-Panzaleo I and II, has house founda- 
tions built of rough stones set in mud, cireular pit 
eraves, and simple bowls, jars, pedestal base and 
tripod vessels. Ceramic designs are geometric and 
executed by incision, red and black positive, and 
two-color negative painting. A knowledge of agri- 
culture is demonstrated by finds of maize, stone 
metates and manos. Llama bones are also asso- 
ciated. The Middle period, called Tuncahuan, is 
characterized by pedestal bowls and other shapes 
decorated in three-color negative painting similar 
to the Far North Highlands and Narino in Colom- 
bia. The Late periods, called collectively, Puruha, 
have three subdivisions, namely Guano, Elen Pata, 
and Huavalae, and are again associated with stone 
house foundations. The ceramics continue the tra- 
ditions of the Karly period, particularly the empha- 
sis on incision and two-color negative painting. Ap- 
pliqué design, however, is far more common in this 
period. Large face collar jars with textile-like 
patterns in two-color negative are characteristic. 
Metal work in gold and copper is found. Finally, 
the Inca Period terminates the sequence. This 
Central Highland chronology is a key series for 
Keuador. With the exception of the Tuncahuan in- 
terruption, it seems to represent a continuous de- 
velopment, although possibly not of too extensive 
a time duration. 

The large Cuenca basin covers the provinces of 
Canar and Azuay and forms the South Highland 
unit. All the important surface ruins have been 
assigned to the Inca Period. An earlier occupa- 
tion is, however, represented by many small habi- 
tation sites, and some remarkable grave finds with 


S4 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


hammered gold plaques and ceremonial weapons, 
not clearly assignable to any period. The pre-Inca 
habitation refuse represents two major periods, 
Karly and Late Cerro Narrio, and it seems likely 
that both of these will be subdivided when addi- 
tional data are available. The Karly Cerro Narrio 
is characterized by red-on-buff painted wares and 
by polished redwares with engraving and low re- 
lief. The late period is, in part, a continuation of 
the early period, but is associated with various in- 
trusive styles, including painted clay drums. Again, 
ereat antiquity has not been established for this 
sequence. 

Although Esmeraldas Province on the tropical 
north coast of EKeuador does not seem environmen- 
tally favorable to higher cultures, numerous earth 
mounds containing ceremonial artifacts have been 
reported. No time sequence has been established, 
nor can the materials be accurately placed in any 
comparative chronology. Treasure hunters have 
systematically looted the mounds, searching for the 
amazingly fine and technically varied miniature gold 
objects. Copper dises or gongs with high relief, 
socketed axes, and hollow bells have also been found. 
EKsmeraldas is noted for its small beautifully mod- 
eled figurines with detailed appliqué and incised 
designs and elaborate headdresses. Also common 
are clay roller stamps with carved curvilinear de- 
signs. No stone statues were made, but many axes, 
ring stones, polishers, and grinders have been found. 
The ceramic shapes include many types of ollas, 
wide-mouthed open bowls, and a variety of minia- 
ture vessels. Some are plain; others are covered 
with red slips or decorated by incision, modeling, 


ES eee 


———————— 


a 


THE SETTING 85 


and appliqué. One modeled vessel represents a 

frame house with a sway-backed thatched roof. 
Manabi Province marks the coastal transition 

zone between tropies and desert. Surface ruins of 


Fig. 16. Stone seat from Manabi, Ecuador. 


stone-faced platform mounds and clusters of house 
walls are numerous. However, Manabi is most 
famed for its stonework, including unique U-shaped 
stone seats (Fig. 16) which rest on crouching hu- 
man or animal figures, flat slabs with low relief, 


S86 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


stone columns, and crude stone statues. Urn bur- 
ial is also a feature. The ceramic forms com- 
prise ollas, open bowls with annular bases, tripod 
vessels, double-spout jars, and many others. The 
designs are varied, ranging from rough and fine 
line geometric incision, negative decoration on 
plain and two-color ware, red-on-buff and three- 
color polychrome, appliqué, to modeled lugs. Clay 
figurines are numerous and beautifully modeled. 
Flat carved stamps and incised whorls are also com- 
mon. The varied ceramic collection suggests more 
than one time period, but, as yet, significant sub- 
divisions have not been established. 

Archaeological work elsewhere in Ecuador is in 
its infancy. The total picture is one of local com- 
plexities and certain antiquity, but still quite dis- 
tinct from the Central Andes. Some pre-Inea in- 
fluences from Peru can be traced, but these are 
generalized rather than specific; there are an equal 
number of parallels with Colombia. Considered in 
its entirety the archaeology of Ecuador appears 
diversified rather than unified; on the basis of pres- 
ent evidence an over-all developmental sequence can- 
not be established. 


SouTHERN ANDEAN ARCHAEOLOGY 


The Southern Andes include Northwest Argentina 
on the east and Chile on the west. That this area, 
like Eeuador in the north, was ultimately incorpo- 
rated in the expanding Inca Empire is readily con- 
firmed by numerous archaeological remains. Two 
main branches of the Inca road system are known, 
one through Northwest Argentina, the other along 
the Pacific coast. In Argentina the roads are out- 
lined by rows of stones, and, at regular intervals, 


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THE SETTING 87 


clusters of small stone rooms and corrals represent 
the old rest houses which served the traveler. Large 
forts are identified as Inca through the associated 
ceramics. The fortified sites have rough stone room 
divisions with such typical Inca features as corbeled 
arches and wall niches. More frequent are mixed 
sites, such as La Paya in Salta Province, in which 
local styles are combined with Inca derived designs. 
Other common Inea artifacts are lacquered wooden 
keros, bronze knives, stellate stone maces, and slit 
bells. Many finds of the pre-Inca periods parallel, 
in a sense, the developments in the Central Andes, 
but with a distinctive orientation. Again, in spite 
of the extensive archaeological investigation, a great 
antiquity has not been established. 


NORTHWEST ARGENTINA 


Many sites in the Argentine Department of Jujuy 
reveal Inca influence; as many again are slightly 
pre-Inca. Among the former, particularly in the 
high puna which marks the Chilean border, the Inca, 
and even Colonial materials, are associated with a 
complex of wooden artifacts identified as the residue 
of the Atacameno culture. Characteristic types are 
wooden bells, toggles, knives, whorls, bows, arrows, 
tubes, and carved snuff tablets. However, the re- 
mains of an extensive pre-Inca culture, the Huma- 
huaca, are found in the larger basins and valleys. 
Stone-faced agricultural terraces are numerous; vil- 
lages are large and often dominated by fortresses 
on the higher peaks. The houses are rectangular, 
with stone walls but without niches. The roofs were 
made of perishable materials. There are also care- 
fully built subterranean granaries. The burials in 
unlined pits or in stone-lined tombs contain pre- 


SS ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


pared trophy skulls as well as many artifacts. Ce- 
ramics are represented by open bowls, goblets, cups, 
and ollas painted in black-on-red geometric designs. 
A few vessels have slight modeling or appliqué fea- 
tures. Gold, copper, and wooden artifacts are also 
common. The remains of the Humahuaca culture 
are widespread in this area, but do not extend far- 
ther south, nor, for that matter, are there any re- 
mains of the southern Calchaqui culture in Jujuy. 
A few finds seem to antedate Humahuaca somewhat, 
but none of these is sufficiently well identified to be 
designated as a separate period. 

The other inhabitable basins of Northwest Argen- 
tina are found in the Departments of Salta, Tucu- 
man, Catamarea, La Rioja, and San Juan. Here 
the first major pre-Inca period, called Calchaqui (or 
Diaguita), presents remains of large populations, 
extensive irrigation systems, stone-lined agricul- 
tural terraces, and sizable villages. The building's 
have rough stone walls, rectangular or circular 
eroundplans, and roofs of perishable materials. 
Clusters of such rooms are arranged irregularly 
along narrow streets. Some rooms contain geomet- 
rically carved stone columns, which, although not 
statues, seem to mark religious centers. <A fort is 
generally found on some high point near the village. 

The Calchaqui adult burials are in oval or round 
stone-lined and covered graves, but infants and chil- 
dren are more generally buried in urns. In fact, 
child urn cemeteries are a characteristic feature of 
this culture. Large painted urns are the most typi- 
sal ceramic form. The commonest is in the Santa 
Maria style, so named after the type site. It has a 
short body with two horizontal handles, a wide neck, 
and a flaring rim. The exterior is painted in black 


THE SETTING &Y 


and red on a white or yellowish slip base. The 
collar is decorated with a face, arms are painted on 
the body, and the rest of the vessel is covered with 
geometric steps, scrolls, or serrated lines, or with 
designs of ostriches, toads, jaguars, birds, and 
snakes. Several variants of this Santa Maria urn 
type, such as the Belém and San José types, have a 
different geographical distribution suggesting local 
cultures. Additional Calchaqui ceramic shapes are 
shoe-shaped vessels, ollas, and open bowls, called 
pucos. These vessels may be plain or painted in 
the animal or geometric designs found on the urns. 
Copper, bronze, and gold are represented by deco- 
rated breast plates, relief plaques, curved knives, 
daggers, and knuckle dusters. The stone artifacts 
are not very numerous; the few preserved wooden 
pieces resemble the Atacamefio examples. 

The Calchaqui culture seems to correspond 
roughly to the Tiahuanaco time horizon in the 
Central Andes. Several earlier cultures have been 
found in Northwest Argentina; of these, Barreales 
is outstanding. In this culture, houses are built of 
adobe or of rough stone and the burials are in un- 
lined pit graves. The associated ceramics present 
two contrasting styles: a black or brown mono- 
chrome incised series of one-handled cups, pitchers, 
and vases, decorated with geometric, human, and 
animal figures; and a polychrome group in black, 
maroon, and violet, in which semi-globular vessels, 
goblets, and cups are decorated with a stylized curvi- 
linear jaguar. The name ‘‘Draconian”’ given this 
style refers to the jaguar or dragon. Other distinc- 
tive artifacts of the Barreales culture are stone ar- 
rowpoints, mortars, pestles, and particularly carved 
stone bowls; clay pipes with relief modeled faces 


90 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


and hollow clay figurines; gold and copper objects; 
and bone flutes, spatulas, and whorls. The Bar- 
reales culture is found largely in the Departments of 
Catamarea, La Rioja, and San Juan. North of this 
area it is replaced by La Candelaria culture, which 
is thus far represented by large, conical plain urns, 
a few polychrome pots, and some black incised ves- 
sels not very different from the Barreales style. Al- 
though the Northwest Argentine cultures have often 
been compared with those of Peru, the parallels are 
general, not specific. At present it is advisable to 
consider Northwest Argentina as a distinct culture 
area which reflects the Central Andean development, 
but is not a part of it. 


CHILE 


On the western slopes of the Andes, Chile can also 
be culturally separated into a northern and central 
region. The northern region, the Atacama desert, 
one of the driest in the world, has always had a lim- 
ited occupation. Small fishing groups existed on 
the coast, but in the interior the only sizable habit- 
able oasis is Calama on the Rio Loa. This oasis was 
the center of the Atacameno culture which is char- 
acterized by simplicity and by an emphasis on llama 
herding as a supplement to agriculture. The vil- 
lages consisted of clusters of rough stone rectangu- 
lar houses arranged along irregular streets. Mum- 
mies are well preserved in this dry climate and are 
found in cylindrical erypts. The ceramics are char- 
acterized by open bowls, shoe-shaped vessels, ollas, 
one-handled pitchers, and containers with truneated 
conical bases, constricted necks, and two side han- 
dles. Most of the vessels are plain, but some are 
painted in black-on-red, or black, red-on-white sim- 


THE SETTING Q] 


ple geometric designs. Wooden artifacts are abun- 
dant. The inventory includes carved tubes and tab- 
lets for snuff (Fig. 17), crude wooden knives, shov- 
els, bells, whorls, boxes, toggles, spoons, and goblets. 


Fig. 17. Tablets and tube for mixing and inhaling snuff, 
Atacamenio, North Chile. 


Leather was used for making bags and armor. 
There are also coiled baskets, decorated calabashes, 
rather good weaving, and copper and gold objects. 
The Atacameno culture compares favorably with the 
Central Andean development, but its extreme sim- 
plicity, as well as the absence of scientific reports, 
makes it difficult to identify precise parallels. Fur- 
thermore, not only its subdivisions but the time 
range of Atacamefo culture is yet to be established. 
For example, Tiahuanaco type burials have been 
found in Calama, but whether these represent a 
distinct cultural occupation or whether they are con- 


92 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


temporary with or earlier than Atacameno has not 
yet been determined. 

At Pichalo on the North Coast, a pre-Atacameno 
culture has been isolated. It is characterized by 
simple, thick rim open bowls in monochrome black, 
brown, or red. Coiled baskets, rush mats, feather 
fans, and a variety of textiles are also associated. 
Many of the artifacts, such as stone scrapers, drills, 
sinkers, bone harpoons, and spear-throwers, are sur- 
vivals of the earlier fishing pattern, but domesticated 
plants are also present. The burials are flexed, 
wrapped in mats, and placed in direct graves. The 
similarity of Pichalo to the Early Farmer cultures 
in the Central Andes is noticeable, but it lacks the 
definitive Chavin style and a truly comparable 
chronological position. The two pre-ceramic fish- 
ing cultures of the north Chilean coast have already 
been mentioned in the discussion of Early Migrants. 
Certainly this area has a considerable cultural an- 
tiquity as well as a long range of cultural develop- 
ment, the importance of which still needs amplifica- 
tion by additional archaeological work. 

Farther south, around Coquimbo, are the rem- 
nants of the Chilean-Diaguita culture, a local paral- 
lel to the Calehaqui of Argentina. The ceramics are 
superior to those of Argentina and the vessels are 
generally smaller. This culture is too little known 
to permit a lengthy discussion. Still farther south, 
in the Central Chile Valley, the Inca expansion en- 
countered the Araucanians, but it seems likely that 
these peoples had adopted many of the basic fea- 
tures of the Andean cultural pattern long before this 
time. The archaeological work which would con- 
firm or deny this is yet to be done. 

The Central Andean pattern seems, in many ways, 


THE SETTING Q3 


more closely allied to that of the Southern than to 
that of the Northern Andes. This in part reflects 
the closer affinity of northern patterns to the Ama- 
zonian cultures, an alternative source of influence 
not available in the south. 

This general picture of the South American set- 
ting shows that the Central Andean area forms a 
distinct unit, distinguishable geographically and 
culturally from the rest of the continent. This 
seems more than a mere reflection of differential 
quantity of archaeological work. The Central An- 
dean pattern is old and its gross history of develop- 
ment is well outlined. A detailed examination of 
this history is next in order and forms the content 
of the following section. 


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94 


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Part 2 
THE CENTRAL ANDES 


DtvIstIons 


The term Central Andes is here used to include 
the mountains and desert coast of Peru and the 
mountains of Bolivia. In the first part of this ac- 
count it was demonstrated that this area can be iso- 
lated as a cultural and geographical unit. The Cen- 
tral Andean culture pattern contrasts markedly with 
that of the Southern Hunters and the Tropical Agri- 
culturists. While it is not so sharply distinguish- 
able from the Northern and Southern Andes, the 
differences are sufficiently marked to justify sepa- 
rate treatment. The Central Andes also presents 
an environmental unity when compared with other 
areas of South America. At first glance, the con- 
trast between the desert Pacific Coast and the for- 
midable highlands seems marked, but when con- 
sidered in cultural terms the differences diminish in 
significance. For maximum development, a subsist- 
ence economy based on intensive agriculture with 
simple digging-stick cultivation requires rich soils, 
a genial climate, an adequate water supply, and an 
absence of vegetal coverage such as forest or deep- 
rooted grass which are difficult to eradicate. In 
this sense the Peruvian coastal valleys and moun- 
tain basins have much in common. Except for cer- 
tain altitude limitations, there were no major physi- 
cal barriers to the spread of the basic cultural pat- 
tern throughout all the large basins and valleys of 
the Central Andes. Its extension was sharply cur- 
tailed, however, by the eastern tropics where the 


95 


18) ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


dense forest coverage presented a serious obstacle 
to highland agricultural techniques. Cultural ex- 
pansion into the Northern Andes was blocked by a 
shift in the rainfall pattern which made it difficult to 
graze the llamas and alpacas, the basic animals in 
the Central Andean economy. The Southern Andes 
are separated from the Central by a desert strip; but 
the principal barrier to great cultural interchange 
seems to have been gross distance rather than en- 
vironment. 

The Central Andes, despite certain over-all cul- 
tural unity, includes numerous regional subdivisions 
that are not only isolated geographically, but also 
have local cultural traditions. Considering the size 
of the area, its inhabited parts are decidedly limited. 
An examination of these requires more geographical 
detail. An airplane view of the Peruvian coast re- 
veals a long strip of desert cut across at irregular 
intervals by mountain streams which drain into the 
Pacific. Some twenty-five principal rivers are sepa- 
rated not only by barren areas but by sharp moun- 
tain spurs. In the past communication between 
these valleys was always so difficult that major in- 
tervals between them usually mark significant cul- 
tural divisions. The close relation between cultural 
development and river valleys, while obvious, can- 
not be overstressed. Although small fishing groups 
can have existed along the coast, no major advance- 
ment of culture was possible until the valley flats 
were utilized. With the domestication of plants and 
controlled irrigation, the fertile flats became impor- 
tant agricultural centers capable of supporting large 
populations. Their size depended, in large part, on 
the size of the valley itself. It is interesting to ob- 
serve that the most extensive valleys and those with 


THE CENTRAL ANDES Q7 


the most permanent streams are on the North Coast. 
More intensive desert conditions prevail in the South 
Coast valleys, and the flats are restricted in area by 
a low mountain range that skirts the Pacific shore 
line. It is not surprising, then, that as technology 
advanced, the northern valleys became the more im- 
portant centers of cultural development. 

In the mountains, surrounded by high snow-cov- 
ered peaks, are puna grasslands, some plateaus and 
intermont basins, and numerous rivers, most of 
which cut their way into the Amazon. Although 
many small pockets along the rivers can support 
some population, only six areas are of sufficient size 
for any elaboration of pre-Columbian development. 
From north to south these are: the large basins 
around Cajamarca; the Callejon de Huaylas along 
the upper Santa River; the basins along the Rio 
Mantaro; the various valleys and flats around 
Cuzco; the basin of Puno in southern Peru; and the 
Bolivian plateau south of Lake Titicaca. All these 
areas have extensive regions of well-watered fertile 
soils and are surrounded by high punas ideal for 
erazing. Hach of these six areas was a major cul- 
tural center in the past, isolated from its neighbors 
both by distance and by mountains, but not to the 
extent of blocking some intercommunication. 

Each major highland basin and each coastal valley 
might be treated as a distinct cultural unit, but there 
is insufficient archaeological evidence to support 
such consideration even if it were practical. In 
spite of the numerous archaeological investigations 
in the Central Andes, perhaps more than in any 
other part of South America, much still remains to 
be accomplished and many sections are still un- 
known. Only a few of the many investigators have 


98 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


been trained archaeologists and only a small per- 
centage of the numerous publications are scientific 
reports on excavations. Other accounts, some of 
ereat merit, have been written by travelers, by art- 
ists, or by folklorists interested in interpreting sym- 
bolism in design. Even the professional excavators 
have rarely done more than sample the numerous 
sites. For practical purposes of presentation, then, 
the valleys and basins are arranged in six groups, 
three on the coast and three in the highlands. Each 
of these groups corresponds to a major geographical 
division, each has been subjected to a reasonable 
amount of scientific investigation, and each, as will 
be explained below, seems to have some historical 
validity. The groups, with simple geographic desig- 
nations, are: 

1. North Coast. Geographically, the North Coast 
includes all the valleys from Piura to Casma. Four 
subdivisions are suggested by the archaeological 
finds, namely, Piura in the north; Lambayeque; 
Chicama, Moche, and Viru; and Santa, Chimbote, 
Nepena, and Casma. Adequate archaeological data, 
however, are available only for the third subdivision, 
Chicama, Moche, and Viru; consequently all refer- 
ences to the North Coast will be so limited unless 
otherwise stated. 

2. Central Coast. The Central Coast extends 
from Huarmey to Lurin. All of these valleys seem 
to present a fairly compact unit with the exception 
of Huarmey which is well isolated geographically 
and probably forms a subdivision in itself. Since 
the best information is limited to the valleys of 
Chaneay, Supe, Ancoén, Rimac, and Lurin, these are 
here considered typical of the group. 


ti 
lj 


THE CENTRAL ANDES QY 


3. South Coast. In total, the South Coast ex- 
tends from the Rio Mala to the Rio Lomas, but it 
has some major subdivisions, such as Canete and 
Chincha in contrast to Iea and Nazea. On the basis 
of our present knowledge only Pisco, Ica, and Rio 
Grande (Nazea) ean be considered here. A series 
of small valleys in extreme southern Peru are as yet 
not well enough known to be included in this over-all 
account. 

4. North Highlands. This division extends from 
Huanueo to the Eeuadorian border, but archaeo- 
logical records are available only for the Callejon 
de Huaylas, Chavin de Huantar, and Huamachuco. 

5. Central Highlands. The central zone is the 
extensive stretch from Huanuco to Cuzeo. The Inca 
remains of Cuzco are well known. FHlsewhere there 
are only seattered accounts for important sites in 
the Rio Mantaro basin, east of Lima. 

6. South Highlands. Southern Peru and Bolivia 
are grouped together because of an extensive pla- 
teau, the altiplano, which includes Lake Titicaca. 
Archaeological exploration has largely been lim- 
ited to sites around the lake. The eastern cor- 
dillera of Bolivia is excluded not only because of 
lack of information but because it is effectively 
beyond the limits of the Central Andean culture 
area. 

These regional subdivisions are not mere conven- 
iences for describing a region as extensive as the 
Central Andes, but actually represent significant 
segments of cultural development. The valleys that 
are grouped together present similar archaeological 
materials and sequences. Furthermore, each major 
division is characterized by certain cultural tradi- 
tions which persist throughout many of the cultural 


100 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


time periods and stylistic changes. For example, 
the North Coast ceramics over a long and varied 
span of cultural history are still united by an em- 
phasis on incised decoration, modeling, pictorial 
style, mold-made vessels, and the stirrup-spout. 
The design styles change, but these features per- 
sist. The South Coast is distinguished by poly- 
chrome ceramic painting and elaboration of weav- 
ing. Exceptional climatic conditions have favored 
the preservation of textiles on the South Coast, but 
other evidence indicates that so much emphasis was 
placed on weaving that other aspects of culture were 
not equally elaborated. In the North Highlands 
there is a traditional emphasis on stone carving. 
Likewise the buildings are constructed of rough or 
dressed stones and commonly utilize such features 
as galleries, multi-storied floors, and subterranean 
chambers. Quite apart from these long persisting 
traditions, the cultural development in each major 
area was sufficiently distinct to differentiate it from 
the others at any particular point in the chrono- 
logical history. In one area that has been inten- 
sively studied there is every indication of a basic 
population continuum through many cultural and 
political changes. This would account for the re- 
gional traditions. 

Although the regional subdivisions are important, 
the Central Andes as a whole was closely united 
throughout most of its cultural history. Certainly 
at the time of the Spanish conquest, the Central 
Andes was a cultural area, that is, a region in which 
the component tribes shared a significant percentage 
of their cultural traits. There is also considerable 
evidence for the antiquity of this common cultural 
pattern. Some of its distinguishing features are 


THE CENTRAL ANDES LO] 


intensive agriculture, based on such plants as maize, 
beans, squash, potatoes, manioc, oca, and others; 
digging-stick cultivation; techniques of irrigation, 
fertilizers, and terracing; the use of narcotic coca 
instead of tobacco; domesticated cotton; and domes- 
ticated llamas and alpacas. Buildings were con- 
structed with adobe, stone and other durable ma- 
terials. Weaving, metallurgy, basketry, ceramics, 
and other crafts were highly developed; further- 
more, many specific techniques and designs in these 
erafts were widely employed. <A social and politi- 
eal superstructure controlled the village units, and 
there were distinctions of rank, class, specialized 
priests, and craftsmen long before the Inca formu- 
lated their political empire. In brief, the archaeo- 
logical record demonstrates that the cultural pat- 
tern established at an early date in the Central 
Andes persisted with more or less uniform modi- 
fications to the time of the Spanish conquest. 

The concept of a Central Andean cultural block 
with considerable time depth has been recognized 
by most archaeologists. This concept not only per- 
mits the consideration of the Central Andes as a 
unit, but also a comparison of its cultural develop- 
ments and achievements with those of other parts 
of the world. Moreover, it makes feasible a gen- 
eralized descriptive account of the cultural devel- 
opment in a chronological sequence. One of the 
basic assumptions in such an approach is that a ma- 
jor invention or advancement in one part of the 
Central Andes would soon spread to all the area. 
In so large a territory with so many well-isolated 
subdivisions, there is always the possibility that 
the cultural development in one region might lag 
seriously behind the others, but it is significant that 


102 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


thus far archaeological investigation has failed to 
reveal such a lag. This does not signify that the 
Central Andean culture was everywhere uniform. 
By definition, a culture area does not imply such 
uniformity. In fact, it is possible to demonstrate 
for any specific time horizon that the cultural pat- 
tern of each subdivision differed in many respects. 

The Central Andes presents, then, a basic cultural 
pattern established at an early date, and one which 
advanced everywhere at a more or less uniform rate. 
This makes feasible a history of the Central Andes 
which starts at the earliest known beginnings and 
traces the development through major periods to a 
culmination in the Inca Empire. This procedure is 
followed in the succeeding chapter. For each major 
time period, the general characteristics of the total 
Central Andes will first be considered, followed by 
a discussion of local variants, specialized develop- 
ments, and significant regional differences. 

This approach, although valid historically, has 
certain limitations. For example, the same condi- 
tions of preservation do not prevail in all sections. 
On the coast preservation is generally excellent, 
even for the most delicate textiles, but the South 
Coast is more favorable than the North. In the 
highlands the heavy rains prevent the preservation 
of all but the most durable materials. Another lim- 
itation has its source in the nature of most of the 
archaeological work. The excavators, primarily in- 
terested in establishing time sequence, have directed 
their techniques towards this end. Thus the great- 
est emphasis is placed on ceramics, not only because 
pots and sherds are valuable cultural diagnostics, 
but also because they are preserved everywhere in 
house sites, refuse heaps, and other positions favor- 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 103 


able for sequence interpretations. Consequently, 
many field reports include excellent interpretations 
of the time relations of ceramic styles, but add lit- 
tle or no information on the total cultural content 
of a period. Finally, an historical approach of 
this kind demands more than an inventory of the 
materials preserved for each period. Social im- 
plications based on archaeological material are 
somewhat hazardous even under the best of con- 
ditions. Many suggestions are to be found in the 
realistically painted ceramic designs, the house 
types, the size and construction patterns of build- 
ings, the extent of territory occupied, and the like, 
but their interpretation is always in the nature of 
inferences without final factual proof. All of these 
limitations are recognized in this history and every 
attempt has been made to keep the inferences as 
sound as possible. 

In this introductory section the major regional 
and cultural subdivisions of the Central Andes have 
been sketched. Before initiating the descriptive 
historical account, the time divisions must be con- 
sidered. It seems pertinent to mention briefly the 
dating techniques employed, the resulting relative 
chronology, and the major time periods here selected 
to present the history of cultural development of the 
Central Andes. 


CHRONOLOGY 


The Central Andes was occupied by sedentary 
agriculturists for many generations, so that the ar- 
chaeologist has an enormous quantity of materials 
to consider. For example, during recent work in 
Viru, one of the smaller valleys on the North Coast, 
the Institute of Andean Research mapped the lo- 


104 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


cation of over three hundred sites which were esti- 
mated to be about a one-quarter sample. Further- 
more, the units designated as sites varied from 
simple house refuse accumulations to mammoth 
ceremonial village constructions. ew valleys have 
been as thoroughly explored, but there is every in- 
dication that an enormous number of sites will be 
found in each valley investigated in the same detail. 
Several major categories of materials are available 
for classification and study. The first may be 
termed ‘‘surface ruins.’? These include habitation 
refuse, houses, villages, cities, temples, forts, irri- 
gation systems, agricultural terraces, and other 
constructions. The second, ‘‘cemeteries,’’ includes 
eraves of many types, varying from simple pits 
to stone-lined burial vaults. The graves may in- 
elude only a skeleton or two, but more frequently 
they contain cloth-wrapped mummy bundles and a 
reasonable quantity of grave furniture. The ‘‘stone 
earvings,’’ such as decorated lintels, sculptured 
heads, and statues, are here treated as a third 
category although they are technically a subdivision 
of the first. The utilitarian and ceremonial arti- 
facts found in the habitation sites and in the graves 
are classified, on the basis of the material employed, 
as ceramics, cloth, metalwork, basketry, gourd, 
wood, stone, and shellwork. 

The first problem for the Andean archaeologist 
is to arrange this great variety of materials into 
periods and their chronological sequence. Which 
features identify a single culture? Is that cul- 
ture earlier, contemporaneous with, or later than 
others in the same area? To accomplish both of 
these tasks the archaeologist is dependent almost 
exclusively on his special techniques. The Spanish 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 105 


conquerors described the Inca culture and recorded 
certain oral accounts of the traditional history. 
These furnish a few, though not very reliable, 
dates for the relatively recent times. Neither a 
form of phonetic writing nor a recorded calendar 
was known in the Central Andes in pre-Huropean 
times, in spite of the fact that the early agricul- 
turists must have had some ealendrical knowledge. 
The dating technique based on the annual ring 
erowth of trees, so successfully used in the United 
States Southwest, has so far not been applicable 
to the Central Andean woods. Consequently, except 
for the application of radio-carbon measurements, 
all dating is based on excavations and their inter- 
pretation and has been relative, not absolute. The 
archaeologist endeavors first to establish relative 
sequences at the specific sites excavated and then 
extends these to the valley or basin in which the 
sites are located, then to adjacent valleys or basins, 
and finally, on broader comparative grounds, to the 
entire area. 

The dating techniques employed are relatively 
simple and standardized. Stratigraphy, the super- 
imposition of one type of material over another, 
is the most reliable and has been the most exten- 
sively used. Stratigraphy may refer to various 
periods of building in a single structure; to one 
type of building which overlies another; to a build- 
ing over a grave; or, in reverse, to a grave intrusive 
in a building. It may also refer to the superimpo- 
sition of one habitation room over another or to 
the relative position of graves. The determination 
of the latter is particularly difficult, since it is the 
mouth of the grave which is important and not its 
absolute depth. By far the best stratigraphic rec- 


106 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


ords are found at sites where successive inhabitants 
have built up refuse accumulations. Such sites are 
common on the coast of Peru; some are nearly four- 
teen meters deep. The archaeologist cuts through 
these, level by level, in order to obtain a cross- 
sectional picture of the history of occupation. In 
all cases superposition is most meaningful when 
occupational remains change from one level to the 
next. The important sites are those with materials 
from several periods since their stratigraphic posi- 
tions furnish the basis for relative dating. 

Surface sampling is another common technique. 
Unselected sample collections, usually potsherds, 
are made from the surfaces of many sites, clas- 
sified, and arranged in a hypothetical sequence 
which may ultimately be verified by stratigraphic 
excavation. Sampling pits, instead of surface col- 
lections, may be excavated in a number of sites 
and the excavated materials classified and com- 
pared. Unit sites, that is, those occupied during 
a single period only, are important for isolating 
the styles and content of that period, but their rela- 
tive dating depends on other types of evidence. 
Grave collections can be analyzed if a record is 
kept of every piece found in each grave. On the 
assumption that all materials found in a grave are 
contemporaneous and that graves of transitional 
time periods will contain mixed materials, a se- 
quence can be built up by isolation and association 
of styles. The direction of such a sequence can 
be fixed only when one end is identified, as for 
example, by the presence of known Inca material. 
Seriation might be mentioned as still another tech- 
nique in which art sequences, technological devel- 


THE CENTRAL ANDES LO7 


opments, and similar trends serve as a basis for 
relative chronological dating. 

The valley and inter-valley chronologies depend 
on the interrelationships of the site sequences. The 
materials from two adjacent valleys are occasion- 
ally so closely identical that there is no question of 
their common period classification. For example, it 
is almost impossible to distinguish the Nazca mate- 
rials in Iea from those in Nazea itself, or the Mo- 
chica materials from Chicama, Moche, and Viru 
valleys. Trade pieces are also important in linking 
areas. When a typical North Highland negative- 
painted vessel is found in the top levels of a Galli- 
nazo site in Viru Valley, the sequences in these two 
regions can be adjusted to each other. 

The establishment of a relative chronology for 
the total Central Andes is a further extension of 
this matching process. The procedure is aided by 
the presence of a number of so-called ‘‘horizon’’ 
styles, each widely distributed. Features which 
establish or mark an horizon may consist of a single 
distinctive element such as negative decoration on 
pottery, while others may consist of combinations 
of several traits and might better be designated as 
horizon complexes. To be most usable, the diag- 
nostic elements of the horizon style should be clearly 
definable and readily identified. Its relative posi- 
tion in the local series must be known. In other 
words, the horizons are established by relative dat- 
ing techniques, but once confirmed they are useful 
for dating new finds and interrelating regions. The 
particular cultures linked in time by the horizon 
style may be quite diverse, that is, the horizon style 
itself may be the result of simple diffusion, a domi- 
nating religion, or political conquest. However, the 


108 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


presence of a number of horizon styles in the Cen- 
tral Andes furnishes additional evidence of its cul- 
tural unity over a long time period. 

At present six important horizon styles are rec- 
ognized in the Central Andes, although most of 
them do not extend over the entire area. These 
are briefly defined below and may be found on the 
chronological charts in their relative time positions. 
The order is arranged from the earliest to the latest. 

1. Chavin Horizon. The Chavin horizon is char- 
acterized by a highly stylized feline design. The 
full figure feline is represented in profile, or the 
head alone is presented in front view, top view, 
or profile, the latter position having the widest 
distribution. The profile head has a wide U-shaped 
mouth band that curves outward at the corners, two 
crossed fangs, and squared teeth. The nose is a 
circle surmounted by a scroll; the banded eye is 
oval with a eut-out circle at the top. Other ap- 
pendages and details are equally distinctive so that 
the Chavin feline is recognizable by its claws, tail, 
and other details. The design is executed in a 
carved technique in curvilinear style. The feline 
motif is most highly elaborated in the flat stone 
carving at the highland site of Chavin de Huantar. 
Elsewhere it appears as a dominant design element 
in stonework, bonework, ceramics, textiles, and 
metal work. The Chavin horizon, the earliest 
known horizon in the Central Andes, is found in 
the North Highlands and on the South, Central, 
and North Coasts. 

2. White-on-Red Horizon. The White-on-Red 
horizon is basically a technique of positive brush 
painting of ceramics in white on a red clay base. 
The clumsily executed white designs are composed 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 109 


of simple elements such as bands, plain lines, wavy 
lines, and triangles filled with dots. This horizon 
style is difficult to identify because of its simplicity. 
Some ceramic shapes may be associated, but these 
associations are not sufficiently varied to constitute 
a complex. It is distributed on the Central and 
North Coasts, and in the North Highlands. In time 
position the White-on-Red always succeeds Chavin 
and precedes Tiahuanaco. 

3. Negative Horizon. This horizon is most clearly 
marked, as the name implies, by a technique of nega- 
tive decoration of ceramics. This is, however, such 
a simple procedure that it requires no special train- 
ing, equipment, or materials and could have been 
diffused among potters by word of mouth. One can 
argue that it might have been independently de- 
veloped at different times and places, but no sup- 
porting evidence is at hand. To create negative 
decoration one forms a positive design or figure on 
a red or light-colored, unglazed ceramic surface 
using an inert substance which protects the covered 
areas from subsequent application of carbon (See 
page 250). This technique is found on the South, 
Central, and North Coasts, and in the North High- 
lands where it survives as a tradition into later 
periods. In Chile it occurs as far south as Co- 
quimbo on a very few Diaguita and E] Molle pieces. 

4. Tiahuanaco Horizon. The previous horizons 
are characterized by single styles or techniques, 
but the Tiahuanaco horizon is composed of a num- 
ber of elements which form a complex. The domi- 
nant style is best represented by the relief carved 
‘‘Gateway of the Sun’’ at Tiahuanaco in Bolivia. 
One design is the profile running figure. Another 
is a front view figure with stiffly outlined body, recti- 
linear head, squared eyes with tear bands, and a 


110 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


mouth with squared teeth, but no crossed fangs. 
Other typical designs are stylized puma, condor, 
and snake heads. These designs occur in stone 
‘arving, tapestry, Weaving, wood carving, ceramic 
painting, and other media. In addition to the char- 
acteristic style, the horizon complex is distinguished 
by polychrome ceramic painting in black, white, 
yellow, and gray, on a red base; by well executed 
textiles, particularly tapestries; and by two com- 
mon vessel shapes, namely, a tall goblet and a 
flaring-sided squat cup. The Tiahuanaco horizon is 
truly pan-Central Andean. 

5. Black-White-Red Horizon. On the Coast of 
Peru the Tiahuanaco horizon is followed by a break- 
down into a black-white-red geometric style of ce- 
ramic painting with design units consisting of small 
steps, squares, checkerwork, and dots. A flask 
shape as well as other forms and ceramic details 
are usually associated. The horizon is present on 
all the coast and in the North Highlands. 

6. Inca Horizon. Like the Tiahuanaco, the Inca 
horizon is a complex, not a single style. The ce- 
ramic design style is called the Cuzco Polychrome 
after the type site. It is characterized by well 
applied polychrome designs composed of small geo- 
metric elements. The typical and distinctive vessel 
shapes are a conical base aryballoid, a shallow plate 
with a bird handle, a pedestal beaker, and a pitcher 
with a wide ribbon loop handle. Many other fea- 
tures are associated in this horizon complex, but 
these can best be described in a later chapter. The 
Inea horizon has a pan-Central Andean distribution 
corresponding to the total extent of the Inca Em- 
pire at the time of the Conquest. 

The accompanying chart presents a graphic pic- 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 111 


ture of the distribution and relative time position of 
the three horizons which appear to have the strong- 
est internal unity and broadest application, the 
Chavin, Tiahuanaco, and Inca. Only the latter can 
be assigned dates based on historic data. These 
have been taken from Dr. John H. Rowe’s outstand- 
ing study and appraisal of Colonial Spanish docu- 
ments relative to Inca chronology. 

This chart (Fig. 19), like all such attempts to 
present the chronology of the Andean Area in dia- 
gram form is an exercise in compromise and inter- 
pretation. It is admittedly inadequate in terms of 
recent work and like others will be quickly outdated 
by new discoveries, better understanding of old data, 
and by additional Carbon 14 dates. The 2000 A.D. 
point on the time scale does not imply optimism 
that it will be useful that long. Northern Chile is 
included as we have data on the chronology there 
which is pertinent to the rest of the Andean Area. 
In north Chile there is little evidence of the forces 
at work during the three major horizons. Physical 
remains of the presence of Inca culture are ex- 
tremely scanty. Tiahuanaco material is propor- 
tionately more abundant, yet its influence on the 
local record is not strong. Perhaps more signifi- 
cant is the evidence of rather direct connection with 
Tiahuanaco styles of Bolivia rather than the Tia- 
huanaco-Wari, Wari-to-the-coast relationship which 
seems to have been the case in Peru. As yet no 
Chavin material nor clear signs of its influence have 
been found, so what we have is a marginal situation 
affected only by certain events occurring elsewhere 
in the Andean region, an area where some traits 
persisted long after they had disappeared nearer 
the great cultural centers. One should note that 


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THE CENTRAL ANDES 113 


contrary to the situation in northern Peru we find 
that in north Chile there was only a slight time differ- 
ence between the appearance of textiles and the first 
use of maize. Also, that both were present before 
ceramics. Obviously there was a difference in the 
rate of dispersal for the three features. Maize, 
a new food plant, spread more rapidly than the use 
of ceramics, as indicated on the chart. This sug- 
gests that some phase of the Early Farmer agricul- 
ture was already established this far south. 

We do not yet have any Carbon 14 dates for north 
Chile so, except for the Inca material, we are deal- 
ing with guess-dates controlled only slightly by 
broad correlations. The time allotted the subdivi- 
sions is based in each case on the proportional 
amounts of occupation refuse. This can be ex- 
tremely misleading except where the record can be 
tied in with some natural phenomenon such as uni- 
formly aggrading valley fill, or if we are dealing 
with sites where limited food and fuel resources 
held the population within certain limits. 

The Highland sequences shown on the chart are, 
like the north Chile record, largely dated by guess. 
A large series of carbon samples from Chiripa and 
Tiahuanaco have been processed but the results have 
not yet been fully interpreted. Klsewhere we must 
rely on the horizon styles and traits and the rela- 
tionship of these to local cultural development in 
order to indicate general connections and implied 
time levels. 

The coastal record has been worked out in more 
detail than shown. Again horizon complexes pro- 
vide a unifying framework against which Carbon 14 
dates can be applied. The dates by themselves are 
still an insufficient basis for constructing a chart of 
this type, but most have been accepted and used. 


114 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


Even when large series of such figures are available 
there will still be need for personal interpretation 
of the data. As this will provide grounds for debate 
all other pertinent data should be sought for and 
considered. For example, a study of deep, twenty- 
one feet, soil profiles in the Viru Valley matched 
against refuse deposits led to the conclusion that 
the Karly Farmer incipient agriculture might well 
have been introduced there by 3000 B.C. and that 
ceramics were in use by 1000 B.C. In contrast, 
Carbon 14 measurements indicate that ceramics ap- 
peared around 1200 B.C. and that the pre-ceramic 
pattern of agriculture was established before 2000 
B.C. and perhaps as early as 2500 B.C. 

The terminology used on the chart for the various 
periods and sub-periods may seem somewhat com- 
plex. It is a common practice among archaeologists 
to name new pottery styles after local sites and to 
use the names to designate cultural periods. This 
has the advantage of being specific but presents 
difficulties for those who would prepare a small-sized 
chart for so large and diverse an area. Some sim- 
plification is attained by using the cultural horizons 
as period markers yet any detailed discussion in- 
volves the local terminology. 

In the following account the known chronology is 
divided into seven major periods, somewhat arbi- 
trarily chosen. The descriptive names indicate 
some trend or characteristic applicable at least in 
part to each period, and suggest significant steps in 
the course of Andean Culture. They will be dis- 
cussed starting with the oldest. 


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115 


116 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 
Harty FARMERS 
(ca. 2500-1200 B. C.) 


The ultimate origins and even the earliest mani- 
festations of culture in the Central Andes are still 
shrouded in mystery. Some sites represent a sim- 
ple cultural level with no ceramics, but these are 
located on the Pacific Coast and were quite pos- 
sibly marginal to the true centers of development. 
The early and widespread Cultist Period sites pre- 
sent evidence of a sophisticated and complex cul- 
ture but the simple coastal cultures, although known 
to be older, do not seem sufficient in themselves to 
account for such a development. Future work in 
the highlands may uncover important centers of 
early development, but it is equally possible, and 
in some ways probable, that the initial centers lie 
outside of the Central Andes, perhaps in the trop- 
ics, perhaps in other parts of the Andes. 

The evidence for early migrations into South 
America has previously been presented. On the 
basis of this evidence it seems logical that man 
first entered South America via the Isthmus of 
Panama and moved southward through the Andes. 
These earhest migrants were hunters and gather- 
ers with relatively simple cultural equipment. In 
the Central Andes they probably found the high- 
land basins more attractive than the coastal val- 
leys. Presumably snow line was then at a lower 
elevation resulting in a larger precipitation zone, 
more vegetation and more game. The known sites 
occupied by hunters are few in number: two caves 
or rock-shelters near Lake Lauricocha and possibly 
several others near Huanecayo in the Central High- 
lands and some isolated workshops between Chi- 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 117 


cama and Pacasmayo. It is not yet known whether 
these early hunting peoples remained in the Cen- 
tral Andes or moved on to the south, but in any 
case, it seems unlikely that they were directly re- 
sponsible for the higher civilizations which devel- 
oped later. This is strongly supported by the fact 
that the technique of pressure flaking stone artifacts 
was commonly used by the hunters but was not used 
at all by the pre-ceramic farmers. 

The coast, in spite of its limitations for hunters, 
might well have been attractive to early fishermen. 
Campsites of ancient fishing groups have been found 
in Chile as described in Part One. Similar sites 
should be located at suitable situations in Peru. 
Burials, with radio-carbon date of 3060 B.C., found 
at Paracas by Fredéric Engel, appear to be of this 
phase. They resemble Chilean fishermen burials in 
that the bodies, extended in the sand, are wrapped 
in fur robes. With them are chipped stone points, 
bone needles, a shell bead necklace, gourds, twined 
‘‘bast’’ fabrics and other goods. A more meaning- 
ful comparison must await detailed information, but 
the presence of the gourds could indicate contact and 
cultural overlap with the Karly Farmers. 

The gourd, considered an Old World plant, has not 
been studied sufficiently to establish its record in 
America. George Carter reported tests showing 
that seeds of gourds floating in sea water remain 
vital long enough for intercontinental dispersal by 
ocean currents and that man need not be involved 
in such movement. However, in Peru and Chile 
present data point to human dispersal and a north 
to south movement. If so, did gourds first appear 
in company with several other possibly cultivated 
plants as an initial stage of agriculture? 

One plant which might have been part of such a 


118 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


complex is cotton. Genetic studies show that Old 
and New World cultivated cottons are related and 
that the oldest diffusion center in America was 
North Peru. While human intervention was sug- 
gested as the most logical explanation the evidence 
is as yet inconclusive. A study of the oldest avail- 
able Karly Farmer cotton led to the conclusion that 
it was an early form of the American species, barba- 
dense. If an Old World species was brought by man 
it certainly was at some stage of the agricultural 
record earlier than what has already been found in 
Peru. For such reasons data on the Early Farmers 
are of more than local interest and must be worked 
out accurately and in detail. 

Large sections of Karly Farmer middens have 
been destroyed by sea erosion during a period of 
relatively static land-sea levels and were saved by a 
subsequent shift or uplift. Other deposits have 
been destroyed by valley erosion and hidden by later 
occupation. In spite of this, more than thirty de- 
posits have been listed as pre-ceramie and others 
will be found. Some may be strictly fishing sites 
but, on present data, all are classed as Early 
Farmer sites. The map (Fig. 20) indicates the 
more important or better-known ones. 

Huaca Prieta, a village midden forty-five feet 
thick, at the mouth of the Chicama Valley (Fig. 21), 
presents a good picture of life in these early 
times. The valley must have been quite different 
before settlement by intensive agriculturalists, with 
much more swampland, lagoons, wooded thickets 
and wider areas devoted to marginal desert vegeta- 
tion than at present. Wild fruits and food plants, 
animals, and land birds must have been more abun- 
dant. Subsistence depended heavily on seafood 


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119 


120 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


but this is considered to have been insufficient to 
support the estimated population. However, there 
is surprisingly little evidence for the practice of 
hunting. Bones of land animals are not present in 
the midden and, though there are a few of sealion 
and porpoise, hunting weapons are lacking. Evi- 
dence for weapons of any sort is limited to toy 
slings. <A large part of the cooking was done with 
hot stones by roasting. Gourd vessels were com- 
mon. Ceramics were completely unknown. The 
diet combined seafood, wild plants such as tubers of 
the junco sedge, cattail roots, various fruits, includ- 
ing the lucwma, and several plants, achira, squash, 
gourds, lima and canavalia beans and chile peppers, 
most of which are believed to have been cultivated. 
Cotton, presumably domesticated, was common and 
was twisted into yarn with crude, whorlless spindles. 
Woven fabrics, present throughout the occupation, 
are rare, twined ones common. Other fabrics, made 
by looping and knotting, include fishnets and 
pouches. Structural designs occur in all techniques, 
some quite complex and sophisticated. Other prod- 
ucts and implements include: twined reed baskets 
and mats, pounded barkcloth, bone bodkins, thorn 
needles and, made of stone, flake knives, perforated 
net weights, roughly shaped choppers, and, rarely, 
bowls and percussion flaked scrapers. The lack of 
hand-line fishing gear suggests lack of watercraft 
needed for its use at this site. The oldest burials 
were in shallow pits in the refuse, the bodies flexed. 
Later abandoned subterranean houses and storage 
pits were used for successive burials. Such strue- 
tures were lined with cobbles or, at sites where 
stone was scarce, with rectangular adobes set on 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 12] 


edge. Some evidence suggests that earlier houses 
were built above ground of cane and mud. 

This simple culture pattern, with some local de- 
velopments, overlaps the earliest coastal ceramic 
period. For example, at Huaca Prieta the use of 
hot stones in cooking continues into the ceramic pe- 
riod, twined fabrics compete with the new weavy- 
ing techniques, and semi-subterranean constructions 
eontinue to be used along with constructions of 
eylindrical and conical adobes. The use of eylindri- 
cal and small biscuit-like adobes occurs with the first 
ceramic containers. These are simple olla cooking 
pots, irregularly colored from dull red to dark brown 
and black, showing lack of oxygen control in firing. 
The only decorative elements are applique ridges or 
ribs made irregular by pinching or notching. Pot- 
tery roller and plain stamps and figurines were also 
made. Jet mirrors, shell and bone beads, bone 
weaving tools and ornaments give further reason 
for believing that a een movement rather 
than a ora of ideas was responsible for the 
items new to the region. The only burials identi- 
fied with this time contain a few simple artifacts 
as grave offerings. Bodies were either seated 
with legs extended in front or fully extended with 
arms at sides. At Aspero in Supe there is a struc- 
ture which may represent an altar or religious site 
of this period. A large room, about four meters 
square, is connected by doors to two adjacent small 
rooms. The floor is of packed clay. The walls 
of uncut stone, crudely coursed and held together 
with mud plaster, are less than a meter high and 
about forty centimeters wide. A platform, 1.50 
meters square and 50 centimeters high, in the center 
of the main room is built with uncut boulders set on 


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| Ys x S ECU A 9) 0 R’ A / 


14 
A PK ere 
SX * emi 
\ aa j =. AS A 
Ww In yy y 
.« PYURS 
AN ¢ J Z 
De J yw é 
. a — 

- : _ CHONGOLLAPE & l pty | 
Pies ~~ CAJAMARCA / ; R 
a ae . . f . : 

ie Gene y= > » BSB RAZ 
| ¥ cl \ 


| CUPISNIQUEA~W > “a 
at -CHICAMA=\ -— N O\R TH x » 


) + ad 7 , . 


~ / Le ¢ 
. GUAWNAPE, viRU< ) 


° iF GH LWW DS my 


¥ 
NEPENA and ¢ J ¢ \ o, 4 
CASMA V\>-~ *CHAVIN DE HUANTAR\ ~, Ps a 
SS \ x \ ee i Zz 
Eva fo) . e 
2 ; ‘ f 
w/ c ' d — 
i F 
; 4 


< ; 
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| we LAKE JUNIN a = \- 
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| ANCON LASS ‘" : 
A ee [ ee. A Bote te ee Ww ; 


SAN BARTOLOY 


(CURAYACU) 


SCOAST 


SOUTH 


ja 
je ANTOFAGASTAi — 
| -" ™~ 
5 | T as = 
( , ly 
) ‘ Ps / 
ae) oT i 70 ri *% 
nate a = 72 1 5 ee 


Fig. 22. Principle cultist period sites. 


122 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 123 


end, with small stones filling the interstices. This 
base 1s covered with a clay plaster. Actually, pot- 
tery was not found with this structure, but discov- 
eries of a lance point of chipped stone, llama bones, 
and maize serve to place it in the early ceramic 
period. 

In many ways these coast sites apparently pre- 
sent a developmental sequence from the pre-ceramic 
into the ceramic, but it is doubtful that this is a true 
picture of the origin of higher civilization in the 
Central Andes. It is more likely that these coastal 
sites merely reflect the important cultural develop- 
ments that had occurred in the highlands. This 
becomes more apparent in the following discussion 
of the Cultist Period in which the Chavin style 
first appears. In art, architecture, and other as- 
pects of culture, the contrast is great. It seems un- 
likely that so marked a change should suddenly 
emerge from such humble beginnings as presented 
by the Early Farmer sites. Nonetheless, all evi- 
dence points to a long period in time for these pre- 
ceramic cultures. 


CuLtTist PERIOD 


(ca. 1200 B.C.—400 B.C.) 


Following the humble and modest beginnings rep- 
resented by the coastal pre-ceramie sites, the flower- 
ing of culture in the Cultist Period seems sudden 
and abrupt. Despite certain technological lmita- 
tions, the ceramics are varied and well made. Judg- 
ing by the few known samples, weaving is advanced. 
There is evidence of versatile craftsmanship and 
considerable sophistication in art and architecture. 
Subsistence is no longer dependent on fishing, gath- 


124 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


ering, hunting, and limited agriculture, but rather 
on agriculture with a wider range of plants. A 
marked increase in population occurred in some if 
not all regions, and from the eventual diffusion of 
a stylized feline motif and feline symbolism cul- 
tural unity is indicated. Part of this unity seems 
to have been of a religious nature hence the name 
‘*Cultist’’ for the period. 

The Cultist Period includes many local cultures 
and sites which, in spite of their wide distribution, 
are linked by the Chavin style horizon. Some of 
the outstanding sites are: Chavin de Huantar in 
the North Highlands; great middens at Ancoén, Supe, 
and San Bartolo; various building units, such as 
Moxeke, Pallka, Sechin Alto, and perhaps Cerro 
Sechin itself, in Casma Valley; Punguri and Cerro 
Blanco temples in Nepena Valley; Guanape and re- 
lated sites in Viru Valley; all of the Cupisnique eul- 
ture sites in Chicama Valley; Chongoyape in Lam- 
bayeque Valley; and miscellaneous isolated finds 
in Piura, Cajamarca, and the Lima region. More 
extensive exploration will undoubtedly reveal a 
much wider distribution of the Chavin horizon and 
perhaps permit the inclusion of additional sites 
that are apparently ancient but lack the Chavin 
design, such as Pichalo on the North Coast of Chile. 

There is abundant evidence for the relative an- 
tiquity of the Cultist Period. In Viru and Chi- 
cama valleys, the cultural remains follow immedi- 
ately after the Early Farmer period and precede 
the Salinar and Mochica cultures. Likewise, the 
sites are stratigraphically older than the White-on- 
Red culture in the North Highlands and the Inter- 
locking culture at Ancén. In general, Cultist ma- 
terials are not mixed with other known styles, and 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 125 


have technological limitations which are not found 
later. The total period was one of long duration, 
perhaps eight hundred years. Of this range, the 
characteristic Chavin horizon cultures are estimated 
as between four and five hundred years by the guess- 
dates used here. These estimates are based on the 
exceptionally thick refuse deposits which range from 
4.5 to 8.5 meters in Viru and Ancén. Within this 
long time range, many cultural advancements were 
achieved and with more study and material it is 
becoming evident that there are clearcut grounds 
for broad and regional subdivisions. 

In this type of historical approach all cultures and 
sites that fall into the same relative time bracket, 
on the basis of stratigraphic evidence, are included 
in the period under consideration. In the Cultist 
Period the component cultures are somewhat uni- 
form. All share the feline design of the Chavin 
horizon. Other similarities are due to technologi- 
eal limitations, to trade and diffusion, and perhaps 
to a common background and tradition. In spite 
of all this, each region presents local independence 
and variations which cannot be dismissed even when 
the period is considered as a unit. The significant 
regional differences will be emphasized in the sub- 
sequent cultural description of the period. 

Cultist sites on the coast are generally located 
close to the shore or along the margins of the val- 
leys, even in quebradas which are now dry and stone 
eovered. The highland sites likewise are in the 
small valleys rather than in the large basins. These 
marginal locations imply that the complete control 
of irrigation and agriculture had not yet been 
achieved. The flats of the coastal valleys were 
probably still brush-covered and swampy so that 


126 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


unskilled farmers could utilize only their bounda- 
ries. Furthermore, some of the regions which are 
now so arid were probably less so before the total 
flow of the rivers was channeled into irrigation sys- 
tems. The sites are refuse deposits, cemeteries, 
and temples or other religious structures. Some 
of the latter are of considerable size, but there is 
still no convincing evidence for huge concentra- 
tions of people. 

The large middens near the ocean shore prove 
that seafoods were still important in this period. 
They also provide us with the best data on the per- 
ishable items of this epoch which show a major de- 
velopment in agriculture. From middens near the 
Huaca Prieta comes evidence which indicates that 
maize was introduced into this part of Peru at the 
same time as the Cupisnique ceramics. With maize 
came several other new plants: peanuts, warty 
squash, pacai, and avocados. Other evidence sug- 
vests that manioe was also known. With these ad- 
ditions to the plants previously cultivated we have 
an impressive list. 

Data on domesticated animals are less conclusive. 
They may have had the dog though the evidence is 
not too positive. Certainly there is no trace of it 
earlier. The llama also may have been domesticated 
at this time, but, if so, its wool had not yet become 
important in textiles. 

The Cultist used bone and stone extensively for 
tools. However, only stone mortars and pestles, 
plain and decorated stone bowls, and bone spatulas 
are found throughout the whole area. Adding the 
bone and stone implements from local sites, gives 
an inventory of grooved stones, hammerstones, long 
lance heads, both four-pointed and four-flanged elub 


Fig. 23, Cultist period ceramic types. Courtesy of Rafael Larco Hoyle, 
except top center. 


127 


Fig. 24. Cultist Period goldwork from Chongoyape and bone artifacts from 


Chicama. Courtesy of Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation; Bone, 


Courtesy of Rafael Larco Hoyle. 
128 


——— 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 129 


heads, stone boxes, and bone awls, needles, daggers, 
spear-throwers, and spoons. <A long chonta palm 
bow was found at Ancon, but the spear-thrower was 
probably the more characteristic weapon. 

Ceramics are now a constant association and these 
present certain similarities due largely to techno- 
logical limitations. Vessels are basically mono- 
chrome, black, gray, brown, or red, often with thick 
walls and sometimes coarse tempering. The dark 
colors show that firing was in a reducing atmosphere 
in contrast to the general oxidized firing of subse- 
quent ceramics. The commonest form, with great- 
est distribution, is a roughly egg-shaped cooking 
jar with inclined rims, thickened at the lip. More 
variation is evident in the other forms, open bowls, 
bottles, collar jars and stirrup-spout containers 
(Fig. 23). Frequently, there is excellent, some- 
times superb, symmetry. A fine appreciation of 
surface texture contrasts is shown by skilful use 
of roughened, scratched, punctate, and polished 
areas. Slip painted decoration is lacking except 
near the close of the period and then is combined 
with the older techniques. Designs consist of geo- 
metrical elements, circles, dots and features of the 
Chavin feline. Regional differences exist: emphasis 
on modeling and stirrup spouts occur on the North 
Coast, heavier wares and more rocker stamp-incised 
decoration are found on the Central Coast. 

The few textiles collected show finer yarns. Spin- 
dle whorls were used and heddle controlled looms 
were probably employed for the first time. The 
fragments are virtually all made of cotton and 
demonstrate that the weaving techniques were com- 
petent although not as varied as in later times. 


130 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


Plain weaves, some with creped threads, are the 
most frequent and there are also monochrome tap- 
estries, weft stripes, fringes, tassels, and embroid- 
eries. A more elaborate piece, found in a shell- 
heap at Supe, has a woven design depicting the 
Chavin feline. 

From the textiles, the ceramic modeling, and the 
stone carving, it is clear that the typical Central 
Andean costume was not used. The figures are 
depicted without skirts, shirts, or footgear, and 
as wearing only belts, breechcloths, and some form 
of head covering, plus snoods. Feather headdresses 
have been found at Supe and some of the stone carv- 
ing designs represent feather capes. On the North 
Coast the meagerness of clothing at Cupisnique was 
compensated for by an elaboration of body orna- 
ment. The graves contain stamps for body paint- 
ing; cylindrical and pendent earplugs; bracelets; 
rings; many types of necklaces; wristlets; crowns; 
ete. The ornaments are made of many materials 
such as bird bone, turquoise, quartz, lapis lazuli, 
shell, bone, stone, and gold. All of these are well 
constructed and illustrate the artistic expression 
of the period. Pyrites or jet mirrors are found 
in all sites. Artificial skull deformation is also 
typical. 

Metalwork is limited in materials and techniques. 
Gold was the only metal used and even this is not 
found everywhere. Thin hammered sheet gold oce- 
curs at Supe and pressed relief objects have been 
found in Viru and at Chongoyape (Fig. 24) in Lam- 
bayeque Valley where the goldwork is more elab- 
orate than at other sites and may be somewhat 
more recent. Gold cuffs, ear discs, and other ob- 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 131 


jects are made by welding and soldering and deco- 
rated in relief with the Chavin feline motifs. 

More perishable artifacts have been found in the 
middens and graves at Supe and Ancon. ‘These 
include carrying nets, fish nets, netted bags, twined 
baskets, and totora mats, carved gourd containers, 
wooden boxes, and knobby sticks. 

Most graves are simple pits containing flexed or 
extended burials. Variants, namely a simple stone 
lined and a shaft and chamber grave, are known 
only from Cupisnique where the skeletons are cov- 
ered with red paint. Grave offerings are usually 
limited. Food is rarely included. Ceramics are 
either absent or limited to a few vessels. Other 
grave accompaniments are equally simple except at 
Cupisnique where personal ornaments are found in 
eonsiderable quantity. 

The domestic architecture is generally extremely 
simple, with circular or rectangular stone house 
foundations and stone-faced terraces for house plat- 
forms. One modeled Cupisnique vessel depicts a 
house with a gabled root, straw thatch, and a thick- 
ened foundation wall. A structure near Huaca 
Prieta indicates that the walls were of adobe. Per- 
haps, when excavated, the site of Pallka in Casma, 
with its aggregate of many rough stone rooms, may 
prove to be an exception to this simple domestic 
architecture. The religious architecture is on the 
other hand quite elaborate. The buildings identi- 
fied as temples are quite large, well planned, and 
extensively decorated. The coast temples are con- 
structed of rough stones set in mortar, or of conical 
adobes, which vary greatly in size, but are always 
laid so that the flat bases form the surface of the 
wall. Several buildings in Viru and Chicama on 


132 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


the North Coast are constructed of conical adobes. 
These probably belong to this period, but so far 
they have not been excavated. On the Central Coast 
no buildings of any magnitude can be assigned to 
this period. The best examples are found in Casma 
and Nepefa valleys where the sites of Cerro Blanco, 
Punguri, and Moxeke are outstanding. All these 
buildings are constructed of rough stones and coni- 
eal adobes. Each has such features as platforms, 
steps, rooms, clay columns, and decorated walls. 
The decorations are in polychrome fresco, in incised 
clay, and in high relief clay carving. The predomi- 
nant design element is the ubiquitous Chavin feline. 

The site of Chavin de Huantar, located in the 
North Highlands on a small tributary of the Ma- 
ranon River, is the most elaborate construction of 
this period. The narrow valley in which Chavin 
is located certainly could not have supported a very 
large population, but the massive construction which 
covers a large area must have required many labor- 
ers. The several building units have a roughly sym- 
metrical arrangement around a large sunken court, 
about forty-eight meters square, flanked on the north 
and south by raised platforms. The river has cut 
away the end of one of these platforms revealing a 
rubble construction with a few poorly constructed 
interior galleries. The exterior is faced with rough 
stones. Behind a raised terrace to the west of the 
courtyard is the ‘‘Castillo,’’ the principal building, 
roughly seventy-five meters square and over thir- 
teen meters high at the southeast corner. In order 
to maintain this height, the walls are inclined in- 
ward and are also set back in narrow terraces near 
the top. The exterior walls are finished with care- 
fully dressed stones. The building was once en- 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 133 


circled by a decorated cornice beneath which was a 
row of carved heads, each with its tenon for inser- 
tion in the wall. The interior of the Castillo has 
three floors, each with an elaborate series of stone- 
lined and covered galleries and rooms, as well as 
a special system of ventilating shafts which are 
found throughout the construction. The galleries 
are about one meter wide and 1.8 meters high. The 
rooms vary from two to four meters on a side. 
Ramps and stairways lead from one floor to an- 
other. One gallery still contains a carved prismatic 
stone known as the ‘‘Lanzo6n.’’ 

Many smaller buildings form part of this group, 
yet the site does not have the appearance of a vil- 
lage. Some habitation refuse is found near the 
structures, but actual house sites are few. Several 
house foundation walls on top of the Castillo are 
made of carefully dressed stone. The interior gal- 
leries and rooms contain no refuse nor other evi- 
dence that they functioned as dwellings. The sym- 
metrical layout, the careful construction, and the 
carved wall decorations suggest a religious struc- 
ture. Certainly, a unit like the Castillo must have 
been built according to plan. The first floor vents, 
galleries, and rooms were first constructed of stone, 
the spaces between the walls filled in with rubble, and 
the outside walls finished with dressed stones laid in 
horizontal rows of alternating thick and thin slabs. 
The second floor was added, following a similar 
pattern of galleries, rooms, and vents. Actually, 
massed man power would have been essential only 
to assemble the materials. The construction could 
have been completed over a period of time by a 
small group of skilled masons. 


Upper left, modeled clay, 


Fic. 25. Building and carving of the Cultist Period. 
others, Chavin de 


Moxeke, Courtesy of Donald Collier; lower left, Cerro Sechin; 


Hudantar. 
134 


ee 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 135 


Although carving is reasonably abundant at Cha- 
vin de Hudntar and at some other highland sites, 
it is not characteristic of the entire period (Fig. 
25). The carvings include human and feline heads 
in the round, with tenons for wall insertion, flat 
slabs for cornices and lintels, cylindrical columns, 
but no true statues. The carving, except for 
the heads, is in low, flat relief. The style is 
dominated by the feline motif represented in profile 
or in front view. The basic feline figure may be 
anthropomorphized or appendages may be added to 
identify it as a condor or a fish. Almost every de- 
tail of the design portrays another stylized repre- 
sentation of the feline head. Technically, this style 
is not very consistent for stonework, but suggests 
a repoussé metal technique applied to stone. In 
fact some authors see a stylistic technological se- 
quence within the Cultist Period from the metal 
relief work of Chongoyape, through the clay relief 
of Nepena and Casma, to the stone carving of high- 
land Chavin. 

Stone carving of any kind is rarely found on the 
coast of Peru; the outstanding exception is at Cerro 
Sechin in Casma Valley. This is a large construc- 
tion composed of two principal terraces. The lower 
terrace has a central stairway flanked on either side 
by a series of carved monoliths between which are 
smaller stones, each with a face carved on one side. 
This carving style is unique in Peru. The designs 
are based on the human figure, and there is no sug- 
gestion of the Chavin feline. If, as present evidence 
suggests, this construction belongs in the Cultist 
Period, it must antedate the spread of the Chavin 
horizon. 


136 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


In spite of certain features and similarities which 
characterize the Cultist Period as a whole, there is 
no evidence of over-all political unity. Instead, the 
social organization appears to have been based on 
family units grouped into small villages. It is not 
even demonstrable that the villages in a single val- 
ley were united politically. The general impression 
is that of a society which still devoted considerable 
effort to subsistence activities and directed its ex- 
cess energy and limited leisure time towards art 
expression and religious practices. The art work, 
particularly the ornaments, seems individualistic in 
spite of the restrictions of techniques and the con- 
ventions of the Chavin horizon style. The religious 
practices find their major expression in the construce- 
tion of temples, both local and regional. The re- 
ligious importance of the feline concept is obvious. 
However, if the quantity of grave goods is signifi- 
‘ant, ancestor worship had not yet reached the 
prominence which it gained in later periods. 

Large constructions like those at Chavin de Huan- 
tar do not in themselves imply enormous concen- 
trations of population. As has been suggested, such 
buildings could have been erected by a small num- 
ber of skilled masons and workers, once the neces- 
sary materials had been assembled. A _ religious 
pilgrimage pattern is implied, in which large num- 
bers congregate during certain ceremonial periods 
in the vear, contribute their labor service, and re- 
turn to their respective settlements. The pilgrim- 
age pattern still exists. For example, at Copa- 
cabana in Bolivia thousands assemble every August 
for religious celebration. At the time of the Con- 
quest, Pachacamac, near Lima, was renowned as a 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 137 


pilgrimage center, and much of the archaeological 
evidence suggests the antiquity of this pattern. 

A reconstructed picture follows. During one or 
more weeks in the year many people made the pil- 
erimage to a center like Chavin de Huantar for re- 
ligious celebration. While great numbers were as- 
sembled, the building materials would be brought 
in, stones dressed, and some of the larger slabs put 
in place. When the ceremony ended and the pil- 
gerims returned to their distant homes, specialized 
architects carried on the construction with a few 
local laborers. During the time of assembly, ideas 
and perhaps goods would be exchanged. At a mini- 
mum, the feline design, the primary symbol of the 
religion, would be widely distributed, without the 
implication of political unity. 

As technology improved and as irrigation and 
agriculture became more firmly established, more 
attention was devoted to the local region. Popu- 
lations increased and political organization ad- 
vanced. Regionalism became marked and the pil- 
erimage pattern was abandoned. In each local area 
experiments in many types of controls were under- 
taken. The Experimenter Period lacked over-all 
unity. This tendeney towards local development 
continued for a long time; in fact, until the Tia- 
huanaco horizon complex again represents, in ap- 
pearance at least, a pan-Central Andean unity. 


EXPERIMENTER PERIOD 


(ca. 400 B. C.-0.) 


The Chavin horizon, characterized by the stylized 
feline design, gives a definite unity to the Cultist 
Period. The exact origin of this style is unknown; 


\, < ECUADOR; 
aN / 


ee ae 


fee, = 


COAST 


a | 
CHANCAY W-ON-R f : 


Nn 
CENTRAL 


tet A, sec a Bos ‘ I 
PACHACAMAC 3 Ae } WO 


aes = RU { 


. «Cuzco 


PARACAS CAVERNAS 


{ 

! 

2 

) 

Tg * 
OCUCAJE ICA ; 


COAST 


SOUTH 


20 


: 
J 
i 


ANTOFAGASTA ; 


\ 


24 


Principal sites of the Experimenter Period. 


138 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 139 


in most regions it disappears as rapidly and mys- 
teriously as it appeared. However, the Chavin 
feline reappears as a design element in the much 
later Mochiea culture, so that presumably it con- 
tinued to dominate the artistic expression in some 
marginal area of the Central Andes. The most 
likely section for such a survival is the Far North 
Coast, namely, in Lambayeque and Piura valleys 
where, unfortunately, full archaeological sequences 
have not been established. Elsewhere, the gap be- 
tween the Cultist and Experimenter Periods is a 
sharp one, in spite of the fact that the undecorated 
utilitarian ceramics demonstrate a population con- 
tinuum. 

The Experimenter Period includes many local 
cultures, grouped together basically because they 
ean be assigned to the same relative chronological 
position. However, they are also linked by some 
general characteristics as well as two horizon styles, 
namely, the White-on-Red and the Negative. The 
principal cultures and sites of this period are the 
following: the Salinar culture sites in Chicama Val- 
ley and the closely related Puerto Moorin culture 
sites in Viru Valley; Cerro de Trinidad and Banos 
de Boza, type sites of the Chancay White-on-Red 
style; the North Highland White-on-Red style sites 
near Huaraz and at Chavin de Huantar; the Ca- 
vernas culture, represented at Paracas near Pisco 
Valley and at Ocucaje in Ica Valley; sites of the 
Chanapata culture near Cuzco; and the Chiripa cul- 
ture site on the Bolivian side of Lake Titicaca. 
There is good evidence for placing these local ecul- 
tures and styles in a time position between the Cult- 
ist and the Mastercraftsman Periods. <A cultural 
sequence of Cupisnique, Salinar, Mochica has been 


140 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


established in Chicama Valley by grave stratigra- 
phy. In Viru this is confirmed by refuse stratigra- 
phy which places Puerto Moorim as post-Cupisnique 
and pre-Gallinazo. In the Chaneay sites, the White- 
on-Red style gradually fades into the later Inter--. 
locking style—a sequence duplicated at Pachacamac. 
White-on-Red style graves are intrusive at the Cha- 
vin de Huantar ruins. At Paracas on the South 
Coast, the refuse of the Cavernas culture is older 
than the Necropolis culture graves. The Chana- 
pata sites are known only to be stratigraphically 
pre-Inca, but the Chiripa culture can be shown to 
antedate both Early and Decadent Tiahuanaco. 
Deep refuse deposits in Viru, Chancay, Paracas, 
and Chiripa point to a relatively long duration for 
the Experimenter Period, some four hundred years 
in the chronological plan employed here. This esti- 
mate is complicated by the uncertainty of the begin- 
ning and the termination of the period. The lower 
limit is unsatisfactory because of the apparent 
abruptness of the break with the Cultist Period. 
Only a few Salinar bone spatulas and some rare 
incised Cavernas ceramics indicate any carry-over 
of the Chavin feline design, and even in these it 
is an atypical variant. It is even more difficult to 
fix the upper limit because of the gradual transition 
into the technological controls and mastery of crafts 
that mark the next period. The specific changes 
differ in each region and undoubtedly occurred at 
different times. On the North Coast the Salinar 
culture soon divides into the Gallinazo and the Early 
Mochiea. On the Central Coast a gradual transi- 
tion is traceable from the Chaneay White-on-Red to 
the Interlocking. The South Coast situation is not 
very clear, although the Cavernas culture contains 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 14] 


the basic elements of both Necropolis and Nazca. 
The Chiripa culture in the South Highlands appar- 
ently develops into Pucara and Karly Tiahuanaco. 
There is, then, no sharp cleavage between the 
Iixperimenter and the Mastercraftsman Periods. 
Rather, the first represents the beginning and the 
second the culmination of the same sequence. 

The Experimenter Period sites are found in ev- 
ery major region of the Central Andes, which was 
not true of the Cultist Period. In all probability 
this may be due to differences in archaeological 
information and does not imply any sudden expan- 
sion of occupation. The sites include cemeteries, 
villages, habitation refuse deposits, and, more dubi- 
ously, hilltop fortresses and shrines. 

On the whole, this period is characterized by ex- 
perimentation in new techniques and new controls. 
This can be best observed in the technological 
achievements, in the crafts, in building, and in the 
agricultural methods. Similar experiments on the 
socio-political level are not so clear and probably 
were not of major importance until the technologi- 
eal controls were well crystallized. Superficially, 
some of the materials seem inferior to those of the 
Cultist Period, but a detailed examination proves 
these to be superior in technique, even though less 
artistic. Some artifacts have a reasonably wide 
distribution, but in general the period is marked by 
local developments, so that description of the pe- 
riod as a whole is difficult. The Cultist Period 
achieved unity through a religious pilgrimage pat- 
tern, but even this seems now to have disappeared. 
The two horizon styles that transcend the regional 
boundaries are both based solely on techniques. 
The White-on-Red horizon is little more than a tech- 


142 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


nique of positive brush painting on ceramics that 
spread throughout the North and Central Coasts 
and the North Highlands. The slightly later Nega- 
tive horizon is likewise a ceramic technique of re- 
sist painting that spread all along the Coast and 
into the North Highlands. In some areas these 
techniques were further improved and retained for 
a considerable length of time. Elsewhere they 
were tried and abandoned. 

On the coast, the sites of this period are located 
on the valley margins and along the shore. The 
latter show a marked dependence on seafood, but 
there is now no doubt that irrigation was prac- 
tised, particularly in the upper narrows of the river 
valleys. The highland sites, ike Chanapata and 
Chiripa, are associated with stone-faced terraces 
which are probably part of the cultivation system. 
Stone hoes are common. Several new plants and 
fruits can be added to those known previously: the 
frijol bean, quinoa, canahua, and pepino, a sterile 
hybrid which can be propagated only by cuttings. 
Llamas are now common and one modeled clay 
animal at Chanecay resembles a guinea pig. Coca, 
the important narcotic, has been found in a Ca- 
vernas tomb, as well as pots containing the dregs 
of some liquid like the corn beer, chicha. Dried 
meat found in coastal graves and a bin which con- 
tained quinoa at Chiripa suggest that methods of 
food preservation and storage were now known. 
In brief, the Experimenter Period is marked by 
ereater dependence on agricultural subsistence, new 
techniques of cultivation employing terraces and 
irrigation, experiments with new plants, and the 
preservation of food. 


EU! © 


te ae 


ford 


Fig. 27. Chiripa ceramics and house site, Experimenter Period. 


143 


Fig. 28. Salinar ceramics of the Experimenter Period. 
Courtesy of Rafael Larco Hoyle, except top center. 


144 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 145 


Rough stone continues as a common building ma- 
terial, but, in addition, various types of hand-made 
adobes were used on the coast. These are conical 
or odontiform on the North Coast, dome-shaped on 
the Central Coast and blunt-conical on the South 
Coast. Modeled Salinar ceramics represent two 
house types; one, circular, with a flat roof sup- 
ported by step-shaped side pillars; the other, rec- 
tangular, with an open front and a pent roof sup- 
ported by cross beams and a central pillar. In Viru 
Valley there are small villages composed of clusters 
of three to five stone house foundations. It is also 
possible that honeycomb clusters of subterranean 
or semi-subterranean rooms were built of tapia 
and ball-like adobes. At least, these are the earli- 
est types found in the succeeding Gallinazo culture. 
Underground dwellings are also found at Cavernas, 
Huaraz, and perhaps Chanapata. A unique type 
of village is found at Chiripa on the Bolivian shore 
of Lake Titicaca. It consists of fourteen rectangu- 
lar houses arranged in a circle around a central 
court. The foundation walls, which are intact, are 
about one meter high and are built of small stones 
packed in clay. The upper walls were constructed 
of rectangular adobes and the roof of sticks and 
erass thatch. The side walls are double; their hol- 
low interiors were used as storage bins, access to 
which was by means of inside rectangular windows. 
Deep vertical slots in the door jambs were for slid- 
ing wooden door panels (Fig. 27). 

Technological advancement in ceramie manufac- 
ture and decoration is evident. This by no means 
imphes that the artistic accomplishment was any 
better, it simply means that a wider range of tech- 
nical differences can be noted. There is a shift to 


146 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


open, oxidized firing and the decorative procedures 
which are possible with the resultant light-colored 
wares. Fired pigments come into use, at first in 
conjunction with the earlier incised decoration or 
as white or creamy painting on reddish slip or 
paste. Negative decoration, impractical on dark 
wares became popular. Because of its simplicity, 
knowledge of this process could spread without 
transmission of motifs or patterns—so it is not 
surprising that there are marked regional differ- 
ences in its use. 

Salinar presents a great range of vessel shapes, 
of which the most typical are stirrup-spout contain- 
ers, jars with a spout and a bridge to a modeled 
figure, bottles with cylindrical necks and flat han- 
dles, and ollas (Fig. 28). Modeling is an outstand- 
ing characteristic. The small figures which are 
almost caricatures are noted for their detail of fa- 
cial expression. The modeled vessels portray birds, 
animals, and human figures in peculiar positions. 
All are disproportionate in detail, particularly in 
the treatment of the eyes. Incision, appliqué, 
punch, and white-on-red brush painting are also em- 
ployed. The white paint is applied directly to the 
base clay. The designs are simple lines or trian- 
eles. Paint is also used to augment the modeled 
features of the vessels. 

The Central Coast ceramics, best known from the 
Chaneay sites, consist mainly of bowls with flaring 
lips, mammiform jars, flaring-sided cups, and plain 
jars. Incision is rare and modeling is limited to 
simple lugs. Some negative painting is found, but 
positive painting, either white zoned, or white-on- 
red, simple geometric designs, is the more charac- 
teristic decoration. 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 147 


A long developmental sequence of Cavernas ce- 
ramies starts with Chavim designs and feline ele- 
ments. Vessel forms include a drinking jar with a 
spout joined by a bridge handle to vented heads and 
figures, one and two-spouted bottles, with and with- 
out handles, varied bowl shapes and graters, egeg- 
shaped storage and cooking jars, the last with thick- 
ened rims like those of the Cultist Period. Other 
items are figurines, drums, trumpets, panpipes and 
whistles. Modeling is sometimes suggestive of 
Salinar. Decoration emphasizes incision with lac- 
quer-like, resin-based pigment colors added after 
firing (Fig. 29). Negative decoration 1s common 
and use of white slip paint develops late. 

The Chanapata ceramics are predominantly mono- 
ehrome blackware: ollas with strap handles, open 
bowls with flaring sides, bottles, and plates. The 
major decorative techniques are incision, puncta- 
tion, and applique. <A simple eat, unlike the Chavin 
motif, is the characteristic design. Some positive 
painting presents both a red-on-white and a white- 
on-red combination, although it is not related to 
the Chaneay style. 

The typical Chiripa vessel is a flat-bottom open 
bowl, with perpendicular sides, and a thickened rim 
edge. Simple geometric designs are executed in a 
thick yellow paint on a red slip base (Fig. 27). The 
color areas may be outlined by incision. A cat fig- 
ure in appliqué relief, like Chanapata, is also com- 
mon. This style, plus black paint and more empha- 
sis on the modeled relief, forms the basis for the 
Pucara style. 

Certain cultural traditions are either continued or 
established during this period. On the North Coast, 
the ceramic traditions of modeling, stirrup-spout, 


ig, 29. Paracas Cavernas ceramic style, Experimenter Period, five of the pieces 


resin painted. The Pucara culture tube at the left shows a similar effect achieved 
with fired pigments on areas fixed by incision. Courtesy of Museo Nacional de 
Antropologia y Arqueologia de Peru, except top bowl and small figure. 


148 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 149 


and hand manufacture continued and_ bichrome 
painting became established. Molds for increased 
production were developed later by Mochica potters 
while polychrome fired pigments start at the end of 
Paracas with the first Nazea wares. 

Where textiles have survived and have been col- 
lected one finds them abundantly associated with 
all cultures of this period. The greatest quantity 
comes from Paracas Cavernas graves both at Para- 
eas and in the Ica Valley. These reveal several 
well-developed techniques; double cloth, sometimes 
with supplementary yarns used to create the effect 
of triple cloth, patterned sprang or loom plaiting, 
gauze and abundant embroidery. Some are painted, 
others covered with tropical forest bird feathers 
imported from east of the Andes. The principal 
fibers are cotton and wool. Dyes on wool are often 
bright and varied. Designs are largely influenced 
by techniques and even on painted pieces are geo- 
metrically angular. 

Among the various textile articles we find the 
basic Central Andean clothing pattern, turbans, 
headbands, hoods or snoods, shawls, sleeveless 
shirts, loincloths, and carrying bags. It is reason- 
able to assume that at this time the Highland 
inhabitants possessed adequate clothing although no 
actual specimens survive. As in later times, the 
principal fiber must have been wool. 

In the north, modeled ceramics show turbans and 
other headgear, and knee-length skirts. Gallinazo 
fabrics from the Chicama Valley, made mainly of 
cotton, have fewer dyes and reveal less technical 
and design development than in the south. From all 
this it seems that Paracas culture placed great 
emphasis on the craft. The greater variety of 


150 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


fibers, techniques, and woven garments all bear this 
out. The South Coast also continues to be a versa- 
tile weaving center in later periods. 

With greater attention given to clothing, there is 
less emphasis on personal ornaments than in the 
preceding period. Skull deformation is practised 
in both Cavernas and Salinar. Some of the mod- 
eled clay figures depict tattooing, but face painting 
is not very common. Shell, bone, and stone beads 
are found everywhere. At Salinar circular and 
tubular earplugs, finger rings, and nose rings are 
added to the range of ornaments. 

Metalwork, although still not very advanced, dem- 
onstrates some experimentation with new techniques 
and alloys. Simple hammered and cut-out gold ob- 
jects are found in practically all of the sites. At 
both Chanecay and Salinar a gold-copper alloy is 
used and pure copper makes its first appearance at 
Cavernas and Chiripa. 

The sling and the spear-thrower are the most com- 
mon weapons. Bone daggers are found in several 
sites, a wooden spear in one, and, at Chiripa, the 
bolas is still in use. The Experimenters made a 
ereat variety of bone and stone tools. The greatest 
range is to be found at Chiripa, but all sites have 
many of the standard implements. The bone in- 
ventory includes spatulas, needles, awls, daggers, 
spear-throwers, hooks, chisels, polishers, knives, and 
scrapers, some with serrated edges. Only Salinar 
has decorated spatulas. The stone artifacts con- 
sist of such utilitarian types as mortars, hammers, 
polishers, grinders, and serapers. Shell seems to 
have been used only for beads. The Cavernas sites 
preserve certain of the more perishable artifacts: 
nets, calabashes decorated by pyrogravure, totora 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 151 


baskets and mats, painted leather containers, a cir- 
cular strainer attached to a handle, and a five-stop 
flute. Clay panpipes are found both at Chancay and 
Cavernas. 

There is still no evidence for stone carving in this 
period, although presumably the art carried over 
from the Cultist Period since it reappears in the 
Pueara and Tiahuanaco cultures in the South High- 
lands and in the Recuay culture in the North High- 
lands. Actually many carved stones in the high- 
lands cannot yet be assigned to any specific period. 
Some of these may some day be identified as be- 
longing to the Experimenter Period. 

Direct pit burial was characteristic of the preced- 
ing period and is still a common type. However, 
there is now evidence of greater attention to the 
preparation of tombs. Some type of covering is 
usual. In Salinar, the elliptical graves are covered 
with inclined slabs. At Chancay the graves are 
covered with poles or rough stone vaults. Stone- 
lined box graves are commonly found underneath 
the house floor at Chiripa. Cavernas has more elab- 
orate tombs cut into the soft rock. A typical tomb 
has a stone-walled upper chamber, 1.5 meters in di- 
ameter and about two meters deep. A passage cut 
through the soft rock extends some three meters 
below this before it broadens out into a lower cham- 
ber which serves as the burial vault. Some Caver- 
nas tombs contain many bundle burials and arti- 
facts. Elsewhere the grave accompaniments are 
relatively poor: one to three vessels and perhaps 
a few other artifacts. 

It is extremely difficult to reconstruct the type of 
social organization in this period. Some of the Ca- 
vernas tombs appear to have been family vaults; 


152 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


these contain burials of both the rich and the poor, 
judging by the quantity and quality of the cloth 
wrappings. However, in general, there is little ar- 
chaeological evidence of any sharp class distinctions. 
The arrangement of the house clusters, however, 
suggests an extended family pattern in which each 
unit was more or less equivalent. 

Religion, too, seems to have been of no great im- 
portance. The feline cult of the Cultist Period dis- 
appeared and no new religious cult replaced it. The 
paucity of ruins which ean be identified as temples 
or shrines, the relatively meager attention paid to 
grave construction and accompaniment, and the ab- 
sence of symbolic design in the ceramics and other 
arts all confirm the impression of a poorly organ- 
ized religion. Graves at Ocucaje in Ica Valley con- 
tain skulls eut in two halves, a practice which may 
imply either a religious custom or the preservation 
of war trophies. A medicineman kneeling beside his 
patient is represented on one Salinar vessel. 

Kach local region can be distinguished on the ba- 
sis of its ceramic styles, but there are no marked 
contrasts in development except at Cavernas which 
is perhaps more advanced in weaving techniques. 
Even with this exception, the regional culture pat- 
terns are not markedly different. Instead, the pic- 
ture everywhere is one of relatively small popula- 
tions, divided into family or extended family groups, 
which directed their major energies towards the de- 
velopment of agricultural methods, and towards the 
control of a variety of new techniques. The concen- 
tration of attention was therefore on the local re- 
gion. Techniques developed outside its limits were 
rapidly accepted and applied locally, but there seems 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 153 


to have been no great pressure for widespread po- 
litical or religious unity. 

As experiments proved successful, the technologi- 
eal controls improved, and the population increased. 
When this happened, the geographical differences 
in size and fertility of regions became an impor- 
tant factor. Increased populations also created new 
problems in social and political controls. These 
new problems were solved in different ways in each 
local region, so that by the succeeding period, which 
marks the acme of technology and craftsmanship, 
each region has a distinctive pattern of orientation. 
As previously mentioned, it is not possible to deter- 
mine precisely when this transition from experiment 
to mastery occurred. Doubtless it varied from re- 
gion to region. However, there comes a point when 
it is clear that techniques have been mastered in all 
parts of the Central Andes and a new period has 
begun. 


MASTERCRAFTSMAN PERIOD 


(ca. 0-900 A. D.) 


The long period of experimentation eventually 
culminated in the complete mastery of many tech- 
niques, particularly those relating to agricultural 
subsistence and the crafts. Since, as pointed out 
in the preceding chapter, similar experimentation 
was carried out in all parts of the Central Andes, 
it is impossible to determine exactly when the con- 
trols were finally achieved, but the quantity of arti- 
facts of good quality suggest a substantial time 
duration for the Mastereraftsman Period. In the 
guess-dates used in this volume nine hundred years 
are allowed for this period, but the time span might 


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Fig. 30. Principal cultural divisions in the Mastercraftsman Period. 


154 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 155 


easily be larger or smaller. The upper time limit 
is reasonably well established by the widely distrib- 
uted Tiahuanaco horizon which is so uniform that it 
serves as a convenient time marker. Everywhere 
Tiahuanaco is either intermingled with or replaces 
the local culture of the Mastercraftsman Period, as 
has been demonstrated many times by stratigraphic 
excavation and by the analyses of the resultant col- 
lections. 

In both the highlands and the coast the Master- 
eraftsman Period is characterized by the mastery 
of agricultural techniques, by ambitious monumental 
architecture, by skilled craftsmanship in ceramics, 
weaving, and metallurgy, and by a florescence of art 
styles. Despite this apparent unity on the techno- 
logical level, regional differences are marked. Each 
sub-area may be distinguished by its distinctive lo- 
eal patterns which were apparently strong enough 
to absorb alien influences and mold them into the 
dominant styles without interrupting the basic 
trends. Some design motifs, such as the feline, 
snake, sea-otter, and ray fish, are widely distributed, 
but their specific portrayal is in terms of the local 
style. In fact, regionalism is so strong that there 
are no horizon styles in this period. The diffusion, 
which certainly resulted from the ever-increasing 
contacts between peoples of the different regions, 
must have taken the form of a direct exchange of 
ideas rather than wholesale borrowing. In brief, 
the differentiation between regions is now of such 
magnitude that it is no longer merely marked by a 
contrast of local styles of manufacture and design, 
but, rather, by distinct patterns of orientation based 
on the same technological elements. Each local cul- 


156 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


ture had a large inventory of techniques and con- 
trols at its command and these were selected and 
developed in terms of the particular regional pat- 
tern. Ior example, the absence of massive temple 
construction in the Nazca culture cannot be attrib- 
uted to a lack of knowledge of building methods, 
but rather to a pattern which directed mass energy 
into other channels. At the close of this chapter 
two of the most distinctive patterns are described 
in some detail because they are important in the 
later history of the Central Andes. 

The Mastereraftsman Period is represented by 
hundreds of sites and by extensive collections of 
artifacts. Since this period attained the peak of 
perfection in craftsmanship, the ceramics, textiles, 
and other art objects have been avidly collected by 
both amateurs and professionals, and are abun- 
dantly represented in museums throughout the 
world. It is not practical to list specific sites for 
this period since each major culture covers a rather 
extensive area. The Mochica culture is found in 
the North Coast valleys of Pacasmayo, Chicama, 
Moche, Viru, Santa, Nepena, and Casma where it 
is evident that strong political as well as eul- 
tural unity existed. The Interlocking and Early 
Lima cultures dominate the Central Coast, particu- 
larly in the Chaneay, Rimae, and Lurin valleys. On 
the South Coast, the Necropolis culture at Paracas, 
near Pisco Valley, is closely related to the Nazea 
culture of the Ica and Nazca valleys. The Recuay 
culture is found throughout the Callejon de Huaylas 
and in other parts of the North Highlands. The 
South Highlands are the center of the Pucara and 
Karly Tiahuanaco cultures. The distinetive Tia- 
huanaco culture undoubtedly had its origins in the 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 157 


period, but it will be described with the next period 
which it so clearly dominates. Only the Central 
Highlands, later so prominent as the center of the 
Inca Empire, have no known cultural remains of 
this period. 

So vast is the quantity and variety of cultural 
material that detailed treatment of each culture is 
impractical. By and large the Nazca and Mochica 
cultures are the best known; consequently, these are 
treated in greater detail, particularly in respect to 
their contrasting cultural patterns. The other cul- 
tures are included wherever possible. The techno- 
logical achievements are presented first as the basis 
for subsequent analysis of the regional patterns of 
orientation. 

In the Mastercraftsman Period subsistence is 
based almost entirely on agriculture and there is 
every indication that the coastal valleys were com- 
pletely conquered with respect to cultivation. In 
Viru, for example, hundreds of sites of this period 
are found in all parts of the valley, with the princi- 
pal sites concentrated on the valley flats. Some of 
these are small habitation mounds; others are rea- 
sonably large villages. Irrigation systems are in- 
tricate and suggest over-all planning. In Chicama 
Valley one irrigation canal is over seventy-five miles 
long; another, at Ascope, is conducted across the 
wide mouth of a quebrada by means of an artifi- 
cially constructed aqueduct, fourteen hundred me- 
ters long, fifteen meters high, and estimated to con- 
tain over 785,000 cubic meters of earth. Likewise 
many of the complicated arrangements of agricul- 
tural terraces in the South Highlands are assigned 
to this period. 


158 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


In preceding periods the range of domesticated 
plants included maize, squash, beans, cotton, pep- 
pers, peanuts, manioc, coca, quinoa, canahua, achira; 
and various fruits: pepino, pacai, licuma, and avo- 
cado. Additional plants and fruits were grown by 
the Mastercraftsmen: sweet potato, potato, oca, ma- 
shua, ulluco, jiquima, yacon, and lupines; tuna, 
eranadilla, chirimoya, guanabana, tumbo, papaya, 
and pineapple. To be sure, some of these plants 
and fruits were undoubtedly known previously, but 
the evidence is now definite. In other words, the 
total range of Central Andean domesticated plants 
is now established, and no new plants are added 
until the Spaniards arrived. Likewise, the stand- 
ard agricultural techniques include the digging-stick, 
the hoe, guano fertilizer, and probably every other 
method known in the Central Andes at any time. 
The psychological importance of agricultural sub- 
sistence is indicated by the common representations 
of domesticated plants in the art work, the frequent 
association of plants and religious symbols, and the 
pictures of ceremonies related to agricultural activi- 
ties. Domesticated llamas, alpacas, and guinea pigs 
are numerous, and herding plays an important role 
in the subsistence. The gathering of wild foods no 
longer seems important, but fishing, with hooks, nets, 
and harpoons, is still a standard supplement to the 
food supply. Hunting, judging by the scenes on 
Mochica pottery, has now become a sport for the 
privileged upper class. The hunting scenes depict 
the use of deer nets and traps, spear-throwers and 
darts, clubs for sea-lions, and bloweguns for birds. 

The advanced agricultural techniques and the size 
and number of habitation sites all suggest a large 
population. However, population pressure cannot 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 159 


have been very severe since many regions and val- 
leys of considerable fertility were apparently only 
slightly utilized. It is of course possible that fu- 
ture archaeological work will prove that these were 
equally well populated by peoples with different 
cultures. 

Permanent materials, such as stone or adobe, are 
used everywhere in house building. In the latter 
half of the Early Farmer Period underground struc- 
tures were popular. Like those found in association 
with the Necropolis culture at Paracas, they had one 
and two rooms lined with stone and _ sun-baked 
adobes. In the earlier examples, entrance was 
through a short tunnel. Later, a stairway led to 
the room. Subterranean dwellings are also asso- 
ciated with the Recuay culture in the North High- 
lands. Some are long narrow galleries, lined and 
covered with stone slabs, and entered by a shaft at 
oneend. Others have a central chamber surrounded 
by a number of small niche-like rooms. These are 
constructed of large and small stones, carefully 
chinked, plastered, and often painted. Still others 
have two floors underground, or a combination of a 
surface room and a basement-like chamber. Sub- 
terranean houses are also found in the South High- 
lands, but most villages consist of a number of rough 
stone surface dwellings. The North Coast Mochica 
ceramics portray houses built on terraces around 
open patios and with small rectangular rooms. The 
roofs are gabled and apparently thatched with straw 
or mats. ‘The excavated ruins reveal clusters of 
rectangular rooms around some of the large temples. 
The walls are usually composed of mold-made ree- 
tangular adobes. 


160 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


Villages of this period are not laid out according 
to a specific plan. An open scatter pattern is the 
most typical arrangement of house units. An ex- 
ception is found in the North Coast honeycomb pat- 
tern of which the Gallinazo group in Viru Valley is 
a good illustration. This group consists of six arti- 
ficial platform mounds, the largest of which is 
roughly two hundred by four hundred meters, and 
over five meters high. Its surface is covered with 
small rectangular rooms constructed of plain or 
cane-marked adobes. The rooms average about ten 
meters square, so that they number several thou- 
sand on this one platform. The layout is haphaz- 
ard; new units were added in amorphous fashion 
from time to time. It does not follow that all the 
rooms were occupied simultaneously nor that each 
room represents the home of a single family unit. 
However, the group as a whole must have housed a 
sizable population. 

The Mastercraftsman Period is generally charac- 
terized by the construction of large public works, 
usually identified as temples and forts. An excep- 
tion is in the south where large fortified towns 
start in Paracas times but seldom have structures 
of large size. On the Central Coast, although time 
association for the many large pyramids and build- 
ing units is not very satisfactory, some of the large 
pyramids and building units, ike Pachacamae and 
Cajamarquilla, were certainly initiated during this 
period. For example, some thick walls built of 
hand-molded adobe and stone are decorated with 
frescoes with typical Interlocking designs of fish 
painted in white, yellow, red, and black. In the 
North Highlands some of the two and three-story 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 161 


temples with interior rooms, stone walls, and slab 
roofs, undoubtedly are assignable to the Recuay 
eulture, although final confirmation of this identi- 
fication is lacking. Consequently, our best knowl- 
edge of large seale public building is from the North 
Coast and the South Highlands. 

The most outstanding Mochica constructions on 
the North Coast are found at Moche, not far from 
Trujillo. At the base of a rocky hill, called Cerro 
Blanco, are two large buildings separated by a flat 
plain, once the site of a village. The first building, 
the ‘‘Huaea de la Luna,’’ is a step-sided platform, 
eighty by sixty meters, terraced against the side of 
the hill. Graves with Mochica style pottery were 
uncovered at the base of this platform and some of 
the room walls on top are decorated with a fresco 
in black, white, red, yellow, light blue, pink, and 
brown. The design, in Mochica style, portrays 
shields, maces, darts, and the like, represented as 
if in revolt against human control. The second 
building, the ‘‘ Huaca del Sol,’’ is one of the largest 
single structures on the Coast of Peru. The base 
is a step-sided platform, two hundred twenty-eight 
by one hundred thirty-six meters and eighteen me- 
ters high; it is approached by a causeway six meters 
wide and ninety meters long. <A step-sided pyra- 
mid, one hundred three meters square and twenty- 
three meters high, caps the south end of the plat- 
form. The Moche River has cut into this building, 
revealing a solid mass of rectangular mold-made 
adobes. In fact, the whole unit is composed of 
eolumns of adobes, piled up with little attention to 
binding, implying that it was constructed by organ- 
ized groups of unskilled workers. 


162 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


The Moche ruins are the most impressive, but 
there are many other examples of large isolated 
architectural units on the North Coast. Some are 
step-sided pyramids built on the village flats; others 
are platforms approached by a ramp. Still others 
‘ap natural rocky outcrops and thus augment the 
impression of massiveness. Rough stones are used 
in the foundations and algarrobo logs may be in- 
serted as binders, but the greater part of the con- 
struction is always of mold-made rectangular ado- 
bes. The outer walls are plastered and some are 
painted or decorated with cut-out arabesques. The 
decorated walls and the constant association of 
cemeteries imply that these structures were temples. 
However, some of the constructions surmounting 
the high peaks may have served as forts. 

In the South Highlands the architecture is more 
skilled and complex than the simple massive North 
Coast constructions. The temple at Pucara in 
southern Peru serves as an illustration. The basic 
materials are dressed sandstone and basalt blocks, 
although some adobe is also used. The over-all 
plan is somewhat complex. An inner court, about 
fifteen meters square, contains two subterranean 
burial vaults built of carefully dressed blocks and 
slabs. The vaults are entered through a doorway 
and a series of steps. This central court is at a 
lower level than the surrounding constructions 
which consist of a series of walls forming a horse- 
shoe-shaped enclosure and contain small compart- 
ments with the doors facing the inner court. Each 
compartment contains one or two slab altars. The 
stone masonry is consistently of good quality, al- 
though the joining techniques so characteristic of 
the somewhat later Tiahuanaco are not emploved. 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 163 


The identification of this Pucara building as a tem- 
ple seems obvious. The North Coast building seems 
to represent mass labor, but Pucara gives the im- 
pression of being the work of skilled professional 
masons. 

Stone carving is associated with all highland 
cultures of this period. In the North Highlands, 
earved statues and lintels are characteristic of the 
Recuay culture. The statues (Fig. 31) represent 


Fig. 31. Recuay style stone statues of the Mastercraftsman Period. 
Statues in the Huaraz Museum. 


seated females and stylized warriors who carry 
elubs and shields. The figures are further deco- 
rated with finely incised designs in Recuay motifs. 
The Pucara sculptors carved human figures, ani- 
mals, stelae, and slabs (Fig. 32). The carving is 


164 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


competent and displays some attempts at realism, 
although it is not remarkable as seulpture. The 
stelae and slabs are usually decorated with frankly 
geometric designs. The few statues in Bolivia 
which are assigned to the Early Tiahuanaco cul- 
ture have certain stylistic resemblances to those of 
Pucara. Again the statues are somewhat realistic 
and represented in kneeling or seated positions. 


Fig. 32. Pucara style stone carving of the Mastercraftsman Period. 
Courtesy of Museo Nacional, Lima. 


Throughout the Central Andes, the graves of this 
period, although differing in detail, are always care- 
fully constructed and usually contain a large num- 
ber of offerings. To be sure, all burials are not 
equally elaborate even in the same culture, since by 
this time there are marked distinctions in the im- 
portance of individuals. The materials placed in 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 165 


the graves are definitely ceremonial. For example, 
in both ceramics and weaving there is a sharp con- 
trast between the utilitarian pieces and the cere- 
monial objects intended for interment. The de- 
ceased everywhere are buried in definite cemeteries ; 
some are located in isolated spots, others in close 
proximity to the temples. 

The typical Mochica grave is a rectangular box 
made of adobes. Niches may be built in its walls 
to hold grave offerings. The roofs are constructed 
of poles, a combination of poles and adobes, or 
rarely, of adobes arranged in the form of a true 
arch. The single or multiple burials are in an ex- 
tended position and the grave accompaniments are 
usually numerous. The South Coast Nazca graves 
are pot-shaped, with a square or round shaft, which 
may be lined with poles or rough stones, leading to 
an enlarged chamber below. The burials are flexed 
and cloth wrapped. Burials of the Necropolis eul- 
ture at Paracas were in stone-lined subterranean 
vaults similar to their houses. Some of these vaults 
eontain forty or more elaborately wrapped mummy 
bundles. The Recuay graves in the North High- 
lands are either subterranean stone-lined boxes or 
underground galleries. The dressed stone burial 
vaults of Pucara in the South Highlands have al- 
ready been mentioned. 

Most museum collections of this period are from 
eraves that have been systematically looted for 
years, and consequently, contain largely ceremonial 
objects. In general, knowledge of the utilitarian 
manufactures is decidedly limited. However, the 
Mastereraftsman Period is particularly noted for 
its skilled craftsmanship in ceramics, weaving, and 
metallurgy. There is no outstanding regional dif- 


166 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


ference in technical abilities, so that the distinctions 
found represent local styles and preference. Each 
of the major crafts is described, then, in terms of 
its generalized technical achievement and its specific¢ 
regional styles. 

The ceramics are the best made and most com- 
petently decorated of those found at any time in 
the Central Andes. The pastes are fine and made 
from selected clays; the firing is done in open ovens 
with complete control of oxidation; and the thick- 
ness or thinness of the ware is entirely under the 
regulation of the manufacturer. Most vessels are 
covered with an over-all slip before the design is 
applied. Modeling, incision, appliqué, and pressed 
relief are universally known decorative techniques, 
but the principal distinguishing trait is brush work 
painted design. Polychrome painting is equally 
characteristic, although the number of colors varies 
regionally. In general, the ceramic design is de- 
pictive in that the modeling and painting is intended 
to portray actual objects, animals, birds, and figures. 
Occasionally the design approaches true realism; 
sometimes, the basic naturalistic figure is modified 
or stylized. Each major area has its distinctive 
series of shapes and designs which are readily dis- 
tinguishable. 

The major diagnostics of the Mochica ceramics 
are the stirrup-spout, the depictive linear brush de- 
sign, bichrome painting in white and red, and skil- 
ful naturalistic modeling (Fig. 33). While the num- 
ber of vessel shape categories is limited, the varia- 
tions within each are enormous. Roughly, sixty per 
cent of the vessels in museum collections have stir- 
rup-spouts, that 1s, two arched tubes which meet 
in a single cylindrical spout. The stirrup-spout is 


Fig. 33. 


Varieties of Mochica pottery of the Mastercraftsman Period. 


167 


168 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


one of the North Coast ceramic traditions, but it is 
distinguishable in Mochica because of its consistent 
thinness and regularity of dimension. It is found 
on globular containers, or, less frequently, on an- 
gular-bodied, squat, cylindrical and square vessels. 
It is also commonly found on modeled containers 
which portray human heads, human figures, animals, 
birds, houses, fruits, plants, ete. Other prominent 
ceramic shapes are head bowls without stirrup- 
spouts, containers with a spout and an arched han- 
dle, double bowls, dippers with conical handles, 
flaring-sided (flower) vases, collar jars, and bowls. 
Although virtually all vessels are made in molds, 
true duplication is unusual. Painting, modeling, 
and relief are used singly or in any combination 
of the three techniques. The bichrome painting is 
depictive, some designs showing single figures; oth- 
ers, scenes. Three dimensional effects are achieved 
in the modeling. Mochica design is basically real- 
istic, portraying many details of the life of the 
times: fishing and hunting scenes, ceremonies, pun- 
ishments, battles, modeled portraits of distinguished 
individuals, house types, animals, birds so carefully 
modeled that the species can often be identified, and 
representations of the gods and religious concepts. 
All these realistic representations permit consid- 
erable reconstruction of the Mochica culture. Fur- 
ther references to these designs will be made in dis- 
cussing other aspects of culture. 

On the Central Coast the ceramics have little 
variety. The predominant shape of the Interlock- 
ing culture is a beaker with out-flaring or out- 
slanting sides, painted in black, white and bright 
red on a reddish base slip. The characteristic de- 
sien, after which the culture is named, is an inter- 


Fig. 34. 


Nazca style ceramics of the Mastercraftsman Period. 


169 


170 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


locking fish, undoubtedly derived from a textile pat- 
tern. Other associated shapes are mammiform jars, 
double-spout vessels, constricted collar jars, and 
spout and handle jars. The Karly Lima culture has 
few distinctive ceramic elements, but has, rather, a 
combination of features from both the North and 
South Coasts. 

The Nazea ceramies (Fig. 34) are characterized 
by globular containers with two short spouts and a 
flat connecting bridge, variants on tall, graceful 
goblets, complex stylized design, and polychrome 
painting in from one to eight colors on a_ back- 
ground slip. There are twenty-five basic shapes; 
most of them are variants on shallow open bowls, 
tall goblets, double-spout jars, and a spout and 
bridge to modeled figure jars. Polychrome paint- 
ing is outstanding, while modeling is decidedly sec- 
ondary and not particularly distinctive. The com- 
monest colors are various shades of red, yellow, 
eray, brown, violet, black, and white. The designs 
may be termed naturalistic in that they represent 
fish, fruit, birds, and other identifiable figures. 
Each design unit is usually outlined in black and 
filled in with other colors. The more elaborate 
designs include trophy heads, centipede-like figures, 
a human figure with a jagged staff and, most dis- 
tinctive of all, an anthropomorphized feline with a 
mask. Nazea ceramics are excellently made, highly 
polished, and brilliant in color. 

In the North Highlands, the Recuay ceramics are 
characterized by three-color negative painting in 
black, white, and red on a pure white clay, and a 
stylized jaguar design with outlined angular body 
and a large head comb. The variety of shapes is 
so great that it is difficult to isolate the most typical 


————— Ort“ Cl OO CU OO OO SOO Oe en eer eR. EE 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 171 


ones. There are open bowls, conical-handled dip- 
pers, goblets, tripod bowls, jars with high flaring 
collars, jars with disec-like rims, containers with 
short collars and abbreviated bridges to modeled 
heads, double jars, and flat-topped jars with small 
modeled figures on them. Though inferior in qual- 
ity to that of Mochica, the modeling is competent 
and has a wide range of subject matter. Besides 
the characteristic jaguar design and three-color neg- 
ative painting, there are geometric, condor, and 
serpent designs painted in positive red, white, and 
black. 

The Puecara ceramics in the South Highlands are 
distinguished by flat-bottom open bowls with diverg- 
ing sides, a full cat figure design with profile body 
and front view face, and painting in thick black and 
yellow on a red slip with the color areas outlined 
by incisions. Large goblets and jars and some 
smaller vessels are also associated; additional de- 
signs are composed of rows of profile human heads, 
running human figures with elaborate headdresses, 
men leading llamas, and anthropomorphized figures. 
The Pueara pottery is affiliated with the earlier 
Chiripa and the somewhat later Tiahuanaco cul- 
tures. Its relationship to the Early Tiahuanaco is 
not very close, although these two seem to be con- 
temporaneous. Instead, the Early Tiahuanaco is 
characterized by long-necked decanters, flat-bottom 
spittoon-shaped bowls, and a fretted rim incense 
bowl with modeled puma heads. The designs, pe- 
culiar animals, birds and geometric patterns, are 
painted in a polychrome on buff, employing glossy, 
burnished white, black, red, brown, orange, and 
vellow. 


iva ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


Although cloth is preserved only in certain favor- 
able sections, there is considerable indirect evidence 
of competent weaving everywhere in the Master- 
craftsman Period. For example, though no fabries 
are preserved in the highlands, weave daggers and 
spindle whorls are numerous, and the incised de- 
signs on many stone statues represent complex tex- 
tile patterns. Cloth is best preserved on the South 
Coast which, consequently, furnishes the fullest evi- 
dence for the textile arts. Fine weaving seems to 
have been a widespread tradition. Regional empha- 
sis on techniques made twill more popular on the 
North Coast in Mochica times than elsewhere. Most 
Mochica cloth is of single-ply cotton, commonly 
paired, a feature used in various constructions. 
These include, in addition to twill, double cloth, 
tapestry, brocade, gauze, plaid, and embroidery. 
Clothing depicted on pottery shows large, bold de- 
signs so the elaboration of detail seen on some of 
their tapestries may be a late feature. 

The textile art reaches its highest development 
on the South Coast. Both cotton and wool fibers 
are extensively employed. Since the Central and 
South Highlands are more favorable environments 
for the breeding and herding of llamas and alpacas 
than the North Highlands, the South Coast peoples 
always had an abundant source of wool for weav- 
ing, a circumstance which may account for some 
of the emphasis on this craft. In their totality, the 
textiles of Nazca and the Necropolis cultures pre- 
sent almost every weaving technique known in the 
Central Andes at any time. Over-all embroidery is 
the most characteristic decorative technique, but 
brocade, warp and weft stripe, gauze, lace, double 
cloth, and tapestry are all common. There are also 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 173 


many types of braiding and three dimensional nee- 
dle knitting. Polyehrome design is the rule and 
as many as one hundred ninety hues in seven color 
ranges have been identified. Most designs are com- 
plex, but the embroidered figures are particularly 
elaborate, resembling the polychrome painted de- 
signs on Nazca pottery in many details. In fact, 
the textiles of the South Coast represent one of 
the greatest artistic achievements of the Central 
Andes. The demonstrated skills in spinning, dye- 
ing, and weaving techniques rank these textiles 
among the great arts of the world. The known 
quantity of woven fabrics is almost unbelievable. 
Furthermore, many of the garments were woven 
exclusively for the mummy bundles, rather than for 
the use of the living. 

The woven parts of clothing include breechclouts, 
belts, slit neck shirts, wrap-around skirts, large 
shawls, rectangular pieces folded and wrapped as 
turbans, woven headbands, and other forms of head- 
dress. The Mochica ceramic designs depict a simi- 
lar clothing pattern for the North Coast, with, if 
possible, even greater emphasis on the elaboration 
of headdress. Indirect evidence from other areas 
confirms the conclusion that by the Mastercraftsman 
Period, the basic Andean pattern of male and female 
costume was established throughout the Central 
Andes. Closely related to costume are personal 
ornaments which show elaboration and variety. 
Ornaments and details of dress seem to mark in- 
dividuals of different rank and importance and 
also to identify local groups and specialists. The 
variety of headdresses has already been mentioned 
as characteristic. These include plain bands, tur- 
bans, skull caps, animal and bird skin caps, and 


174 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


some attachments like feather fans and metal crests. 
The Mochiea ceramics suggest that the headdress 
symbolized messengers, wise men, fishermen, agri- 
culturists, priests, warriors, and rulers. Face and 
body painting is a common practice; again it seems 
that the design detail served to distinguish rank 
and association. Some of the South Coast mum- 
mies are tattooed. Elsewhere the ceramic designs 
represent facial incisions and punctations which 
probably signify tattooing. Artificial skull defor- 
mation is a widespread custom. It has been sug- 
eested that this was a mark of rank, but actually, 
undeformed skulls are so rare that the practice 
seems to have been fairly universal. Earplugs, 
noseplugs, and lip plugs are found in every region. 
Other types of ornaments such as beads, necklaces, 
anklets, rings, feather plumes, collars, and tweezers 
for depilation are also widely distributed. Cere- 
monial or burial masks of clay, cloth, or metal are 
also associated with every culture of this period. 
The metallurgists worked with silver, copper, and 
gold, and made alloys of copper and gold, copper 
and silver, and silver and gold (Fig. 35). It is note- 
worthy that bronze, the alloy of copper and tin, is 
still unknown. The range of techniques includes 
soldering, hammering, embossing, casting, gilding, 
and annealing. Some regions, particularly the 
South Coast, were not as advanced as others in 
metalwork. In general, metal objects were used 
only for ornaments. The Mochica are exceptions, 
since they used copper for spear points, digging- 
stick points, battle axes, and some other tools. 
Many minor crafts were undoubtedly advanced, 
although archaeologists have not devoted much at- 
tention to them so that our knowledge is somewhat 


ed 


THE CENTRAL ANDES Léa 


restricted. The Mochica tombs contain incised clay 
whorls, figurines, whistles, trumpets, and panpipes; 
ceremonial stone axes and club heads; intricate ex- 
amples of inlaid shell mosaic; incised and carved 


. Casas ania <a ; Pe & : it ai P 


Fig. 35. Gold objects from a Paracas mummy bundle of 
the Mastercraftsman Period. 


bone tubes; and some carved wooden staff heads 
and other objects. Other sites preserve decorated 
calabashes and a variety of baskets which, although 
competently made, are not very elaborate in tech- 
nique. 

There is also evidence of advancement of knowl- 
edge in other fields. An ideographic means of 
communication has been suggested for the Mochiea. 
This is based on the frequent depiction on ceramics 
of variously marked beans and activities in which 


176 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


beans obviously play an important role. An alter- 
native suggestion is that variations in the mark- 
ines of beans were used in divination. Whatever 
the reason similar beans appear as design ele- 
ments in the Necropolis culture of the South Coast 
and in the Tiahuanaco culture of the South High- 
lands. Many skulls from the South Coast and the 
North Highlands have pieces of bone cut out, and 
since the edges of the cuts show subsequent growth 
of the bone, this trephining operation was obviously 
successfully controlled. The Mochica ceramics re- 
cord other surgical practices, namely, bone setting, 
limb amputation, and circumcision. The artists 
also depicted many types of diseases and their 
cures, some, apparently, with medicinal plants. The 
ceramics also display medicinemen curing patients 
by means of massage and by sucking out disease 
objects. 

The designs on stone carving and ceramics and, 
in some places, the actual specimens, show that 
feather capes, masks, and other special costumes 
were worn in ceremonial dances. Many of the 
ceremonies are directed by priest-like figures and 
are accompanied by musicians. These designs and 
the preserved artifacts present a fair inventory of 
musical instruments, including drums of various 
types, tamborines, and flutes, panpipes of both clay 
and reeds, gongs, clappers, rattles, shell trumpets, 
and both straight and coiled clay trumpets (Fig. 51). 

Religion is highly developed and organized in 
the Mastereraftsman Period, as witnessed by the 
ceremonial paraphernalia, the elaborate grave equip- 
ment, the temple constructions, and the depiction of 
priests and anthropomorphic divinities. The feline 
is the most universal religious figure represented, 


THE CENTRAL ANDES wai 


but many others depicted in the modeling, painting, 
and carving seem to suggest a hierarchy of gods. 
Nature worship is certainly prominent in the re- 
ligion and the elaborateness of burial indicates an 
equal importance for ancestor worship. The Mo- 
chica ceramics represent many sacrifices of prison- 
ers and the widespread distribution of the trophy 
head design suggests that the taking of trophy heads 
was part of the religious practice. 

A marked increase in population occurred in the 
Mastereraftsman Period, but the organization and 
control of agricultural subsistence was adequate to 
produce an excess supply which permitted leisure- 
time activities. In other words, when technology 
had advanced to a satisfactory level in terms of the 
local economy, attention was shifted to socio-politi- 
eal organization and the utilization of leisure time. 
Many different patterns for such organization are 
theoretically possible and each major area may well 
have had its own distinctive type. On the basis 
of existing evidence three emerge clearly, namely, 
the Mochica pattern on the North Coast, the Nazca- 
Necropolis pattern on the South Coast, and the 
Tiahuanaco pattern in the South Highlands. The 
characteristics of the first two patterns are pre- 
sented here; the third, the Tiahuanaco, is reserved 
for the next section, since it forms the basis for the 
subsequent pan-Central Andean horizon. 

The Mochiea socio-political organization and 
leisure-time superstructure emerged as a sharply 
divided class system in which a small upper group 
directed the labor of the masses. The ceramic de- 
signs suggest many specialized groups, such as 
rulers, wise men, messengers, warriors, priests, 
weavers, potters, fishermen, musicians, doctors, and 


178 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


prisoners or slaves. Certain symbols are regu- 
larly associated with some of these groups. A com- 
bination symbol composed of shield, mace, and darts 
identifies the warriors. The messengers are repre- 
sented by centipedes, birds, and dragon-flies. A fox 
or a ecat-like mask usually distinguishes the learned 
men, and a jaguar is commonly the symbol of au- 
thority. Specialized groups in themselves do not 
necessarily imply a strong class system, but in this 
case there is additional evidence for rather marked 
differences in the ranking of the groups. ‘The cos- 
tumes of important individuals are definitely more 
elaborate than those of the commoners. Further- 
more, the ‘‘rulers’’ often combine the attributes of 
political, religious, and military authority. The 
leaders are pictured as seated on raised daises un- 
der special sun shelters, as carried in litters, or as 
seated on rafts which are towed through the water 
by menial swimmers. Guests of inferior rank dine 
at a lower level than the important chiefs. Servants 
are often depicted as lizards. Both the rulers and 
the gods are approached with an attitude of rever- 
ence—the hands clasped as if in prayer, the head 
inclined towards the ground. The chiefs occupy 
prominent positions as leaders of ceremonies and 
as supervisors of hunting and fishing parties. The 
graves of such important individuals are markedly 
richer and more elaborate than others in the same 
cemetery. 
The Mochica erected immense public buildings 
and temples which display only limited architec- 
tural skill, but certainly suggest well organized 
mass labor. The adobes were made in molds and 
piled up in columns. One vessel shows a group of 
weavers working under the direction of a super- 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 179 


visor, so simple mass production methods were ap- 
plied to the textile craft. Ceramic production is 
not so well documented and we can only deduce 
that potters were similarly organized. The ce- 
ramic painting and modeling reflect a great interest 
in mundane affairs. Even the anthropomorphized 
deity engages in agriculture, fishing, and hunting, 
and fights with demons as a symbol of the ‘‘good.’’ 
Since the chief is portrayed as both a political and 
religious leader, many of the ceremonies and re- 
ligious beliefs served to bolster the upper class 
authority. Many scenes represent systematic and 
severe punishments, including mutilation, stoning, 
exposure, and execution or sacrifice. Nude prison- 
ers are pictured with ropes around their necks, but 
even here the more important individuals are car- 
ried in litters. The Mochica women occupy a defi- 
nitely subordinate position. They are never rep- 
resented in social or ceremonial scenes, but are 
portrayed as engaged in the menial tasks of weav- 
ing, domestic work, and burden bearing. The war- 
rior group, on the other hand, is particularly promi- 
nent. The warriors have distinctive headdress and 
garments and carry copper battle axes, maces, darts, 
shields, and spear-throwers. Battle scenes are com- 
mon and illustrate the Mochica aggressive tend- 
encies. 

The Nazea-Necropolis pattern on the South Coast 
presents a sharp contrast to the Mochica. The so- 
cial organization and the leisure-time activities ap- 
pear to have been directed essentially towards the 
preparation of special grave materials in an elab- 
oration of ancestor worship. There are no large 
scale buildings and the simple structures use hand- 
made rather than mold-made adobes. The greatest 


180 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


emphasis is placed on textile weaving, a craft which 
requires an enormous expenditure of time, particu- 
larly for the more elaborate pieces. Increased pro- 
duction in hand weaving can be achieved only by 
increasing the number of weavers, so that the vast 
quantity of Nazea-Necropolis fabrics suggests that 
a large part of the population was involved. Al- 
though artistic and technical standards of weaving 
are exceptionally high, almost every fabric achieves 
them, which again implies numerous highly skilled 
weavers. Various fabrics must have been woven 
especially for interment, rather than for other pur- 
poses. Some garments show no signs of wear, 
others do. Some are unfinished and certain turbans 
are so large that they appear to have been made to 
fit the mummy bundle rather than the living. 

Many motifs in both textile and ceramic design 
are essentially mythological in nature and often 
have long records of use and modification. None 
was used in a way implying rigid class distinctions. 
Some individuals were honored more than others 
and were buried with a greater number of costumes 
and ornaments. Such persons were not set apart 
and are found among groups of people of lesser 
rank, men and women together. The grouping 
seems to have been by families perhaps over a num- 
ber of generations. In preparation for burial suc- 
cessive wrappings were used which prompted an 
erroneous suggestion that this was done at different 
times. 

The reality of these two regional culture patterns 
is confirmed by their later history. The Nazea- 
Necropolis pattern did not expand, but rather was 
confined to the three South Coast valleys of Pisco, 
Iea, and Nazea. The expanding Tiahuanaco hori- 
zon complex, whatever its nature, mingled read- 


THE CENTRAL ANDES LS] 


ily with the Nazca style to produce new types of 
textiles and new combinations of ceramic shapes and 
designs. In fact, Tiahuanaco completely absorbed 
the Nazea-Necropolis culture so that it never re- 
emerged. The Mochica, on the other hand, became 
aggressive at the end. They spread their culture 
by military conquest from the original center of 
the Chicama and Moche valleys until they controlled 
the North Coast from Pacasmayo to Casma. The 
Mochiea culture mixed very little with the Tia- 
huanaco. In fact, the meeting of the two cultures 
appears to have resulted in a struggle for survival 
in which the Mochica were temporarily eclipsed or, 
more likely, withdrew to such northern valleys as 
Lambayeque and Piura. At least the Mochica style 
and the Mochica pattern soon re-emerged in the 
modified form of the Chimu culture which persisted 
up to the time of the Inca conquest. 

The Mastercraftsman Period in general marks 
the culmination of technological advancement. A 
successful formula for subsistence and crafts had 
been achieved, and attention was shifted to the con- 
trol of man units rather than development of addi- 
tional techniques. The remaining cultural history 
of the Central Andes is, then, that of different types 
of political and social organizations. The next pe- 
riod is marked by confusion and political expansion 
out of which the Tiahuanaco formula becomes pan- 
Central Andean in scope. This is not based on any 
radical change in technology, but is rather a new 
form of social, political, or religious organization. 


182 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 
ISXPANSIONIST PERIOD 
(ca. YOO-1200 A. D.) 


The shift from technological advancement to ma- 
nipulation of man-hour units and political organi- 
zation had begun even before the close of the Master- 
craftsman Period. With this change in emphasis, 
expansion in the form of conquests of new regions 
became profitable. This general tendency for ex- 
pansion and aggression is not limited to one region, 
but, except for the Nazca culture, seems to be gen- 
eral throughout the Central Andes. As previously 
mentioned, the Mochica had occupied five of the ma- 
jor North Coast valleys. Still farther north, the 
local cultures of Lambayeque were spreading’ their 
influence to neighboring regions. In the North 
Highlands, both the Recuay and Cajamarca cultures 
were increasing their territory to the extent of 
strong influence and, in some cases, actual penetra- 
tion on the coast of Peru. The several Central 
Coast valleys were united stylistically, if not politi- 
eally, by the Interlocking culture. This widespread 
expansion resulted in considerable conflict and con- 
fusion. In some regions the irrigation systems 
seem to have broken down and the populations di- 
minished and seattered. In fact, the peoples of the 
Central Andes apparently became engaged in seri- 
ous internecine warfare. 

The Tiahuanaco culture, presumably developed in 
the Central and Southern Andes, starts the spread 
of its influence which characterizes the whole Ex- 
pansionist Period. The exact nature of this expan- 
sion cannot be finally determined, but the archaeo- 
logical materials include the diagnostics of the Tia- 


ECUADOR,’ 


° / 


Ney 2 or” 
aed cote: 
CHICAMA | = 
MOCHE 
VIRU 
SANTA ) y 
ILKAWAIN attire ra 
et . - 4 
HUARMEY ‘be rae t 
- . 
0 | 
< ’ | 
° SUPE” 4 LAKE JUNIN Ae acta 
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= Cab Ne Rae 
e eM ACON ZNLEVERIA 
= o 
2 (eee es +—e TI MA AEG fet AW DS 
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| | 7 ghais Coe) 
< CAWETE ant 
e CHINCHA e CUZCO 
e : 
Vv 
we f 
“a ae ¥ abate Ss Otit. AR 
1CA> Lf ; pS 
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” “ie Reh 
ae * CHUQUJ BAMBA 
» AREQUIPA 
Hob Gan-e A 
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fa oS 
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[ i => 
i 
ANTOFAGASTA /h 
ae = 
a Gy 
‘ = 
| Zs SS 
82 78 74 A 4 =e 
Fig. 36. Principal centers of the Expansionist Period. 


183 


184 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


huanaco horizon complex in all six of the major 
areas of the Central Andes. The problem of inter- 
preting the nature of this expansion is complicated 
by the fact that by the close of the Mastercraftsman 
Period, each region had a well-established local cul- 
ture represented by a sizable population. Irrespec- 
tive then of the type of Tiahuanaco expansion, a 
merger with each of the local cultures would be an- 
ticipated and this is precisely what occurred. How- 
ever, the Tiahuanaco horizon presents a complex, 
not merely a single style, and the fact that the vari- 
ous components are so readily recognized in such 
widely separated areas certainly suggests some form 
of political expansion, even though the integration 
was religious and priest controlled. Considering 
the type of cultural development everywhere in the 
Central Andes, this wide distribution in all proba- 
bility was effected over a relatively short span of 
time, nor is there any indication that the unity, po- 
litical or otherwise, endured for any great length 
of time. Instead, the local cultures were so strong 
that they soon re-emerged as independent organiza- 
tions. The assignment here of three hundred years 
for the duration of the Expansionist Period is 
largely guesswork; it might have flourished for a 
longer or even shorter time. 

In order to present an adequate picture of the 
long recognized pan-Central Andean Tiahuanaco 
horizon, the highland Bolivian site of the same name 
must first be described. The ruins of Tiahuanaco 
have long been considered as the type site for the 
culture, partly because they have been extensively 
covered in the literature, partly because the culture 
here is well isolated. It seems highly improbable 
now that Bolivia was the center of distribution for 


THE CENTRAL ANDES L885 


this horizon. The bleak altiplano near Lake Titi- 
ecaca has an altitude of almost fourteen thousand 
feet, which is too high for the cultivation of many 
plants, although quinoa, potatoes, and oca can be 
grown, and there is pasturage for llamas and al- 
pacas. ‘Today, the region supports a scattered, al- 
though reasonably large Indian population; presum- 
ably the situation was not very different in the past. 
However, the Tiahuanaco site appears to have been 
a major ceremonial center, rather than a city or 
large village. This would enhance its importance 
even though it was not the political or distributional 
center. In most regions, the Tiahuanaco elements 
are intermingled with local styles, but the Bolivian 
site is an exception, and thus offers the best illustra- 
tions of the basic culture. Chiripa, Early Tiahua- 
naco, and Pucara cultures all antedate Tiahuanaco 
in the South Highlands and contribute, in part, to 
its final formulation. This must have been initiated 
at least in the Mastercraftsman Period since some 
designs are shared in common with the Mochica and 
Nazea cultures. However, Tiahuanaco as a whole 
belongs in the Expansionist Period which it so thor- 
oughly dominates. 

The ruins of Tiahuanaco, located about twelve 
miles south of Lake Titicaca in Bolivia, are com- 
posed of four major structural units and numerous 
minor ones scattered over a large area. The larg- 
est unit, called Acapana, is a natural mound, about 
fifteen meters high, which was re-shaped into a step- 
sided pyramid and faced with stone. The over-all 
groundplan measures two hundred ten by two hun- 
dred ten meters and has the appearance of a step- 
sided triangle. House foundations rest on top of 
the mound and there is also a large artificial reser- 


186 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


voir, with an overflow canal built of dressed and 
fitted blocks. The unit appears to have been a 
fortress which served as a place of refuge in time 
of siege. 

Immediately to the north of the fortress is a large 
rectangular unit, one hundred thirty-five by one 
hundred thirty meters, called Calasasaya (Fig. 37). 
This was at one time a raised earth platform or 
terreplein faced with a dressed stone wall of slab 
uprights and smaller filling blocks. Today most of 
the smaller stones have been removed and the earth 
fill has eroded so that the ruin has the appearance 
of an inclosure of upright pillars. An inner court, 
sixty by forty meters, is still discernible and is ap- 
proached from the east by a megalithic stairway con- 
sisting of six slabs. The best preserved wall on the 
west side of the unit may possibly have been added 
at a slightly later time. Several stone statues and 
a decorated monolithic gateway, the ‘‘Gateway of 
the Sun,’’ are associated with this unit. 

A smaller inclosure, sixty by fifty-five meters, 
west of Calasasaya, is called the Palacio. It con- 
tains many dressed and fitted stone blocks, as well 
as a painted stairway. The fourth major unit, 
Puma Puncu, another platform structure, lies some 
distance southwest of the others. It is built of 
great slabs and stone blocks, some weighing over 
one hundred tons. Although badly destroyed, re- 
mains of cut-out seats, decorated blocks, and broken 
monolithic gateways are still identifiable. The 
nearest source of the sandstone used in this con- 
struction is over five kilometers distant. Organi- 
zation and skill were needed to transport and place 
these immense stones in precise positions. 


rr atigt 


Fig. 37. Tiahuanaco ruins and decorated gateway. Panorama, taken in 1896, 
Courtesy of University Museum, Philadelphia; others, Courtesy of Harry Tschop 
J 


7 


188 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


The major construction units are in themselves 
symmetrical, but their relationship to each other is 
not. The units appear planned, the over-all ar- 
rangement haphazard. The architecture is massive 
as illustrated by the solid raised platforms and the 
stone-faced pyramids. Both basalt and sandstone 
slabs and blocks are ground down to a smooth 
dressed finish. Stones are fitted by means of 
notches, joints, and copper cramps placed in cut- 
out T’ and IJI-shaped grooves (Fig. 38). Not only 
is stone sculpture associated, but it is also one of 
the architectural features. Other Tiahuanaco spe- 
cialties are decorated monolithic gateways, mega- 
lithie steps, cut-out step-sided wall niches, and deco- 
rative blocks arranged in mosaic patterns. Both 
surface conduits and underground drainage canals 
are found in the vicinity of the buildings, and some 
subterranean rooms are lined with dressed stone 
and entered by stairways. On the whole, this Tia- 
huanaco masonry is the most skilled and complex 
found in the Central Andes. 

The stone carving at Tiahuanaco includes pillar- 
like statues, relief slabs and blocks, decorative 
friezes on gateways, and both animal and human 
heads with tenons or blocks for wall insertion. The 
statues are stiff and conventionalized and little at- 
tention has been given to sculpture in the round 
(Fig. 39). The figure is usually in a standing posi- 
tion with the hands placed on the chest. The 
squared head has a raised headband, T-shaped eye- 
brows and nose, and eyes with wings or tear bands. 
Fine incised designs on the body and waist bands 
represent woven garments. These incised designs 
and the low relief friezes on the gateways illustrate 
the style which is commonly considered as typical of 


Fic. 38. 


Typical wall construction and detail of sockets for cast copper 
or tie bolts in stone paving at Tiahuanaco. 


189 


cramps 


190 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


, 
7 
‘ 
4 ; 
| 
t 
& 


ay 


aie 


re 7 


eee Fe 


i. 


Jim eo 


aon 
ae 


Monolithic statue from Tiahuanaco. Discovered by Wendell C. Bennett. 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 19] 


Tiahuanaco because of its wide spread. The de- 
signs include front view human figures with a staff 
in each hand, profile running figures with masks and 
flowing capes, profile puma and condor figures, and 
a series of characteristic appendages composed of 
puma, condor, or fish heads. That these designs are 
basically derived from textile patterns is confirmed 
by the tapestries of this period. It is of interest 
that at the Tiahuanaco site, the ceramic designs are 
usually distinguishable from the stone series incised 
with textile patterns, and more local in distribution. 
Other styles of stone carving, such as realistic hu- 
man figures and geometric relief slabs, are also 
found at Tiahuanaco, but are not definitely asso- 
ciated with this time period. 

There have been only a few systematic excava- 
tions at Tiahuanaco. The graves described are sim- 
ple pits containing a few pieces of pottery, but more 
elaborate graves undoubtedly existed and perhaps 
some of the subterranean rooms served as burial 
vaults. However, fairly large private collections 
of grave pottery have been assembled. The ceram- 
ics are characterized by flaring-sided goblets, squat, 
open bowls, annular base libation bowls, modeled 
puma and llama vessels, tall vases, and open bowls 
with wide flaring rims (Fig. 40). The ceramics are 
well fired and highly polished. All vessels are cov- 
ered with a red slip and painted in polychrome de- 
signs of two to eight colors, although black, white- 
on-red are the basic combinations. The designs are 
usually outlined in black, or black and white, and 
other colors are added to fill in the figure. In con- 
trast to the stone incised patterns, the ceramic de- 
signs are simple: profile pumas, human heads, and 
condors, or combinations of these elements. 


Fig. 40. Coast and Highland Tiahuanaco vessels. Upper left, 


Pachacamac; Upper right, Pacheco; Lower half, Bolivian Highland 
sites with oldest in lower right corner. 


192 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 193 


Textiles are not preserved in the rainy altiplano, 
but, as mentioned, the stone carving designs are 
evidence that this craft was advanced. The metal- 
lurgists employed gold, silver, and copper with com- 
petence and skill. It is possible that bronze first 
appeared at Tiahuanaco, since Bolivia is about the 
only source of tin in South America, but thus far 
the analyses show only pure copper artifacts, even 
for the cramps used in fitting the stone. Decorated 
stone bowls, incised snuff tablets, clubs, pounders, 
polishers, and axes are all common. Bone and shell 
objects are numerous, but all the more perishable 
types of artifacts are not preserved. 

The cultural pattern implied by the archaeologi- 
eal remains at Bolivian Tiahuanaco is that of a well 
integrated and powerfully controlled religious or- 
ganization. The large construction units required 
organized mass labor, careful advanced planning, 
and skilled masons. The site has every appearance 
of a ceremonial center, so that it is logical to as- 
sume a religious direction. There are many indica- 
tions that Tiahuanaco was built at intervals and 
that much of it was never completed. This suggests 
once more the religious pilgrimage pattern, in which 
great masses of people assembled at certain times 
of the year and contributed the labor of hauling, 
dressing, and placing the large stones. In the in- 
terim periods, skilled masons worked on the fitting, 
joining, and carving. The Tiahuanaco art style, 
represented by stone carving and ceramic painting, 
is highly conventionalized, little varied, and rigidly 
limited. Chavin style was limited in motifs, Tia- 
huanaco is limited by conventions. The designs are 
doubtless symbolic but they are also impersonal. 


194 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


They confirm the impression of a formalized and 
well organized religious control. 

The type site of Tiahuanaco presents a unique 
combination of masonry, stone carving, and ceram- 
ics, but there is good evidence for the spread of some 
Tiahuanaco diagnostics, both in the highlands and 
on the coast. Other sites have been found on the 
islands and shores of Lake Titicaca. Lucurmata, 
on the Bolivian shore, presents a terraced platform 
and a small temple built of dressed and fitted blocks. 
Cemeteries near Cochabamba prove that Tiahuanaco 
expanded into the eastern cordillera of Bolivia. In 
the Calama oasis of North Chile, Tiahuanaco is rep- 
resented by textiles, polychrome ceramics, and in- 
eised wooden snuff tablets. Likewise, Tiahuanaco 
style ceramics have been found near Arequipa and 
Chuquibamba in southern Peru. 

The recently discovered site of Wari, near Aya- 
cucho in the Central Highlands, may well prove to 
be one of the most important Tiahuanaco centers. 
Preliminary reports describe Wari as an enormous 
area covered with rough stone walls, some of which 
are still twenty feet high. Dressed stone tombs, 
simple upright statues, and thick polychrome pot- 
tery with elaborate Tiahuanaco designs are also as- 
sociated. The central location of Wari, plus its 
apparent size and complexity, makes it a favored 
candidate for the true center of expansion, particu- 
larly for the coast region. Materials pertaining to 
the Tiahuanaco horizon complex are found in quan- 
tity in all the coastal valleys from southern Nazea 
to northern Chicama. Pacheco in Nazea and Pacha- 
eamae and Ancén on the Central Coast are out- 
standing sites, but it is impractical to list all the 
others. In the North Highlands, many sites, like 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 195 


Wilkawain, near Huaraz, contain Tiahuanaco hori- 
zon materials. It is interesting that their stylistic 
affiliations are with the coast rather than with other 
parts of the highlands. 

The highland sites of this period are represented 
by building units, stone sculptures, and cemeteries, 
but the coast sites thus far known are largely lim- 
ited to cemeteries. This situation is due in part to 
the lack of adequate archaeological work, but it may 
also reflect the nature of the Tiahuanaco expansion. 
This whole period seems to have been one of great 
confusion, and it is unlikely that the unification rep- 
resented by the Tiahuanaco horizon was a well or- 
ganized political one. Somewhat later, the Inca per- 
fected the techniques of conquest and incorporation, 
but at this point political organization was still ex- 
perimental. Consequently, ambitious building proj- 
ects would not be expected, but instead, the existing 
constructions would be re-utilized. If the expansion 
were truly religious, the priest leaders would prob- 
ably try to maintain the authority of the recognized 
highland ceremonial centers rather than establish 
new ones. This is, of course, speculation; but, as 
yet, major buildings on the coast have not been as- 
signed to this period and there is ample evidence 
that earlier constructions were re-used. ‘he recent 
work in Viru Valley adds to the general picture of 
conditions at this time. Though sites are numerous, 
they are located on the margins of the valley. This 
may indicate that the valley flats were under total 
cultivation, but it is more likely the result of a 
temporary breakdown in the main irrigation system. 
Other evidence suggests a marked decline in popu- 
lation. Reorganization at the end of the period is 
demonstrated by finds of some villages composed of 


196 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


clusters of forty by sixty meter rectangular en- 
closures which contain interior subdivisions. 

Numerous coast and highland sites of the Expan- 
sionist Period are united by the Tiahuanaco horizon 
complex, as well as by stratigraphic evidence which 
places them in the same relative time span. For 
example, at Moche on the North Coast an Expan- 
sionist Period cemetery is found on a platform of 
the Huaca del Sol constructed by the earlier Mo- 
chica. A Wilkawain-Tiahuanaco building in the 
North Highlands is superimposed on a Recuay cul- 
ture subterranean gallery. On the South Coast, 
Tiahuanaco mixes with the Nazca-B style which 
marks the end of the Nazca sequence. Much more 
data on the chronological placement of the various 
sites are also available. 

The diagnostics of the Tiahuanaco horizon com- 
plex have previously been briefly mentioned, but 
deserve more detailed treatment. Ceramic traits 
are obviously the best criteria since pottery looms 
large in the collections and is universally preserved. 
All sites of the Tiahuanaco horizon have some ¢e- 
ramics with the characteristic shapes of the flaring- 
sided goblet and the squat flaring-sided cup; a red 
slip over-all base; common black and white painted 
design, and some use of four or more colors; the 
black outlining technique for design figures with 
other colors used as fill; and a high polished finish. 
Equally widespread are distinctive design elements 
derived largely from the stone incision style at Tia- 
huanaco, such as the front view figure with a staff 
in each hand; the running profile figure, with cape 
and bird mask; the puma and condor figures; the 
step design, scroll, and trident; and appendages of 
animal and bird heads. Furthermore, wherever 


ee Oe eee ee | 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 197 


textiles are preserved, there are some samples of 
tapestry with distinctive Tiahuanaco designs. On 
the coast, other non-Highland ceramic shapes, deco- 
rated with Tiahuanaco designs, have a wide dis- 
tribution: a spout and round-handled jar; thick 
U-shaped urns; face bowls; modeled animal bowls, 
although not lke the Highland types; collar jars 
with and without relief faces; double jars; and 
containers with double spouts and connecting flat 
bridge. In spite of the numerous horizon com- 
ponents, local styles are equally prominent at most 
sites. For example, an incised redware is abun- 
dant at Ancon on the central coast; two-color nega- 
tive ware at Wilkawain in the North Highlands; 
and pressed relief blackware on the North Coast. 

The architectural features of the Central and 
South Highlands have already been described. It 
has been pointed out that large seale building on 
the coast is not yet associated with this period, 
even though some of the constructions at Pacha- 
ecamac on the Central Coast and at Chanchan on 
the North Coast were probably initiated in this 
period. In the North Highlands, however, this pe- 
riod presents many one-room above-ground house 
sites with walls of rough stone and roofs of large 
slabs. At Wilkawain a three-story temple was once 
ornamented with a projecting cornice and a row of 
earved stone puma heads. Lach floor of the temple 
has half a dozen rooms and a ventilation shaft. The 
walls are made of split stone laid horizontally in 
alternating thick and thin rows. The slab roof is 
gabled. The construction in general follows the 
North Highland stone building tradition which was 
initiated with the Chavin culture. 


198 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


The graves and burial types vary locally. On the 
Central Coast direct pit graves contain mummy bun- 
dles with false heads adorned with masks of metal, 
wood, and clay. Urn burials are found on the South 
Coast, but there are also log-covered subterranean 
chambers hung with tapestries. At Wari in the 
Central Highlands, subterranean boxes lined and 
covered with dressed stone slabs served as graves. 
Similar boxes lined with rough stone are found in 
the North Highlands. 

On the coast the admirably preserved textiles il- 
lustrate skill in most of the known techniques, but 
the tapestries are most characteristic and among the 
finest made in the Central Andes. Other commonly 
employed techniques are brocade, warp pattern, 
double cloth, painted cloth, square and flat braid- 
ing, velvet-like pile knotting for caps and _ head- 
bands, interlocking warp, double cloth, and tie-dye 
patchwork. Both wool and cotton fibers are used. 
Some colors are quite brilliant, but tans, browns, 
light oranges, and pale blues are more typical. 
Many of the tapestry designs are so similar to the 
incised stone motifs at Tiahuanaco, that they might 
easily have been used as the models for these. 

Many other artifacts found present a great vari- 
ety of wood, shell, bone, and stonework (Fig. 41). 
Metalworkers developed silver plating, continued to 
use earlier techniques, and may have increased cop- 
per production for such new applications as cast 
copper tie bolts in masonry (Fig. 38). 

The over-all unity represented by the Tiahuanaco 
horizon is soon interrupted and derived local styles 
appear. However, the coast is somewhat reunited 
towards the close of the period by the spread of the 
Black-White-Red horizon, represented by a geomet- 


| 
| 
| 


a 


Fig. 41. 


ne 


Miscellaneous prehistoric Peruvian artifacts; carved and painted box, 
pyrites mirror, combs, spoons, ear spools, and snuff tube. 


199 


200 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


ric painting style for ceramics and a few character- 
istic shapes, such as the flask, and the container with 
spout and bridge to modeled figure. This horizon 
style forms a minor element in the ceramie collec- 
tions throughout the coast and in the North High- 
lands, but its components no longer even suggest any 
form of political unity. 

The Expansionist Period is then distinguished by 
the widespread Tiahuanaco horizon complex, which 
certainly reflects a dominant, formalized religious 
impact, and suggests a loose political unity as well. 
Some have used the phrase Tiahuanaco Kmpire, but 
it is doubtful that the unity and duration were of 
sufficient magnitude to justify such a designation, 
in spite of the fact that the unification is greater 
than at any earlier time. The Tiahuanaco horizon, 
while widespread, is not all inclusive. The far 
North Coast valleys of Lambayeque and Piura were 
not affected, but continued to develop locally, per- 
haps inspired by the residue of Mochica culture. 
Cajamarca and Huamachuco in the far North High- 
lands were also out of the range, and in this same 
time period their inhabitants constructed sizable 
buildings and developed a distinctive ceramic style. 
It is of even greater interest that in spite of the 
proximity of Wari the Cuzco region of the Cen- 
tral Highlands remained totally independent of 
Tiahuanaco influence. This suggests that the local 
Karly Inca culture was already sufficiently advanced 
to resist even such strong outside influences. 

Whether political, religious, or merely stylistic 
in basis, the unity of the Tiahuanaco horizon was 
relatively short-lived. The local culture of each re- 
gion had not been entirely eradicated and reformu- 
lation soon begins again. This was not achieved 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 201 


immediately, but only after a period of some strug- 
ele. The new culture is not a pure reemergence 
of the old, but rather a mixture. None of the tech- 
nological techniques is lost and the reorganiza- 
tion continues on social and political lines. In some 
parts this takes the form of large concentrated pop- 
ulations which in many ways reflect a city pattern. 


Crry Buriper Prriop 
(ca. 1200-1450 A. D.) 


Following the Tiahuanaco dominated Kixpansion- 
ist Period, ‘local cultures reemerge in the six main 
eeberaphic divisions of the Central Andes (Fig. 42). 
The disintegration of whatever type of unity the 
Expansionists had imposed was succeeded by new 
struggles for power so that the formulation of 
local cultures did not follow immediately. This is 
illustrated by the fact that the styles which finally 
appear are more than simple derivatives of the Tia- 
huanaco horizon. For example, the Chimu ceram- 
ics on the North Coast present a fusion of a number 
of styles: some from the earlier Mochica, some from 
the Expansionist Period, some from more local 
styles of the far North Highlands and the far North 
Coast. Despite its diversity of origins, the Chimu 
style which ultimately crystallizes is unified and 
distinctive. 

Throughout Peru this new regional formulation 
is based on political organization rather than tech- 
nology. There is now evidence for large, well or- 
ganized populations living in planned pride units 
in a pattern which can be designated as se, even 
though large cities are not found everywhere. The 


CHICAMA 
‘Gas MOCHE 
VIRU 


ST 


yy 
CENTRAL con 


24 Se 


Fig. 49, 


po / 
LAKE YUNIWN 
HUAURA 

CHANCAaAy 


rl centers of the 


X : 
ra x ) S 
‘>= 
° fz 
ANTOFAGASTA / 
= 


K or 
! ) 


70 t 


Builder period, 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 203 


established subsistence techniques were extended so 
that a more expanded terrain was irrigated and cul- 
tivated than ever before. The population may have 
reached a new peak, but the shift from rural to 
urban habitation makes this difficult to verify. Since 
all cultures now possess adequate technology and 
all are concentrating on political controls, the bal- 
ance of power depends largely on the extent of ter- 
ritory. Consequently, it is not surprising that the 
North Coast cultures become stronger than those of 
the Central and South Coasts, since the northern 
valleys are larger and have a more permanent wa- 
ter supply. 

For the City Builder Period, it is no longer prac- 
tical to list individual sites, since a single culture 
dominates and is extensively represented in every 
major area. The archaeological evidence for the 
cultures and their distribution is partially verifiable 
from the records of the Spanish chroniclers who 
list the names and locations of the tribes conquered 
by the Inea in their expansion. The Chimu who 
dominated the North Coast had their political cen- 
ter at the large city of Chanchan in the Moche 
Valley. The Chimu or Chimor territory, just before 
it was conquered by the Inca, extended six hundred 
miles from Tumbez south to the Chillon. As the 
relevant archaeological material within the area has 
marked differences there is reason to doubt that it 
had been unified for any appreciable length of time. 
To the south, a small but powerful state occupied the 
Lima and Lurin valleys. Further south, the people 
in the valleys of Mala, Canete and Chincha were 
united, and had their main center of government in 
the Chincha. In turn, still another state centered in 
Iea is reported as composed of the Ica, Nazca and 


204 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


Acari valleys, a region with an established record 
of cultural and perhaps political unity. Regional 
cultures ln we mwghiands are less well known al- 
though there are many large stone constructed vil- 
lages, like Marca Huamachuco in the North High- 


Fig. 43. A fortress of the City Builder period at Paramonga, con- 
structed of clay bricks. Courtesy of W. R. Grace and Company. 


lands, which are pre-Inea but which lack distinctive 
styles. An Early Inea eulture has recently been 
isolated in the Central Highlands, although it is still 
not well known. Presumably evidence for the ante- 
cedents of the Inca Empire will eventually be clari- 
fied in this region. In the South Highlands, partic- 
ularly around Lake Titicaca, the Tiahuanaco culture 
was not seriously interrupted, but continued as a 
local development, although there are no longer in- 
dications of strong organization. Around Arequipa 


| 
) 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 205 


and in North Chile are the remains of the Atacameno 
culture. These regions were not capable of sup- 
porting very large populations, but the general cul- 
tural development is similar to that in other parts 
of the Central Andes. The extensive flats of the 
coastal valleys were the most suitable for large con- 
eentrated populations. The highlands, on the other 
hand, might support equally large populations, but 
not in the same concentration. Consequently, the 
city pattern reaches its highest development on the 
coast. 

The City Builder Period cultures and sites fall 
into the same relative time bracket, as verified by 
stratigraphy and other dating evidence. For ex- 
ample, their late position is well demonstrated by 
the fact that the local styles ultimately mix with 
the Ineaic. On the North Coast typical Inca arybal- 
loid jars are made in the Chimu blackware as are 
many Chaneay and Ica vessels. Whether such mix- 
ture occurred prior to the Inca expansion or as a 
result of the Inca conquest does not affect the rela- 
tive sequence. The duration of this period is an- 
other matter. In this account, a guess-date dura- 
tion of two hundred fifty years is assigned to the 
City Builders. The numerous massive structures 
which pertain to this period might suggest a longer 
duration, but, on the grounds that man-unit labor 
was now well organized and that the architecture is 
not particularly complex, the buildings might well 
have been completed in a relatively short time. 

The period is designated City Builder because of 
the enormous ruins of planned villages. Perhaps 
the largest and certainly the best known of these 
cities is Chanchan near Trujillo on the north coast. 
These ruins cover about six square miles and contain 


206 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


ten distinct units, some as large as four hundred 
eighty by three hundred seventy-five meters. Be- 
tween these units, which are not symmetrically ar- 
ranged, are irrigated areas, cemeteries, numerous 
small structures and totora reed marshes. The ten 
major units differ in detail, but each contains ap- 
proximately the same features. From one to three 
high walls, some still nine meters high, surround 
each unit. Within the inclosures are symmetrically 
arranged streets, houses with gabled roofs, large 
pyramids, small cells, cemeteries, gardens, and 
stone-lined reservoirs. Some insist that Chanchan 
was a ceremonial center rather than a city, but ir- 
respective of its function, there must have been a 
large number of fairly permanent residents. 

Chanchan is the largest of the Chimu cities. 
There are many others of great size, such as Pacat- 
namu or La Barranca in Pacasmayo Valley and 
El Purgatorio in Lambayeque Valley. All of these 
share such features as symmetrical planning, rows 
of houses, streets, pyramids, terraces, decorated 
walls (Fig. 44), steps, ramps, and reservoirs. On 
the Central Coast other cities, like Pachacamae and 
Cajamarquilla in the Lurin and Rimac valleys, are 
comparable in size and plan to those of the north. 
The smaller valleys of the South Coast did not sup- 
port such large cities, but centers like La Centinela 
in Chincha Valley and Tambo Colorado in Pisco 
Valley resemble the North Coast towns in general 
plan and combination of features. 

From north to south, all of the coast cities, al- 
though differing in size, are similar in the planning, 
the general rectangularity, and the combination of 
pyramids, stairways, terraces, and courts. Build- 
ing materials are everywhere identical. The ree- 


aN 
Vis ub i | 


{2 


Fig. 44. Clay arabesque wall decorations at the ruins of Chanchan. Many walls 


were so decorated, but most of this decoration has been destroyed by rains. 


207 


208 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


tangular mold-made adobes are small and square on 
the South Coast, large and flat on the North Coast, 
but identical in technique of manufacture. Tapia 
walls, in which the clay is tamped into large blocks 
between plank forms, are commonly used for in- 
closures and terraces, and algarroba logs are used 
as lintels and wall binders. The techniques of wall 
decoration are widespread. Ornamental niches are 
cut out of the walls and mosaic arrangements of 
rectangular adobes form decorative frets. Walls 
may be painted in solid color or with designs. Most 
characteristic are clay arabesques in which intricate 
small unit designs are cut out of a thick clay plaster. 
The small geometric designs, typically birds and 
fish, are arranged in textile-like patterns. The most 
famous arabesques are found at Chanchan, but 
there are equally good examples from the Central 
and South Coasts. 

In this period the elaborateness of the graves re- 
flects the importance of the deceased. Many graves 
are simply excavated pits, usually marked by an 
upright stick or paddle. Others are subterranean 
chambers roofed with poles. These contain more 
elaborate burials and greater quantities of grave 
goods. The burials are in seated flexed positions, 
wrapped with cloth to form a bundle, on top of 
which is a stuffed false head adorned with a painted 
face or with a mask of clay, wood, or metal. 

Craftsmanship is still at a high level of compe- 
tence, but lacks individual artistry. Instead, atten- 
tion seems to have turned more and more to quantity 
production at the expense of quality. In ceramics, 
for example, the colors are reduced in number to 
monochrome on the North Coast and to _ black, 
white, and red on the South Coast. Shapes also 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 209 


have a more limited range. ‘The design style is gen- 
erally geometric; a widespread characteristic is the 
application of textile derived patterns. This de- 
crease of attention to expressive individual art may 
have been due to the stultifying effects of the Tia- 
huanaco conventionalizations. In other ways it rep- 
resents a shift of emphasis from the artist as a 
craftsman to the’ artist as a technical worker. In 
spite of these generalizations about craftsmanship 
throughout the Central Andes, each region has dis- 
tinctive local styles. 


Fig. 45. Chimu blackware water jars. At left, two men boxing; 
center, an example of mold-pressed decoration; at right, two men 
on a balsa raft. 


The Chimu ceramics, although varied in detail, 
ean be classified under a few basic shape categories: 
the stirrup-spout, now squared in cross-section, with 
a small modeled animal at the spout base; a double- 
whistling jar; a globular container with taper spout 
and flat handle; a vessel with spout and a bridge to 
a modeled figure; ollas; and plates (Fig. 45). Some 
of these shapes, like the stirrup-spout, are carry- 


210 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


overs from the Mochica culture; others, like the 
spout and bridge, are introductions from the Ex- 
pansionist Period. The Chimu ceramics are com- 
monly mold made and typically polished redware 
or smoked blackware. Painting is rare, but decora- 
tion is achieved by modeling, pressed relief, stipple, 
appliqué, incision, excising, and paddle marking. 
The modeling is still somewhat depictive, but the 
skills of the Mochica culture are no longer present. 

The Chanecay ceramics on the Central Coast are 
made of a thin porous red or orange clay which is 
coated with a secaley white slip over which textile 
derived patterns are painted in black or dark brown. 
The typical shapes are straight-sided goblets and 
face collar jars with flat side handles. The com- 
monest design elements are bands, stripes, dots, 
wavy lines, cross hatch, serrated, diagonals, and 
small birds and animals. On the South Coast, Iea 
ceramics are generally painted in black, white, and 
red. Open bowls with angular bodies, round bot- 
toms, and beveled rims are the most typical shape, 
but also common are constricted flaring collar jars 
and globular vessels with long tubular collars end- 
ing in shghtly flaring rims. The designs are either 
eeometric units or small birds and fish arranged in 
diagonals or panels in imitation of textile patterns 
(ig. 46). 

The ceramics attributed to the Atacameno in Peru 
and North Chile are characterized by constricted eol- 
lar jars with two body handles, and one-handled 
pitchers. Again, the designs are geometric com- 
binations of triangles, diamonds, scrolls, and steps, 
painted in black and white on a red base. The 
Atacamefo ceramic style has sometimes been con- 
sidered as a forerunner of that of the Inca. How- 


h 


yt 
ans 


NA ee os 
See YY 


~e 


gy, 
eth, 


Fig. 46. City Builder ceramic styles from the Central and South Coast. Top 
row, right, Negative painted Recuay vessel of the Mastercraftsman Period, others, 
Two late vessels from Pachacamac; second row, Three vessels of Chancay Black-on- 
White style; bottom row, Four vessels of Ica style. 


211 


313 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


ever, many of the pieces considered Atacameno are 
most common outside the Atacama area and are 
found unassociated with plainware types used in 
that area. This indicates incomplete data so until 
Atacameno sites are systematically excavated, we 
must avoid theories about their culture. Elsewhere 
in the highlands, the ceramic styles are not particu- 
larly distinctive, as previously mentioned. 

Woven fabrics are now produced in quantity, but 
the ambitious, elaborate weaves are less frequent 
than in some of the previous periods. The coast 
regions are united by their great use of all cotton 
weaves and by the quantity of painted, tie-die, and 
double cloth. Embroidery is still common, but is 
now applied to limited areas or to figure outline. 
Border fringes are typical although needle knitting 
is no longer practised. Tapestry is used to finish 
borders and for small inserts in the centers or in 
the corners of the cotton pieces. Gauzes, brocades, 
and pattern weaves are abundant. The textile de- 
signs are everywhere similar in the conventionaliza- 
tion of small bird, fish, and geometric figures, and 
in the arrangement of units in horizontal bands, 
diagonal rows, and within squares, diamonds, loz- 
enges, and frets. Over-all coast similarities are 
striking, although detailed studies permit the dif- 
erentiation of textiles from the North, Central, and 
South Coasts. Featherwork is also typical of this 
period on the coast. The feathers are sewn on a 
base cloth and designs are produced by arrangement 
of different colored feathers, sometimes resulting 
in mosaic-like patterns. 

Metalwork is more abundant than in previous pe- 
riods and some new techniques are added to the 
earlier inventory. Bronze, or the alloy of tin and 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 213 


copper, is now known, and the casting of copper 
became widespread for the first time. Gold, silver, 
copper, and bronze are all used in making such orna- 
ments as masks, earrings, beads, crowns, and breast- 
plates. The Chimu earplugs are long cylindrical 
tubes of gold, decorated with fine incised designs. 
At one end is a circular dise with hammered relief 
figures augmented by attached bangles. Goblets, 
bowls, and plates are made of silver and gold. 
There are also a great many utilitarian artifacts of 
copper and bronze, illustrated by points for digging- 
sticks, club heads, knives, and needles. Many other 
artifacts are made of shell, bone, stone, and wood. 
Basketry is common. Decorated calabashes are 
particularly typical, some ornamented by pyro- 
gravure, others by mosaic insets of beads and 
seeds. 

The existence of an urban pattern in itself sug- 
gests a strong social and political organization. 
The maintenance of a city must have been difficult 
under conditions in which it was necessary to trans- 
port all food by llama or by individuals on foot 
and in which markets, monetary units, or formal 
exchange patterns were apparently unknown. The 
erection of pyramids composed of billions of adobes 
and of cities covering many square miles required 
organized labor. Certain sections of the cities seem 
to have been religious centers, others the headquar- 
ters of administrative units. Definite class distine- 
tions are indicated by striking differences between 
dwellings in the same site, by marked contrasts in 
the quantity and quality of grave goods, by varia- 
tions in clothing, and by the few records left by the 
Spanish chroniclers. The separated walled-in units 
of Chanchan and other sites suggest that social 


214 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


groups, of ayllu or clan type, persisted within the 
political superstructure. The wide distributions of 
these regional cultures and the high degree of simi- 
larity of materials within a region imply over-all 
political unity. If the nature of this unity is un- 
known its roots lay in the traditional experience 
with centralized authority, the authority needed to 
plan and control the irrigation systems. There is 
also evidence for formalized religious organization, 
although in general this seems secondary to the 
political organization. 

Rivalry and conflict would be the inevitable result 
of a series of expanding local political organizations. 
Although the City Builders of the coast seem far 
stronger than their Highland neighbors, subsequent 
history proves otherwise. In the next period the 
Highland Inea not only conquered and incorporated 
all parts of the Central Andes, but extended their 
political empire well beyond its borders. There is 
remarkably little archaeological evidence for the de- 
velopment of the Inca organization in the Central 
Highlands. The Early Inea culture, recently iso- 
lated, is estimated to cover the time period of 1200 
to 1488 A. D. The few known sites of this culture 
contain carelessly executed ceramics with simple de- 
signs, rough stone walls, beehive-shaped tombs with 
erude corbeled vaults, and a limited inventory of 
metal, bone, and stone tools. Future archaeological 
work will certainly enlarge this picture. There is 
still no knowledge of cultural development around 
Cuzco in the Mastercraftsman Period, although it 
was presumably of sufficient strength to resist the 
Tiahuanaco influence in the Expansionist Period and 
to continue through the City Builder Period until it 
became the center of the Inca Empire. 


THE CENTRAL ANDES Bid 


Imperrauist PErtop 

(ca. 1450-1532 A. D.) 
The Inea Empire marks the final formulation of 
Central Andean culture which persisted up to the 


time of the Spanish conquest (Fig. 47). The politi- 
eal system in previous periods may have been a 


Fig. 47. Maximum expansion in the Imperialist Period. 


confederacy, a feudal state, or a military band or- 
ganization. However, the Inca had a true political 
empire which united the enormous territory from 
northern Ecuador to the Rio Maule in Chile under 
a single ruler, thus encompassing not only the Cen- 
tral Andes, but much of the Northern and Southern 
Andes as well. As mentioned before, little is known 
about the specific origins of the Inca culture. The 
Karly Inea culture in the Cuzco region is not very 
impressive and is not the only stem for the develop- 


216 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


ment which followed. Inca mythology contains sev- 
eral accounts of their origin, but while these are 
interesting, they have little historical reliability. 
Actually, the question of precise origin is only of 
academic interest since the basic roots of Inca civili- 
zation are found in the archaeological past of the 
Central Andes, as demonstrated in the previous 
chapters. The complete gamut of Inca technology 
had been developed and the shift of emphasis to po- 
litical organization had occurred in earlier periods. 
The Inea contribution was little more than a re- 
formulation of the political pattern into an empire 
building system. 

The archaeological remains of the Imperialist Pe- 
riod preserve a record of the material culture, the 
construction, the types of towns, the modes of burial, 
and the standard implications about social and po- 
litical organization. However, the reconstruction 
of Inca culture is no longer based exclusively on 
archaeological evidence. The historical, documen- 
tary records present the accounts of the first Span- 
ish conquerors, the early travelers, Catholic priests, 
and even of prominent Indians who were European 
educated. On the basis of these documents, it is 
possible to reconstruct a fairly detailed picture of 
Inca culture. However, even without such records, 
it would still be feasible to verify the extent and 
magnitude of the Inca Empire. Like the Tiahua- 
naco, the Inca horizon is a complex composed of a 
number of distinctive artifacts and styles. The 
chief diagnostics are the ceramic type, the building 
style, certain techniques and designs in textiles, 
typical metal artifacts, and specialized stone objects. 
This complex is found throughout the extent of the 
Inca Empire. Furthermore, the concentration of 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 217 


unmixed Inca materials at Cuzco implies that it was 
the center of this vast cultural diffusion. 

Although the geographical extent of the Inca Km- 
pire is well known, the size of its pre-Spanish popu- 
lation is dubious, as shown by the estimates which 
range from three to sixteen million. The Inca 
themselves undoubtedly kept census records, but 
none was transmitted to the Spaniards. Since the 
Kmpire was organized in a decimal system and 
since the ideal province had forty thousand work- 
ers representing about two hundred thousand in- 
habitants, the population could be easily computed 
if the number of provinces contained in the Empire 
were known. The first Spanish census, taken in 
about 1571, gives a total of about 1,500,000 Indians 
for the Central Andes. Since this census was taken 
some time after the Spanish conquest, it raises the 
question of the rate of reduction of Indian popula- 
tion during the years of struggle. T'wo estimates 
have been made in the 1946 ‘‘Handbook of South 
American Indians.’’ George Kubler favors a two 
to one reduction ratio, based on comparisons with 
Mexico and the absence of serious epidemics, and 
thus arrives at a total pre-Spanish native popula- 
tion of three million. John H. Rowe prefers a four 
to one reduction ratio, based on records of specific 
provinees, and arrives at a figure of six million. 
Adding in other parts of the Empire, it would not 
seem unreasonable, then, that the population was 
not less than three and a half million nor more than 
seven million. Some authors have claimed that the 
populations were larger in the pre-Inca periods but 
there is no archaeological confirmation of this, nor 
is it likely since the Inca had the same technical and 
agricultural knowledge as their predecessors. 


218 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


The early Spaniards recorded the traditional lists 
of Inea rulers, together with miscellaneous informa- 
tion on the reign and conquests of each. John H. 
Rowe has made a study of these documents and ar- 
rived at the following list of Inca rulers with their 
dates of reign: 


. Manco Capae 

. Sinchi Roca 

. Lloqui Yupanqui 

. Mayta Capac 

. Capac Yupanqui 

Inca Roca 

. Yahuar Huaca 

Viracocha 

. Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui (1438-1471) 
. Topa Inca Yupanqui (1471-1493) 
11. Huayna Capae (1493-1525) 

12. Huasear and Atahualpa (1525-1532 


bo 


os 


fO ON SO 


ea 
=) 


The information about the first eight rulers is 
hazy and inconsistent. Rowe considers the year 
1250 a reasonable date for the first ruler and be- 
lieves that the first eight represent a local Cuzco 
development corresponding archaeologically to the 
Early Inea culture. The true Inca Empire was thus 
created between the time of the ninth ruler, Pacha- 
euti Inca Yupanqui, and the Spanish conquest, that 
is, In less than one hundred years. Undoubtedly 
there had been raids outside of the Cuzco region in 
earlier times, but the first territorial conquest was 
the Lake Titicaca region campaign in 1445. The 
incorporation of most of the other areas occurred 
after 1470. 

When the Inca began this expansion, many of the 
coast cultures were well united politically, and the 
Highland groups, while less concentrated, were or- 
gvanized into protective confederacies. The Inca 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 219 


military conquest encountered varying degrees of 
resistance. Many years of fighting were required 
to conquer the Highland tribes and even then gar- 
risons had to be constantly maintaimed to prevent 
rebellion. Other groups were less resistant and 
some of the largest, like the Chimu on the North 
Coast, were incorporated by passive persuasion. 
Many of the marginal groups, like the Chiriguano 
in the east and the Arauecanians in Central Chile, 
were never actually conquered. 

The Inea conquests were not inspired by popula- 
tion pressure, but rather by a desire for economic 
eain in the form of new administrative posts, new 
produce, new labor supply, and more soldiers, and 
by the necessity of strengthening the position of 
the ruling class. The conquests were carefully 
planned. A propaganda campaign usually pre- 
ceeded the military aggression. Official emissaries 
endeavored to point out the benefits of Inca con- 
trol and missionaries attempted to make converts 
for the official sun worship. If these were unsuc- 
cessful, the army entered in mass formations of 
eight to ten thousand soldiers and effected the con- 
quest by siege, cutting off the food supplies, building 
forts, and pitched battles. The army was well or- 
ganized and discipline was severe. All officers were 
from the upper class, but the soldiers were common- 
ers. All able-bodied men were subject to the draft, 
and it is estimated that one-tenth of the adult male 
population was in the services. The families of the 
draftees were supported by the state. Military in- 
struction was given in the use of all weapons: 
bronze battle axes, slings, bows and arrows, spear 
throwers, lances, hard wooden clubs, and clubs with 
stone or bronze heads. Metal helmets, thick jackets, 


220 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


and shields were used for protection. All of the 
weapons had been used for many years throughout 
the Central Andes, so that success of the Inca is not 
ascribable to superiority in weapons, but rather to 
superior military organization. 

The captured province was systematically incor- 
porated into the Empire system. A census was 
taken and a rough relief map of the terrain was 
modeled in clay. Villages were frequently shifted 
and new towns were built. The administrative of- 
ficers were usually members of the Inca caste, but 
every effort was made to continue the previous 
local rulers in office. To assure their loyalty, their 
sons were taken as hostages to Cuzco where they 
received the formal, upper class education. The 
Inea imposed their sun-worship religion on the new 
subjects, made the Quechua language the official 
one, and required Inea style dress, although local 
distinctions were permitted. If the conquered peo- 
ples continued to be rebellious, the Inca resorted to 
the system of mitimaes whereby whole villages were 
transplanted to another district and replaced by 
pacified populations. As each new district was con- 
quered, the network of roadways was extended to 
include it, so that ultimately the whole Empire was 
linked by connecting roads. Some of the roads were 
paved, some hewn out of the bed rock, and some 
merely indicated by markers. Rivers and gorges 
were crossed by means of suspension, pontoon, and 
eable bridges. Inns for the travelers were main- 
tained at intervals along the road. Widespread 
communication was effected by means of profes- 
sional runners, the chasquis, who covered as much 
as one hundred fifty miles a day by running in re- 
lays. However, the Inca Empire did not endure 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 221 


long enough to provide a true test of the effective- 
ness of this system of pacification and incorporation. 

In the Imperialist Period, subsistence was based 
on intensive agriculture, which by this time had 
passed through the stages of exploitation and con- 
servation and reached that of restoration. No new 
plants were domesticated, but all those known pre- 
viously were still grown. Likewise, irrigation, ter- 
races and other techniques were little changed, al- 
though the digging-stick was slightly improved by 
the addition of a foot bar and a handle. The im- 
portance of agriculture was recognized and inti- 
mately linked with other aspects of culture. A 
ereat proportion of the laborers were so engaged; 
the work was done in groups rather than individu- 
ally. For example, the planting season was deter- 
mined by solar observations; the priests fasted to 
insure good crops; public religious ceremony ac- 
companied the first planting and the harvest. The 
ruling Inca and members of the upper caste made 
agriculture a symbol of honorable labor by breaking 
the first ground themselves. The Inca used per- 
sonal service as a form of taxation and agricultural 
work became the economic basis of the system. 
Each family cultivated not only its own plot of land, 
but also worked on the fields assigned to the church 
and the state, the produce from which supported 
the political superstructure. 

The common foods prepared in Inea times are 
still used by the contemporary Indians and had un- 
doubtedly long been known. Llama meat was cut 
into strips and dried as charqui. Potatoes in the 
high altitudes were frozen into chuiio, which could 
be preserved for long periods of time. The basic 
dish, called chupe, was a corn or potato soup with 


222 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


other foods added to form a stew. Corn was 
toasted, popped, roasted, and used in many other 
ways. [or example, t’anta was a cornbread, minta 
a sweet cornbread, yahuar gancu a cornbread mixed 
with blood for ceremonial occasions. A corn 
beer, chicha, was also prepared for religious and 
secular celebrations. ‘Tobacco was utilized only in 
the form of snuff for medicinal purposes, but the 
narcotic coca was of great importance. Coca chew- 
ing among the Inca was a restricted upper class 
privilege; the commoners were permitted to use it 
only on special occasions. 

In the Imperialist Period, each district produced 
more than was needed to support the local popula- 
tion and this surplus was stored in state granaries 
throughout the Empire. Careful records were kept 
of production and storage since the surplus was used 
to support the aristocracy, the priests, and the spe- 
cial artisans, and the army and all laborers who 
were working on public projects or in the mines. 
The surplus also provided social security on the 
occasions when a district was stricken with famine 
because of crop failure. 

All eultivable land was divided into three parts. 
The first, and usually the smallest area, was as- 
signed to the support of the priests and the temples. 
The second was the property of the state, acquired 
by confiscation or as the result of new irrigation 
projects. The third, and usually the largest por- 
tion, pertained to the local villages for their own 
support. The village land was divided into strips 
of equal size, each considered large enough to sup- 
port only one couple, so that additional assignments 
were made for each child. Since the village lands 
were controlled collectively, only a house and per- 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 223 


haps a garden plot belonged exclusively to the fam- 
ily. 

There was no monetary system. Local markets 
allowed simple exchange of goods on a barter basis, 
but even this practice was not very extensive. ‘To 
be sure, great quantities of produce were trans- 
ferred from one region to another, but this was 
state property and state controlled business. Ior- 
eign trade likewise was a state monopoly. 

The herding of llamas and alpacas continued to 
be an important subsistence activity. Here again, 
a distinction was made between individually owned 
animals and state flocks, the tending of which was 
another form of tax payment. Along the coast and 
around Lake Titicaca fishing was a common addi- 
tion to the subsistence, but hunting everywhere had 
become a sport restricted to the upper caste. 

Extensive building activities are characteristic of 
the Imperialist Period. These range from irri- 
gation systems, agricultural terraces, roads, and 
bridges through various types of habitations to 
large public centers, temples, and forts. The dwell- 
ings of single families were generally one-story 
rectangular buildings, with walls of rough stone or 
adobe, floors of trodden earth, and gabled roofs 
with grass thatch. Such houses had narrow door- 
ways, and niches and pegs in the walls, but no win- 
dows. The house furnishings were very meager, 
consisting of a single platform bed and such utili- 
tarian objects as grindstones, clay braziers, animal 
skins, and rush mats. A compound of several such 
houses was occupied by the extended family, and a 
village consisted of a scattered group of such com- 
pounds. In general, the Imperialists were not 
urban dwellers, although some of the religious and 


224 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


administrative centers reached respectable sizes, 
and were planned and constructed by special archi- 
tects. One of the best known town centers is Machu 
Piechu (Fig. 48), built on a high ridge near Cuzco. 
The ruins present a conglomeration of terraces, 
house compounds, courts, stairs, terraces, and tem- 
ples. Most of the construction is done with rough 
stone, but some of the important units are built of 
carefully dressed and fitted stone. The best houses 
have windows, carefully built niches, stone wall 
pegs, and narrow doorways capped with stone 
lintels. 

The large public buildings for religious or admin- 
istrative purposes are quite ambitious affairs, but 
even so all of those better known can be assigned 
to the one hundred year period of Empire expan- 
sion. In the Coast buildings, large rectangular 
adobes were used, but in the Highlands stonework 
of many types was utilized. In Cuzco alone there 
is a megalithic style with large slabs and blocks 
of irregular sizes and shapes carefully fitted to- 
gether; a similar style but with smaller stones; walls 
built of unit blocks, either dressed smoothly on all 
sides or left slightly rounded on the outer face 
(Fig. 49). These different building styles do not 
imply a sequence since their employment seems to 
have been functionally determined by the purpose 
of the construction, whether it was intended to 
support a heavy superweight, to be a free standing 
wall, or to have some other function. The archi- 
tects planned the buildings by making clay models. 
In viewing the finished structures it is worth bear- 
ing in mind that they were produced without benefit 
of any iron or steel tools; that the available bronze 
was of little or no use in stone cutting. Quarrying 


iechu. 


ichu P 


‘ 
« 


idel of M 


c 


t 


C1 


ve 
c 


imous Inea 


‘ 
re 


The f 


ig. 48. 


EF 


226 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


was a laborious process of pecking and hammering 
stone against stone until the desired block was so 
nearly free that the final cleavage was simple. Most 
of the dressing and fitting was obviously done at the 
last moment at the construction site. Many of these 
walls have stood for over four hundred years, testi- 
fying to the skill exercised in their construction. 
The quality of the masonry is a remarkable achieve- 
ment, although it does not surpass that of some of 
the earlier periods. 

Craftsmanship was still at a high level of compe- 
tence, but the artistic quality does not match the 
earlier achievements. Each family among the com- 
moners made the pottery, textiles, and other arti- 
facts necessary for its own use. Selected specialists 
produced the finer work for upper class and cere- 
monial uses. These specialists were supported by 
the state, but were not organized into craft guilds, 
nor, so far as can be judged, was their position par- 
ticularly favored in the social system. The art style 
of this period is distinctive and is identifiable in 
every craft. 

The ceramics are well made, highly polished, and 
polychrome painted with black, white, red, yellow, 
and orange. Except for small, stylized butterflies, 
bees, and animals, the design is frankly geometric, 
consisting of serrations, bands, diamonds, checkers, 
triangles, cross hatch, circles, and dots. The vessel 
shapes are standardized. Most characteristic is the 
aryballoid jar with its conical pointed base, vertical, 
flat side handles, tall flaring collar, and animal head 
body nubbin (Fig. 50). Shallow, bird handle plates, 
straight-sided goblets, pedestal base beakers, one 
and two-handled pitchers, and bottles are also com- 


ee Ah Died 
Te Fe! 
om 


| Fig. 49. Types of Inca masonry. Top, Machu Picchu; lower left, Fortress 
of Sacsahuaman; lower right, a street in Cuzco. 


| 227 


er) 


Fig. 50. Inea artifacts: laequered wooden kero, ceremonial stone llama form 
and bowl, two very typical pottery containers, a pitcher and aryballoid 


container 


water or beer jar. 


228 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 229 


mon. This typical Inca ceramic style is found 
throughout the widespread Empire. 

The weaving is competent; control of all earlier 
techniques is demonstrated, but the number of truly 
fine pieces is limited. Among the best examples of 
the weavers’ craftsmanship are ambitious tapestry 
ponchos decorated with small design units. Warp 
patterns and repps are very common. The clothing 
pattern previously established is continued and de- 
tails of dress, particularly in headgear, distinguish 
class, special occupation, and regional residence. 
The woven articles include breechclouts, mantles, 
waistbands, headbands, poncho shirts, rough blan- 
kets, belts, bags, and slings. 

Metalwork now included quantities of both utili- 
tarian artifacts and ornaments. The collections of 
gold ornaments demonstrate great skill in work- 
manship and this is verified by the early Spanish 
descriptions. The utilitarian objects are now com- 
monly made of bronze and include club heads, 
digging-stick points, tweezers, chisels, flat-headed 
pins, dises, and needles. New methods of gilding 
and casting are added to the techniques previously 
known. Stone carving is not associated with this 
period, but stone artifacts are numerous. The most 
distinctive are bowls, club heads, stellate-shaped 
mace heads, and small carved llamas with holes in 
their backs for offerings. Wood is also used exten- 
sively. The wooden kero, or goblet, decorated by 
lacquer inlay, is a most characteristic container. 

The Imperialist Period placed great emphasis on 
social and political organization. Actually, the sys- 
tem developed was little more than a formalization 
of tendencies already initiated in the Central Andes. 
The family and extended family were still basic 


230 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


units. Several extended families were united by a 
local village group, or ayllu, which theoretically con- 
trolled the real property. The ayllu is sometimes 
ealled a clan, but actually it lacks the kinship unity 
and other characteristics of this unit of social or- 
ganization. Instead, the extended patrilineal fam- 
ily within the ayllu was the most important kinship 
group, and also cooperated in labor, controlled the 
education and marriage of the children, and sup- 
ported local religious cults. The entire village, how- 
ever, also had certain social and religious functions 
which increased in importance when the Inca for- 
malized them. For example, the Inca made mar- 
riage within the village compulsory. Furthermore, 
the village was made an economically independent 
unit of sufficient strength so that it has survived up 
to the present day. 

The economic system was based on the organiza- 
tion of man-power labor units. The population was 
classified into twelve age grades to facilitate the 
maintenance of a labor census. Those classed in 
the able-bodied age grade were taxed by being as- 
signed a specific quantity of labor service such as 
agricultural work on the state and church fields, 
army service, herding, or work on a public building 
project. Records were kept of each individual’s 
contribution. The assignments were made in terms 
of quantity rather than time, so the man who could 
use the assistance of his children finished sooner 
than the others. The system also encouraged ex- 
change of labor on a cooperative basis, particularly 
in the form of individual arrangements for substi- 
tute laborers. In most cases this made little differ- 
ence since the work was performed in groups, and 
the tasks demanded little skill. In fact, much of 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 93 1 


the planning consisted in reducing the work units 
to the unskilled level. 

The political system, usually described as pyram- 
idal, was based on the labor unit. Ten laborers 
formed a work group under the supervision of a 
foreman. In the ideal pattern work groups corre- 
sponded to the village or ayllu, under the direction 
of ahead man. In turn, ten village units formed a 
tribe, under the supervision of a high-ranking offi- 
eial. Such pyramiding continued until large units 
corresponding to the four quarters of the Empire 
were attained. The ruling Inca formed the apex. 
In the functioning of this system each administrator 
reported to his immediately superior official, and so 
on up to the Inca. In reverse, the Inca’s orders fil- 
tered down to the laborers. Administrative officers 
of the same magnitude were not organized in any 
way. Instead this vertical political organization 
was cut across by the sharp class distinctions which 
had by this period assumed the rigidity of a true 
caste system. 

The upper caste contained two classes: the Inca 
aristocracy, the original conquerors and their fami- 
lies and the nobles, composed largely of the previous 
rulers in the local districts seized. The lower caste 
included all the commoners, the basic mass of the 
labor population. The outstanding distinction be- 
tween these castes was in the privileges accorded 
them. The upper caste had finer garments, more 
permanent houses, gold and silver service; but food 
was abundant for all, and coarse clothing, adobe 
houses, and ceramic vessels do not imply poverty. 
The differences in privilege, however, were numer- 
ous. Not only were travel, dress, marriage, and 
celebrations regulated for the commoners but they 


232 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


were forced to perform all the manual labor. The 
upper caste controlled all of the higher administra- 
tive and religious posts, were permitted several 
wives, performed no labor, and were treated with 
extreme reverence and homage. Formal education 
was limited to the upper group. Little mobility was 
allowed in the system so that it was virtually im- 
possible for a commoner ever to enter the upper 
caste. Even those selected as specialists in weaving 
or metallurgy remained in the lower caste. The 
ruling Inea himself had absolute authority and was 
considered divine. His symbols of authority were 
a special mace, a feather headdress, and other dis- 
tinctive insignia. Most of the Inca rulers, judged 
by achievement, were outstanding men. The caste 
system had become so dominant that in reference to 
any aspect of the Imperialist Period, distinction 
must be made between upper versus lower class. 
Archaeological information about customs and 
ceremonies of the life cycle is at best meager and 
conjectural, and even with the addition of the Span- 
ish records the data are still limited. It is known 
that children were considered an economic asset 
and, therefore, desired. The mothers observed cer- 
tain prenatal taboos, but there was no special cere- 
mony at the birth of a child. The infants were kept 
in cradles until old enough to walk, and weaned at 
about two years of age. At this time a special 
naming ceremony was performed by the family and 
close relatives. The infant’s hair was tied into 
bunches which were cut off singly by the partici- 
pants who contributed gifts and selected a name. 
Most of the names were those of animals, natural 
objects, places, or particular qualities. In the up- 
per easte, special titles of rank were added.  Chil- 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 233 


dren played with tops and balls, and competed in 
footraces. Education for the commoners consisted 
of practical home training in those erafts and tech- 
niques necessary for self support. In the upper 
caste, education was formalized under the supervi- 
sion of special wise men who taught regular courses 
in history, mathematics, religion, and language. 
The twelve age grades, previously mentioned, were 
not recognized in local custom. However, the tran- 
sition from youth to adulthood was an occasion for 
rigorous tests in the upper caste. Among the com- 
moners marriage was a family affair arranged by 
the parents within the village unit. The families 
eoncerned held simple home ceremonies; once or 
twice a year the marriages were officially recognized 
by the Inea overlord at a public ceremony. Death 
and burial were family affairs among the commoners 
but the occasion for elaborate public ceremonies 
among the upper caste. Pits, caves, and bottle- 
shaped graves were used for burial; important indi- 
viduals were buried in a seated position, wrapped 
with fine cloth, and accompanied by many offerings. 

The Inca calendar was based on the solar year 
and the lunar phases, but was not recorded. In 
contrast to the Maya, however, their observations 
and calculations were not elaborate. Although lack- 
ing any form of writing, numerical records were 
kept of the quantity of crops raised, the size of the 
herds, the population totals in terms of age-grades, 
and many others. The exact system of calculation 
is not known although it had a decimal basis. 
Boards with various box-like divisions have been 
found which were probably used as a form of aba- 
eus for calculation with beans or pebbles. What- 
ever the system of counting, the totals were recorded 


234 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


on the quipu. This consisted of a base cord with a 
series of attached strings on which half-hitch knots 
represent decimal units. The numbers from one to 
nine were recorded at the extreme tip of the string, 
and the tens, the hundreds, and sometimes the thou- 
sands were proportionately closer to the base cord. 
Strings of different colors represented specific cate- 
gories of objects. On some quipus the total for a 
group of four or more strings was recorded on an- 
other on the opposite side of the base cord. 

In examining the religious beliefs and practices 
of the Imperialist Period, a distinction must be 
made between the local village cults, maintained by 
the commoners, and the formal state religion di- 
rected by the priests of the upper caste. The dis- 
tinction is an elaboration and formalization rather 
than in the basic beliefs which are, in both cases, 
concerned with the agricultural cycle, nature wor- 
ship, and especially ancestor worship. The gods in 
the official state religion were arranged in a hierar- 
chy. Viracocha, the leader, was considered to be 
the creator of the world and to reside in heaven. 
The Sun, second in importance, was the protector 
of the crops. He was represented by a golden dise 
with a hammered relief face. Thunder followed 
as the god of weather and warfare, appropriately 
represented by a club and a shield. The Moon, as 
the wife of the Sun, held an important position. 
Many stars were identified as lesser gods and some 
constellations, like the Pleiades and Lira, had spe- 
cial functions. The Earth and the Sea had appar- 
ently been important gods in earlier periods and 
continued to be prominent. There were many 
ehosts and spirits, both good and evil, but these 
were outside of the formalized hierarchy. 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 235 


The state religion was in the hands of a priest 
eroup, arranged in a pyramidal system in which the 
upper caste occupied the top positions. The priests 
as well as the religious temples and shrines were 
supported by the commoners. The principal cere- 
monies were calendrical, at least one for each 
month, and more important ones for the new year 
and the solstices. Other ceremonies were held on 
irregular occasions such as the death of the ruler, 
the inauguration of his successor, and the initiation 
of warfare. The public ceremonies were elaborate, 
several day affairs organized by the priests for the 
benefit of the commoners. East and west were the 
most important ceremonial directions. The gods 
were approached with special attitudes of worship 
in which the priest faced the image, bowed, and 
stretched out his arms. Fasting and confession 
were regular duties of the priests. Offerings and 
sacrifice were important in the ceremonial. Prison- 
ers captured in warfare were sacrificed or children 
were offered by their parents for this purpose, but 
this practice was not carried to extremes. More 
common was the sacrifice of llamas and alpacas 
selected for their particular color or markings. 
Food, coca, clothing, gold and silver objects, and 
other things were burned on the altars as sacri- 
ficial offerings. The ceremonies also included the 
consumption of special ceremonial foods, chicha 
drinking, and coca chewing. 

The most elaborate ceremonies were held in Cuzco 
and involved many participants. The priests and 
privileged members of the upper caste conducted 
parts of the ritual within the temples. The com- 
moners were restricted to special sections of the 
city where they observed only the public phases of 


236 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


each ceremony. Groups of warriors in full regalia 
engaged in violent activities in order to drive off 
evil spirits. There were parades, games, and 
dances at every performance, and sometimes the 
mummies of the important deceased were removed 
from their burial vaults and carried in the parades. 
The ceremonies started at sunrise and closed at 


Fig. 51. Musical instruments, panpipes, flutes, 


whistles, and a horn. 


sundown with a ritual bath for all the performers. 
Special chants and songs were composed for the 
dancers who were specially trained groups with 
elaborate masks and costumes of skins or feathers. 
The music, all in the pentatonic scale, was provided 
by skin drums, bronze gongs, copper bells, bone 
flutes, panpipes, trumpets, and whistles (Fig. 51). 

Apart from the hierarchy of priests in the state 
religion many lesser priests presided at local 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 237 


shrines. These were actually medicinemen or 
soothsayers who, under the influence of liquor and 
narcotics, went into trances and then uttered ora- 
cles which revealed the wishes of their controlled 
spirits. Some became very famous and pilgrims 
traveled many miles to consult them. Other medi- 
cinemen also practised divination with Hama lungs, 
coca leaves, and dream interpretations, or effected 
magical cures; still others specialized in herb cures. 

Among the commoners, the village and the ex- 
tended families conducted their own local cere- 
monies for curing the fields, curing the sick, call- 
ing the winds, before beating and winnowing qui- 
noa, increasing fertility and the ritual occasions 
surrounding birth, naming, marriage, and death. 
These ceremonies were not led by priests, but by 
members of the village. Each extended family built 
a local cult around the founding ancestor and kept 
special household fetishes, such as bundles of corn- 
stalks or small stone llamas. Finally, each indi- 
vidual had his own guardian spirit. 

The Imperialist Period is a natural outgrowth 
of the earlier Central Andean patterns. The tech- 
niques of agriculture and craftsmanship had long 
since been perfected to the point where large popu- 
lations could be supported and their fundamental 
needs successfully met. Likewise, the shift of em- 
phasis from technology to manipulation of labor 
units had passed through a reasonable period of 
experimentation. The Imperialist pattern was only 
one of the possible formulations, but certainly a 
logical one. An objective evaluation of the Im- 
perialist system is difficult. It consisted basically 
of a sharp dual division between a large lower caste 
of workers and a small privileged upper caste. The 


238 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


commoners were organized around the ayllu or vil- 
lage which became a self-sufficient unit for the sup- 
port of its members, the production of the necessary 
housing, clothing and other artifacts, the mainte- 
nance of local government and of local cults. Na- 
tional government, economic security, and protec- 
tion were under the control of the upper caste. 
The gap between these castes was ever increasing, 
until no equality was admitted. Knowledge and 
education as well as the skilled productions in the 
arts and crafts were controlled by the upper caste. 
When the Spaniards replaced the upper caste, fol- 
lowing the conquest, there was naturally a rapid 
breakdown in craftsmanship and education. 

The Inca Empire had existed less than one hun- 
dred years before the conquest, which probably fur- 
nished insufficient experience to perfect final con- 
trols. Had it been uninterrupted by the Europeans, 
modification might well have occurred and the size 
of the Empire unit might easily have been reduced. 
However, it is doubtful that the fundamental pat- 
tern would have changed greatly since it had been 
maintained for several centuries. There were, to 
be sure, signs of weakness in the Inca political sys- 
tem itself. The pyramidal structure, while efficient, 
failed to provide esprit de corps or communication 
between officers of the same rank. The regimenta- 
tion in the Empire was excessive in spite of the 
enuarantee of security. It certainly appears that 
the commoners’ loyalty to the upper caste was not 
very great. <A final weakness was the failure to 
establish a fixed rule for succession in the rulership 
so that immediately prior to the conquest there were 
two contenders who had already divided the Em- 
pire. The Spanish conquest has always seemed 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 239 


amazingly rapid, reflecting, in part, some of the 
fundamental weaknesses of the Imperialist system. 


AFTERMATH 

The year 1532, when Francisco Pizarro and his 
followers initiated the conquest of Peru, marks the 
end of the archaeological and the beginning of the 
historical epoch. The more dramatic incidents of 
the conquest are well known: the bold seizure of 
the Inca ruler, Atahualpa; the golden ransom paid 
for his release; the assassination of the Inca; and 
the collapse of the Inca Empire. Although amaz- 
ingly rapid, the conquest was not as simple as this 
historical condensation implies. The initial shock 
was followed by forty years of active resistance 
during which the balance of power was often deli- 
cate. However, the Europeans eventually won and 
the four hundred years since the conquest have made 
many profound changes in the Indian culture. 

One of the immediate effects of the conquest was 
a marked reduction of the actual numbers of In- 
dians, whether one selects the estimate of three and 
a half million or seven million for the maximum 
population of the Inca Empire. In fact, the census 
records, such as they are, show unrelieved loss up 
to 1796 when an all-time low of under seven hun- 
dred thousand was reached. Following the wars of 
independence, however, the situation was reversed 
and the Indian population increased at a rapid rate 
so that today there are some six million in the area 
once included in the Inca Empire. The vast major- 
ity of these, roughly five and a half million, are the 
Quechua-speaking peoples in the highlands of Ecua- 
dor, Peru, and eastern Bolivia. In the Lake Titi- 
eaca basin, there are five hundred thousand Aymara 


240 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


speakers, and along the Desaguadero River, which 
drains the lake, are still a few remnants of Uro 
speakers. ‘Today these Indian populations form an 
integral part of the several countries. After four 
hundred years of Kuropean influence, the contempo- 
rary Indian cultures obviously do not represent a 
direct survival from the past. Rather, these cul- 
tures are distinctive blends of elements from the 
ancient times, from the Colonial Spanish and from 
the recent Republican period. Although it is not 
the intent to present any detailed picture of this 
long historical period and the modern scene, some 
of the major changes and survivals may be briefly 
described. 

The Spanish superimposed a new culture, a dif- 
ferent language, and a contrasting physical type on 
the indigenous inhabitants of the Central Andes. 
The European conquerors became a new ruling 
caste, with economic, political and religious con- 
trols. The sharp caste differences which had di- 
vided the Indian populations were eradicated and 
a long leveling process was inaugurated ultimately 
reducing all Indians to a single lower class. In the 
Imperialist Period, travel for the commoners had 
been limited by law to strictly Empire business. 
Such restrictions were not maintained after the con- 
quest, resulting in great mobility of the Indian pop- 
ulation. This was motivated both by the desires of 
the Indians to escape tax payments and too great 
Spanish influence, and by the Spaniards’ need for 
miners in the mountains. In time, there was con- 
siderable displacement of the Indian population, 
particularly since the coastal valleys were the most 
suitable for European commercial crops and for 
urban settlements. Today, the coastal region has a 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 241 


Spanish and Mestizo population, while the Indians 
are concentrated in the highland sections. The Hu- 
ropeans also introduced many new techniques and 
new methods of power control which effected the In- 
dian culture, such as the principle and use of the 
wheel, ocean travel, firearms, the true arch, writing, 
iron and steel, frame looms, and new domesticated 
animals. Of equal importance was the systematic 
imposition of a new religion on the Indians. The 
success of the church was amazing, since by 1650 the 
Indians were pronounced to be Christianized and 
no longer a field for intensive missionary activity. 
A comparison of the Imperialist Period culture 
pattern with that of the contemporary Indians re- 
veals other specific changes and survivals. Rela- 
tively few changes have occurred in the subsistence 
pattern. The Central Andean domesticated plants 
were well adapted to the different environments and 
knowledge of their cultivation was deeply ingrained 
in the Indian population. The Spaniards brought 
few practical substitutes for such high altitude 
plants as potatoes, oca, and quinoa. Barley, al- 
falfa, and a few other cereals have been introduced, 
but on the whole, the modern Indians still raise most 
of the old plants. Since food habits are generally 
conservative, there has likewise been little change 
in the preparation of the standard foods. The old 
agricultural tools were simple, inexpensive to make, 
and effective, and consequently they are still in use. 
For example, nothing has replaced the digging-stick 
for cultivating the fields on the steep mountain 
slopes. Old methods of terracing and irrigation are 
still practised. For Indian agriculture, the chief 
innovation has been the introduction of the wooden 
plough and oxen as draft animals. On the other 


242 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


hand, European domesticated animals, including the 
pig, chicken, burro, horse, cattle, sheep, and goats, 
were vastly superior to any known in the New 
World. The Indians have accepted most of the new 
animals, but have not abandoned the llamas and 
alpacas. 

The construction of temples, public buildings, and 
similar major projects was taken over by Spanish 
architects, although the Indians still furnished un- 
skilled labor. The Indians continue to build their 
own houses, however, much as in the past. The 
simple rectangular room with frame and thatch 
roof is now made of adobes, and several such units 
are arranged in compounds for the extended family. 
The seatter village pattern is still common. 

One of the major changes in craftsmanship has 
been due to the fact that ceremonial objects are 
no longer manufactured. Most utilitarian artifacts 
are, however, still made by each family. The ece- 
ramics are coarse and poorly decorated, but made 
in the old techniques. There are also some profes- 
sional groups who now use the potter’s wheel. 
Everywhere some weaving is still done on the old 
types of girdle-back and belt looms, although the 
European foot treadle loom is also common. Sheep 
wool is now used as extensively as llama wool. For 
the most part, the weaving is limited to coarse home- 
spuns. Practically all native metalwork has now 
disappeared, but wooden bowls and other artifacts, 
decorated calabash containers, baskets, and mats 
are still commonly made. There have been many 
changes in the clothing pattern, but the breechclout, 
shirt, headdress, and carrying bag are still standard 
parts of the Indian costume. 


THE CENTRAL ANDES 243 


The Indians of today, as in the past, are largely 
engaged in farming. Some are independent farm- 
ers, living in small isolated communities. Others 
are peon farm laborers on the haciendas. The resi- 
dence pattern and the social organization is remi- 
niscent of the old ayllu village group. The village 
consists of a number of scattered house compounds 
and the residents recognize definite territorial 
claims. Individual ownership of land is now the 
common practice, but the group as a whole assumes 
the responsibility for the defense of its territory. 
Marriage within the village is still the rule, so that 
the members are united by many kinship ties, as 
well as local cult practices. The village is a self- 
sufficient unit and any form of inter-village unity 
is decidedly weak. 

Indian languages have persisted with amazing 
tenacity. Many groups speak only their native lan- 
guage, although the number of bi-lingual individuals 
increases every year. Mythology too has survived 
along with this linguistic persistence. Catholicism 
was accepted as the official religion long ago, but 
local superstitions and rituals have survived with 
only slight modifications. The Indians still deco- 
rate lamas and march them around the fields in a 
curing ceremony. Children receive names at a sim- 
ple ceremony in which the infant’s hair is tied in 
bunches which are cut off by relatives who leave 
small gifts. The threshing of quinoa is initiated 
by a medicineman who calls the proper winds. 
There are many medicinemen who specialize in me- 
dicinal herbs, predict future events with coca leaves, 
and perform magical cures. Such practices do not 
constitute a formalized religion. 


244 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


The Indian population of Ecuador, Peru, and Bo- 
livia maintains a distinctive culture, even though 
modified by many years of Kuropean influence. 
One of the major problems faced by the contempo- 
rary Andean countries is the incorporation of the 
Indian population into the national scene. The cul- 
tural past of these Indians is characterized by its 
high achievements. There is every reason to be- 
lieve that their future achievements can be even 
higher. 


Part 3 
TECHNIQUES 


One measure of the cultural development of a 
people is their technical skill. This does not imply 
that culture and technology are synonymous or that 
we can take something like the metallurgical knowl- 
edge of a group and use it to calibrate a scale for 
measuring their culture. It will, however, if we 
have sufficient information, indicate whether the 
group has adapted itself to its environment and 
available natural resources, whether it has been 
receptive to cultural suggestion, or whether the 
members of the group were themselves inventive 
and ingenious. For better comprehension we must 
sometimes compare the technological development 
not only according to contemporary standards but 
in terms of the total record of human achievement. 
A technical comparison will often furnish the key 
to understanding and appreciation; hence, this short 
resume of three of the crafts. As our knowledge is 
still far from complete, the section on each craft 
should have been prepared by a specialist who could 
evaluate the published data and point out where 
further work is needed. In a limited way this has 
been attempted and if the following comments stimu- 
late interest, they will be justified. 


CERAMICS 


Clay suitable for ceramics is available in most 
coastal valleys and highland basins of Peru. Most 
of it is derived from igneous rocks of the Andes, 
while some, in the Cuzco Basin and Nazca Area, is 
from marine tertiary formations. Due to the great 


245 


246 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


variation in topography, water flow, and rainfall, 
materials from these sources must have been locally 
modified and differentiated. A comparative study 
of available clays might serve to explain some of the 
marked regional differences in ceramics. Is the 
seeming inferiority of some Central Coast wares due 
to absence of good clay obtainable in quantity, 
rather than to lack of skill or interest? Is the great 
emphasis on color in Nazca wares the result of a 
more varied supply of materials, or, is it due to fond- 
ness of color evident in the textiles and traceable to 
the post-fired treatment of earlier wares of the same 
region? Were these colors unavailable to the 
Mochica artisans? Answers to these questions 
would furnish a better understanding of the ceramic 
record. 

Ceramic processes have been reconstructed from 
an examination of archaeological specimens and 
from our knowledge of modern methods. The clays 
are soaked, kneaded, pounded, and, when necessary, 
stored until they become more evenly plastic. In 
some areas the clay is first dried, then crushed and 
ground as an initial step. Some clays can then be 
used without further modification. Unually a grit 
temper is added rendering them more workable, less 
hable to crack as they dry, and better able to with- 
stand the sudden temperature changes of simple or 
primitive firmg methods. Tempering materials in 
the Andean Area depended on what was available 
and the type of product planned. Crushed stone 
and potsherds, sand, mica, and sometimes shell were 
employed. Where these were lacking, as in parts of 
eastern Peru and Ecuader, siliceous material from 
the burned bark of certain trees was used. 


| 


TECHNIQUES 247 


The methods of shaping vessels varied, and de- 
pended on the desired size and form and on regional 
or period practice. The coil method, widely em- 
ployed throughout the Americas, was common in 
Peru, but the coil marks were usually smoothed out. 
In coiling, the vessel base is first formed by hand, 
and the sides raised by adding cylindrical strips of 
clay, either row by row or spirally. As the strips 
are added they are flattened, shaped, and united by 
pinching and scraping, or by tapping with a wooden 
paddle, while the inner surface is supported with 
an ‘‘anvil’’ of stone or other material. In another 
process, direct shaping, a prepared lump of clay is 
modeled into the desired form either by hand pres- 
sure or with paddle and anvil. In both methods the 
base of the vessel usually rests on a slightly concave 
pottery plate or a large potsherd. This enables the 
potter to rotate the clay as it is worked. In the 
construction of some vessels the rotating motion 
must have been fairly rapid, for the scratches and 
tool marks on the surface of unpolished pieces 
closely resemble those on coarse wheel-turned prod- 
ucts. The symmetry of many of the finer pieces 
supports the same conclusion. 

Mold-made pottery is particularly characteristic 
of the Mochica and later period products of the 
North Coast of Peru. Very few molds have been 
collected, so we must rely on finished products for 
our knowledge of molds. Modeled jars and fig- 
urines, fruits and vegetables, were reproduced in 
piece-molds, generally of two parts. More complex 
piece-molds were used where details or under-cut 
parts of the original object made them necessary. 
The molds were of fired clay, so they could be used 
repeatedly. Broken vessels show that the sections 


248 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


were joined after removal from the molds, none 
shows slip casting. Spouts, handles and some orna- 
mental details were made separately and were often 
east (Fig. 52). 

Once shaped and smoothed, some vessels were 
then coated with a clay wash, a thin slip, to impart 


Fig. 52. Molds for ceramic manufacture. 


a desired color, a finer surface, or to form a base for 
painted decoration. The material used is normally 
a fine clay or pigment chosen for color qualities. 
These are prepared by grinding and washing. The 
latter is a simple process; the finer material being 
held in suspension, is poured off and allowed to 
settle. The same methods were presumably fol- 
lowed in the preparation of pigments and clays used 
for painted decoration. 

There is no evidence that the Peruvian potters, 
like some of their central American fellows, inten- 


ee 


TECHNIQUES 249 


tionally used such dispersants as lye or gums to 
defloceulate or further separate the coarser and finer 
clay particles. After application both slip and 
painted details were burnished, the exact procedure 
probably varying with the type of product and effect 
desired. 

Slips can also be used to create a better bond be- 
tween such features as handles and spouts and the 
body of a vessel. Although so used in Old World 
ceramics, none of the American potters, as far as we 
know, was aware of this fact. 

Ceramic paints first appeared in the Andean Area 
in the late Cultist stage and were combined with the 
older decorative procedures, incising, grooving, 
roughing, appliqué, and modeling. The red and 
blackish colors first used were restricted to incised 
or grooved design areas. This practice spread 
eradually, and was used in the ceramics at Pucara. 
Before it reached the Nazea-Ica Area we find incised 
details colored, after firing, with powdered mineral 
pigments mixed with resins to form a lacquer-like 
coating. The colors so obtained are often outside 
the color range of the local fired pigments. 

Firing is a relatively simple procedure. All of 
the Andean wares can be reproduced in an open fire, 
and do not necessarily require kilns. Where pro- 
duction was on the seale which this craft attained, 
some form of kiln was probably used at times though 
as yet none has been reported. The terms ‘‘oxi- 
dized’’ and ‘‘reduced or controlled’’ firing have been 
too loosely used by archaeologists in writing about 
Andean ceramics. If fuel and unfired clayware are 
so arranged that all or most of the carbon present 
is burned away in an open fire, an oxidized ware re- 
sults. As most clays used contain iron compounds 


250 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


these will, in oxidized wares, usually be in the form 
of ferric oxide and the ware colors will range from 
cream to red, depending on the amount of oxide 
present. The same clays, fired to the same tem- 
peratures without oxygen, may be colored light to 
dark gray or even bluish because the iron compounds 
will be reduced to ferrous oxide. Actually most 
Andean wares, loosely classed as ‘‘reduced’’ owe 
their dark tones more to retained or adsorbed ear- 
bon than to reduction. They can be duplicated, with 
or without some degree of reduction, simply by 
smothering the fire with such organic material as 
leaves or grass or just earth if all the carbon in the 
fuel has not been burned. Without such covering 
the same pieces would come out oxidized. Both 
procedures were employed by Andean potters with 
varying frequency in different periods and areas. 
After firing, various techniques were employed 
to enhance the products. The application of pow- 
dered pigments and lacquer-like finishes has been 
mentioned. Some Mochica potters added decora- 
tive details with a water-soluble black substance, 
readily destroyed by careless washing. More com- 
mon was negative ‘‘painting’’. This relatively sim- 
ple procedure has been reconstructed by Robert 
Sonin. <A design is painted on a fired, ‘‘oxidized’’, 
vessel using a fine, fluid mixture of clay. When 
firm, this forms a resist, protecting parts of the 
surface. The exposed areas can then be blackened 
simply by smoking or they can be coated with vari- 
ous water soluble substances. When held over a fire 
these substances will char or deposit carbon on the 
surfaces. The clay resist scales off and a carbon 
negative image of the design remains. Because 
this black readily burns away, it is never found on 


TECHNIQUES 251 


cooking pots. If this treatment is applied to a sur- 
face that already has two colors fired on as slips, or 
as slip versus paste color, it results in an effect that 
has frequently and inaccurately been called ‘‘three- 
color negative’’. 

Students of ceramic technology will find much of 
interest in the Andean Area. Without the potters’ 
wheel great skills and artistry were developed with 
the alternative procedures. Similarly the lack of 
glazes meant that surface treatment was restricted 
to a certain line of development which reached a re- 
finement unexeelled anywhere else in the world. 


METALWORK 


Out of the vast treasure offered in futile ransom 
by Atahualpa, a treasure with a present-day bullion 
value of over eight million dollars, even the Span- 
iards were constrained by admiration to keep a few 
objects intact. Subsequent centuries of tomb rob- 
bing undoubtedly yielded thousands of equally fine 
pieces, yet virtually all have been reduced to ingots. 
The fraction surviving shows that by the sixteenth 
century Andean smiths possessed a wide range of 
technical skills developed by trial and error over a 
long period. These skills are perhaps more amaz- 
ing to modern metalworkers than they were to the 
Spaniards. 

Gold, silver, and copper were the principal metals, 
with tin, lead, and platinum used in lesser degrees. 
Placer mining yielded most of the gold and all the 
platinum. Native copper and ores were extracted 
from open pit and shallow shaft mines with the 
simplest tools. Examples of these were found with 
the remarkably preserved body of a north Chilean 


252 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


copper miner killed by a cave-in. Long known in 
the museum as ‘‘the copper man’’, he and his erude 
implements are mute testimony to the patience, labor 
and danger involved in such mining. 

The extent to which smelting of ores was carried 
out is still to be established. Remains of small 
smelting furnaces, huairas, have been found in High- 
land Peru, Bolivia, Northwest Argentina, and Chile, 
situated on hill slopes so that prevailing winds would 
increase the draft. In these the charge of ore and 
charcoal was placed. Burning charcoal on _plat- 
forms before the air intake vents raised the tem- 
perature of the air as it entered. These furnaces 
were adequate for reducing high-grade ores, care- 
fully selected carbonates and oxides, and, in some 
instances, sulfides which had been desulfurized by 
roasting. The molten metal was tapped from the 
bottom of the furnace and cast into small ingots for 
trade and subsequent working. 

Among the alloys disclosed by analyses the most 
common are gold-copper and _ gold-silver-copper, 
usually called guanin or tumbaga, silver-copper, 
eold-silver, copper-tin (bronze), and in Eeuador, 
gold-platinum. Except for the latter, more study 
is needed to determine which alloys were intentional. 
They vary considerably in the proportions of each 
metal yet enough of the combinations have lower 
melting points and other desirable qualities, such as 
mold-filling, hardness, malleability, and color, to 
indicate an awareness of the results. 

The Indians treated metals mechanically, ther- 
mally, and, to a limited extent, chemically. Me- 
chanical treatment included the crude shaping of 
nuggets by hammering or grinding (perhaps the 
earliest techniques); cold hammering for making 


TECHNIQUES 253 


sheets, stretching ax and knife blades, and strain 
hardening (tempering); pressing or hammering of 
thin sheets over or into carved matrices; repousse 
decoration and chasing; incising; foil sheathing of 
wood, bone, and shell objects; metal inlays and 
incrustation with turquoise and other stones; clinch- 
ing or joining thin sheets of metal by folding the 
edges over each other and hammering; stapling and 
lacing with thin metal strips; and raising vessels in 
one piece out of a sheet of metal. The principal 
types of thermal treatment were melting in clay 
crucibles and casting in open and closed molds; 
soldering; wash-gilding by flowing a molten gold- 
copper alloy over pre-heated copper; and annealing, 
an essential step in all cold-working processes in- 
volving any considerable amount of plastic deforma- 
tion. 

When alloys containing base metals are annealed, 
oxides form on the surface. These are best re- 
moved chemically by dipping the piece in an acid 
‘‘nickle.’? This procedure, obviously used in pre- 
Hispanic times, must have led to the discovery that 
objects made of gold-copper alloys could be given 
the color and appearance of those of nearly pure or 
high gold content. Such change can be effected 
with acid baths as the acid not only removes the 
oxides but also the surface copper leaving the gold 
in place. When finished, sometimes with burnish- 
ing and polishing, such tuwmbaga pieces have been 
mistaken for examples of gold plating, and, by the 
unwary, as solid gold. Whether or not any were 
made with the intent to deceive, the process did 
broaden the utilization of gold. Examples are more 
frequently found in the areas where the casting of 
gold was practised to a greater extent than in the 


254 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


Central Andes, specifically, Colombia and north- 
wards into southern Central America. Where silver 
was available and was worked, silver-copper alloys 
were similarly treated to modify the color. Not in- 
frequently all three types of treatment, the chemi- 
cal, thermal, and mechanical, were employed to finish 
a single object. 

The greatest refinement of the casting process was 
practised by Colombian goldsmiths in making cer- 
tain hollow objects. The first step was to form a 
porous core of powdered charcoal and clay, cor- 
responding closely to the shape of the object to be 
cast. When thoroughly dry, this was covered with 
a wax coating of uniform thickness, with details 
added to complete an exact model. To provide 
openings for the pour and air vents, wax rods were 
attached to the model; and at the same time, small 
wooden pegs or thorns were inserted through the 
wax into the core to hold it in position within the 
mold during the rest of the process. The wax was 
then ‘‘faced’’ or coated with fine charcoal paste, 
and completely covered with clay and coarser char- 
coal, forming the mold. When dry, and all was 
ready, the mold was heated to melt out the wax and 
facilitate the flow of the molten metal, which was 
then poured in, filling exactly the space formerly oc- 
cupied by the wax model. Such molds can be used 
but once and must be broken away to free the ‘‘lost 
wax’’ (cire perdue) easting. This was finished by 
cutting off the excess metal remaining in pour and 
air vent channels, burnishing and polishing, and, if 
necessary, removing the core and plugging the holes 
left by the core supports. 

Two-stage casting with metals of different melting 
points was known in the southern highlands. Ex- 
amples are boleadora weights with decorative or 


‘porommtuey ore urd pue saozoaMz f4sv0 ore suoods ava pue STOSTY) 
[oq ‘Spvoy qnio pue xy ‘sqoolqo aoatis pue ‘ozuorq ‘1addoo UBIANIOG MOST "EG ‘sit 


‘ 


‘soATUYy “QILSTOM se 


255 


256 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


functional frames of copper set in lead. Elaborate 
mace heads from the Lambayeque area on the 
coast show great skill in the creation of separate 
interlinked elements, probably cast simultaneously 
with separate pours. 

Platinum, with a melting point well over 1700 C., 
was not used in Kurope until the nineteenth century. 
Long before, the Indians of Ecuador had learned 
that by alternately and repeatedly heating and 
hammering fine platinum and gold grains together, 
they could produce a homogeneous mass. The prin- 
ciple of this process, called sintering, was later re- 
discovered and forms the basis of our modern pow- 
der metallurgy. 

Relatively few of the tools used by Andean metal- 
workers have been collected. Among them are care- 
fully made stone hammers of varied size and form, 
clay crucibles, stone and porous clay molds, carved 
wood and stone patterns for shaping sheet metal, 
chisels, punches, and burins. These last were made 
of stone in earlier times, and later of bronze and 
copper, as were the blowpipes that served in place 
of bellows, as described by Spanish chroniclers. 

The types of metal objects made by these gifted 
artisans are extremely diverse as shown in Figs. 12, 
24, 35, and 53. The oldest illustrated, the gold 
Chavinoid pieces from Chongoyape, may have been 
made before 500 B.C.; the most recent, a cast copper 
decorative detail showing a man on horseback (Fig. 
53) dates from the late 16th century. Throughout 
this long period gold was used for ornaments, con- 
tainers and vessels, and in Inea times to adorn im- 
portant structures. The metal, without being di- 
verted into a monetary system, was a medium of 
artistic expression for things more of the spirit than 
for material needs. 


t 
i 


bo 
1 
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TECHNIQUES 
TEXTILES 


Among the varied prehistoric products of Peru 
perhaps the most challenging and interesting are 
the textiles. The record of these textiles probably 
spans a full 5000 years and much research is needed 
before it can be fully understood and appreciated. 
In addition to the large collections already available 
for study, a vast amount of material remains to be 
recovered from the many arid sites of the coastal 
area. These however are not inexhaustible and it 
is distressing to note that the Peruvian government 
permits the destruction of this heritage through the 
extension of irrigation without thought of the con- 
sequences. 

The development of a textile tradition in Peru 
resulted from a fortunate combination of at least 
three factors. Excellent fibers were available from 
both plant and animal sources. Climatically, even 
in coastal areas, the temperature fluctuation is suf- 
ficient to make clothing desirable and, in some areas, 
essential. Finally the improvement of agriculture 
and the prehistoric development of irrigation pro- 
vided enough leisure to permit the creation of fine 
and complex fabrics. 

In the second and third millenia B.C., if not 
earlier, textiles were the primary media for artistic 
expression. In subsequent centuries textile pro- 
duction became almost a competition in ingenuity, 
yet continued as an honored and remarkable com- 
bination of art and craftsmanship. Even today a 
few Peruvian weavers maintain this tradition and 
still have pride in their work. 

In terms of modern technology the old Peruvian 
fabries are outstanding for several reasons. Al- 
most every known technique of modern weaving was 


258 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


used as well as a number which are either impossible 
or impractical for mechanical looms. The spinning 
ranks among the finest known in the world and the 
large range of colors is evidence of exceptional skill 
in dyeing. Obviously, technical developments of 
this order were based on a great pride in weaving 
and a widespread appreciation of quality, as shown 
by the frequency with which examples of excellent 
workmanship occur in the collections. The follow- 
ing notes are intended only as a brief outline of our 
present knowledge and do not cover the subject 
fully. A real appreciation of their technical and 
artistic merits can only stem from first-hand ex- 
perience with the textiles themselves. 


FIBERS 


Studies of the contents of the strata of refuse 
dumps in widely separated localities have yielded 
basic data on the occurrence and utilization of the 
different fibers. In the Viru and Chicama valleys, 
in the great deposits of debris left by an early farm- 
ing group who knew neither maize nor pottery, cot- 
ton is the principal fiber. Bast, perhaps Asclepias, 
was sometimes blended or plied with it. Twisted 
sedge, used in open mesh coiled pouches and mats, 
served for cordage. From this evidence it is clear 
that the Peruvian textile craft is based on the use 
of cotton and not on wool or any other fiber. 

This explains the cotton-wool ratios in the analy- 
ses of other series of Andean textiles for which 
chronological data are available. One set of these 
from northern Chile, covering the entire period from 
the introduction of weaving to the sixteenth century, 
shows proportionately much more cotton than wool 
in the oldest fabries than in the more recent. This 


TECHNIQUES 259 


is also true of the Paracas textiles checked by 
O’Neale; the older series from the Cavernas graves 
contained more cotton than wool as compared with 
the later Necropolis material. Still older mummy 
wrappings from Ancon and Supe are all of cotton, 
except for a single piece in which a little wool is 
used. The latter may be contemporary with the 
Cupisnique textiles from the Chicama Valley, among 
which no wool has as yet been found. Considered 
in terms of the still older pre-ceramic fabrics, all this 
evidence clearly establishes cotton as the oldest tex- 
tile fiber. 

Modern Peruvian spinners are said to distinguish 
by name six naturally colored varieties of cotton, 
ranging from lght tan to reddish brown and gray. 
At least several of these are known from the Pre- 
ceramic and Cultist periods as examples occur 
among the Chicama and Supe finds. Used with 
white cotton in patterns and designs they have been 
and still are important to the weavers for they 
eliminate the necessity of dyeing in those shades. 

To a people possessing the tradition of cotton 
spinning and weaving the value of wool would be 
obvious once they moved into the habitat of the 
animals producing it, namely, the Peruvian high- 
lands southward from the Ecuadorean border. We 
know nothing of the wild forms of the llama and al- 
paca, but the wool from their wild cousins, the vi- 
cuna and guanaco, is very soft and fine. Parts of 
their coats are pure white and as white wool is much 
more easily dyed than cotton, the utilization of wool 
may have stimulated the use of dyes. 

Wool from the vicuna was secured by great round- 
ups of these animals. It was so highly prized for its 
fineness that its use in Inea times was reputedly lim- 


260 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


ited to the nobility. Because of this tradition many 
of the finer fabrics have automatically been classed 
as vicuna without proper verification. Recent re- 
search by Mr. Truman Bailey leads him to believe 
that many of the prehistoric fabrics formerly classed 
as vicuna are of selected alpaca wool. He also re- 
ports that it is more difficult to hand spin vicuna 
wool than alpaca; in explanation, the spinners say 
that this is so because ‘‘the vicuna is a very active, 
playful animal,’’ and that its wool retains these 
characteristics. 

Guanaco wool is found in textiles from north 
Chile, but we do not know how it was secured. 
Young guanaco are easy to tame, but they never 
seem to have been domesticated. Was this because 
their habitat is largely marginal to the area of in- 
tensive farming and weaving? If the young of the 
wild llama and alpaca, living within that area, were 
as easily tamed, it is quite possible that a growing 
interest in wool was the major incentive for the 
domestication of these animals. 

Domestication ultimately increased the yield of 
white wool and extended the range of the animals 
beyond their natural habitat. It may be impossible 
ever to date the beginnings of domestication, but 
such finds as the sacrificed llama burials beside a 
Cupisnique period structure in the Viru Valley show 
that some animals were being brought down to the 
coast during that period. It would be interesting 
to know if there was a simultaneous spread of weav- 
ing into the highlands, where no other fibers were 
available and warm clothes were needed. 

Human hair was at times employed in twisted and 
braided cordage but is so completely lacking in some 
periods as to suggest that some groups may have had 


TECHNIQUES 261 


taboos against its use. Sedges and reeds, and bast 
fibers from fourcroya leaves were employed to some 
extent in all periods, mainly for cord and _ rope. 
Their use, in part, antedates the textiles, for fish- 
lines of unidentified bast have been found with the 
remains of a non-agricultural pre-ceramic fishing 
eulture in north Chile. 


DYES 


The variety of colors which were ultimately used 
in the fabries testifies to the skill achieved in dye- 
ing, a skill so advanced that it is tragic that so 
few data on the subject were recorded after the 
eonquest. O’Neale, comparing Paracas Necropolis 
dyed yarns with the Maerz and Paul color charts, 
distinguished one hundred ninety hues. Uneven 
fading undoubtedly accounts for some shades, but 
the record is nonetheless impressive. Truman 
Bailey, gathering surviving information and ex- 
perimenting with native plants, has prepared two 
hundred fifty color formulae which may well dupli- 
eate most of the ancient ones. To these must be 
added another important source, the cochineal in- 
sect, which before the invention of synthetic dyes 
was an important item of export from Peru and 
Mexico. There is also reason to believe that a 
shellfish dye secured from the concholepa was used. 

Virtually nothing is known of dyeing procedures. 
Mordants were used to an undetermined extent and 
permanent brilliant and lovely colors were produced. 
The only attempt yet made to identify the mor- 
dants used seems to confirm an early historic men- 
tion of the use of alum for this purpose. 

As these ancient peoples possessed no carding 


262 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


equipment, the dyeing of raw wool stocks was not 
common, for the process is apt to tangle the fibers. 
Raw stock dyeing of cotton, unknown in modern in- 
dustry until recent years, was practised, a technique 
which may explain the remark of a sixteenth century 
writer that a blue cotton was grown. He must have 
observed the several natural shades of cotton on the 
plants and seeing the natives spinning blue cotton, 
assumed that it was also grown. It was not men- 
tioned by later writers, who were more familiar with 
the cotton plants and were not concerned with dye- 
ing processes. In 1946 a possible explanation of 
this old error was found in the Museum collection 
in a Peruvian work basket that contained cones of 
dyed blue cotton prepared for spmning. In 1947 
survival of the practice was noted in Bolivia and 
the Chicama Valley. In order to prevent tangling 
of the fibers, the cotton is dyed with the seeds still 
attached. When dry, the subsequent handling of 
the fibers is no more difficult than the undyed cotton. 

Some data on the chronology of dyes are avail- 
able. Blue is the only dye found on the pre-ceramic 
textiles of Chicama. <A red pigment was applied to 
yarn before weaving and to finished pieces, but this 
is not a true dye. No further advance has as yet 
been noted on the succeeding Cupisnique textiles, 
but in the old Supe and Ancon series a little true 
red dye is found in addition to the blue. In the 
Paracas Cavernas group, ten or twelve colors are 
noted; while in the Paracas Necropolis series, the 
range of colors reaches its maximum. In the oldest 
textile series from northern Chile, except for a sin- 
ele example of red and a questionable yellow, only 
natural shades of wool and cotton are found. Sub- 
sequently, there was a gradual increase in the use 


TECHNIQUES 263 


of dyes, with this maximum use so late that a marked 
time lag in their diffusion from the north is obvious. 


SPINNING 


The yarns of the oldest textiles are all rather 
coarse and uneven. The debris in which they oc- 
eur in the Chicama Valley contains thousands of 
twigs and wood fragments; yet not a single recog- 
nizable spindle and no spindle whorls have been 
found. In the same valley, women are occasionally 
seen today twisting coarse yarn, using an unworked 
straight shoot of a local shrub for a spindle. In 
making coarse yarn they are used without a whorl. 
The lower ends are continually held and twisted by 
the fingers of the right hand while the left hand 
draws and lays the fibers from a bunch of cotton tied 
to the end of a stick or distaff. The identification of 
these simple spindles would be impossible unless 
found with yarn in place, so it may well be that the 
earliest spindles were similar. 

In the interval between pre-ceramic time and this 
decadent modern survival spinning was developed 
to an art yielding yarns several times finer than 
are produced by modern machines using the same 
staples. The delicate spindles of wood and thorn 
used in spinning these fine yarns were equipped with 
whorls so small that their identity as such has been 
questioned. In operation, the lower end of the spin- 
dle rested in a special cup of pottery, gourd, or wood 
which, as Crawford has emphasized, minimized vi- 
bration and strain, a requisite for fine spinning of 
cotton. This method is still used, though the spin- 
dles are crude by contrast and the yarn produced is 
heavier. 


264 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


In spinning wool the modern spinners all use free- 
swinging spindles, and though such spindles are 
found archaeologically, we do not know whether the 
finest of the old wool yarns were created in this way. 

Whether the spindle is revolved clockwise (S 
twist) or counterclockwise (Z twist) is, of course, 
optional, but preference is usually shown for one 
or the other. In doubling single ply yarns, the di- 
rection of twist was consistently reversed, so that 
the spinner’s fingers were trained to work in both 
directions. As the fibers can be spun in either di- 
rection, there seems to be nothing to dictate diree- 
tion of twist other than local custom. <A small ran- 
dom sampling indicates that the S twist predomi- 
nated in pre-ceramic and Cupisnique fabrics and was 
fairly common in later yarns on the North Coast, 
while in old Supe, Paracas, the North Chilean, and 
modern yarns the Z twist predominated. Some- 
times S and Z twist yarns are combined in a single 
fabric, perhaps intentionally. A further recording 
of twist seems warranted and should yield useful 
comparative data. 

Data on the use of distaffs are meager. In the 
sixteenth century, the Inca used a forked stick. 
More carefully made slotted wooden distaffs, one 
with wool still in place, have been found occasion- 
ally. Today one sees some spinners with a crude 
roving or roll of prepared cotton or wool looped 
about the left wrist and hand, drawing out and lay- 
ing the fibers with the left fingers, while the right 
hand operates the spindle and stretches the fibers 
while spinning progresses. Others fasten a bunch 
of prepared cotton to the end of a reed, about thirty 
inches long, which is held between the left arm and 
body, leaving the hands free to manipulate the fibers. 


TECHNIQUES 265 


Some such simple distaff was perhaps used to hold 
the conical bunches of prepared cotton so frequently 
found with the late period work baskets. They may 
also have been wedged in the carved forked sticks, 
as portrayed in the sets of miniature spinning and 
weaving equipment made of silver. 

When we marvel at the quality of the yarns pro- 
duced with such simple tools, it is interesting to note 
that the use of hand-spun yarn is still economically 
justified in Peru. Hand spinners, according to Tru- 
man Bailey, can produce one hundred grams of yarn 
per day at a cost about thirty per cent less than 
similar but inferior machine-made yarn. 


LOOMS AND WEAVING 


As yet, no one has made a comprehensive study 
of the loom types still in use and of their distribu- 
tion in Peru. Such a survey would be invaluable in 
interpreting the archaeological material. 

It is generally agreed that most of the excavated 
fabrics were constructed on backstrap looms like 
the modern ones used in the Central and Coastal 
valleys. However, in the Southern Highlands and 
in Bolivia, the loom bars are tied to four stakes 
driven into the ground so that the warp les hori- 
zontally. Less common is a frame-loom set verti- 
eally. 

Of these three types, only the first permits the 
weaver to control the warp tension automatically, 
an important feature. In its essentials, this loom 
(Fig. 54) is an exceedingly simple device, consisting 
of two sticks, called loom bars, with the warp 
stretched between them. The lower bar, tied to a 
belt passing behind the weaver’s back, rests above 
the lap, while the upper is suspended from a post 
or other support. As the work progresses on a 


Fig. 54. Diagram of backstrap loom. a, Loom bars; b, Shed rod; e, Heddle 
d, Batten or sword; e, Bobbin; f, Back strap; g, Warp lashing; h, Heading 
string; i, Lease cord; j, Leash cord; k, Warp; 1, Weft. 


266 


TECHNIQUES 267 


long fabric, the warp is unrolled from the upper 
bar and the finished portion is rolled on to the lower. 

In warping these looms, the yarn was, and still 
is, first wound with a figure-eight motion between 
two stakes. The figure-eight crossing, called the 
lease, automatically separates the alternate turns 
and creates two sheds, greatly simplifying the re- 
mainder of the preparatory work. 

After the yarn has been warped off, it is laced 
fast to the loom bars in such a way that when com- 
pleted, all four edges of the fabric are finished off, 
sometimes so uniformly that side and end selvages 
are indistinguishable. Usually, however, the end 
selvages incorporated the cord or yarn, which, with 
the lashing, held them against the loom bars. 

For plain weaves, the control of the warp sheds 
is accomplished with two sticks, one inserted be- 
tween the alternate warps, holding them apart; the 
other, lying across the loom, attached with a looped 
eord to each yarn of the lower warp set. By lifting 
this heddle or heald rod, the lower warps are pulled 
up through the others and the alternate shed is thus 
opened. 

For holding either shed open while the bobbin is 
passed through, a wooden batten or weave sword is 
inserted and turned on edge. The same implement 
is used to beat or press the newly inserted weft into 
place. Where the construction requires the separa- 
tion of the warps into several sheds, two or more 
heddle rods are used. O’Neale has clearly shown 
by her analysis of certain examples of twill weaving 
that the necessary warp manipulations must have 
been made with at least three heddle rods. This 
demonstrates the use of the multiple heddle loom 
in the Mochica period. Probably a careful study of 
the double-cloths would supply further information 


268 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


on the antiquity and distribution of multiple heddle 
looms, and might show an even greater antiquity. 
One of the limitations of the backstrap loom is 
the fact that a single individual cannot weave a fab- 
ric wider than the working span of the arms. 
Length is also limited by the amount of cloth which 
ean be rolled and supported on the lower bar. Av- 
erage maximum widths seem to be about thirty 
inches, so the occurrence of large fabrics like the 
Paracas specimens which have widths up to seven- 
teen feet eight inches and lengths of eighty-seven 
feet, indicate that some other type of loom was 
used. Truman Bailey has recorded the use of a 
super backstrap loom which is roughly three times 
the normal width and was operated by three women 
working as a team. The limitations of such a loom 
would be in the length rather than in the width. 


WEAVING TECHNIQUES AND CHRONOLOGY 


Very recent excavation has yielded an adequate 
sample series of fabrics from the pre-ceramic hori- 
zon already referred to. Unfortunately, our data 
still depend on field notes and an analysis of un- 
cleaned specimens as they were excavated. Clean- 
ing and further study will add detailed information, 
but should not appreciably change the rate of oc- 
currence for the techniques listed below: 


Per Cent 

Twining 78.3 
Looping and loop coiling 10.1 
Fish nets, knotted 7.5 
Plain cloth, warp face weave 3.7 
Plain cloth, warp face with warp floats 0.2 
Netted pouches 0.2 

100.0 


(This lst does not include matting and _ basketry.) 


TECHNIQUES 269 


Twining as a technique has been used with many 
materials other than spun yarns, and survives to- 
day mainly in mat and basket construction. From 
its world-wide distribution and some archaeological 
evidence, it is believed to be one of the oldest meth- 
ods of creating a fabric. 

The principle is simple. The weft is always 
worked in pairs intertwined between the warp ele- 
ments, and, if tightly twisted, they will remain in 
place even when the weft rows are widely spaced. 
In the old Peruvian material, the wefts are nearly 
all short, crossing the fabrie only once; with their 
ends tied together at the selvage, forming a row 
of knots at the edge. There is no simple mechanical 
method of placing the weft; it must be done with 
the fingers, and, as the warp does not have to be 
manipulated, a heddle is useless. 

Twining, as shown by these old fabrics, was highly 
developed. By crossing and arranging the warps, 
and by varying their size and grouping, differences 
in texture and pleasing effects were created. There 
are designs of considerable complexity but none is 
constructed in the manner of the Chilkat blankets of 
North America, in which the wefts carry the pattern. 

The contemporary woven pieces are surprisingly 
small. Eight inches is about the maximum width, 
and, except for belting, lengths do not seem to ex- 
ceed twice the width. All are warp faced, 1. e., the 
warp yarns, more closely spaced than the weft, pre- 
dominate at the surface. Patterning, as with the 
twining, is limited to warp manipulation. Most 
common are stripes of warp floats done with alter- 
nate yarns, a movement resembling that employed 


270 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


in modern huck weaves. Occasionally some in- 
tricate figure was made in this technique. 

It is highly significant that in virtually all the 
woven pieces at least some detail is accomplished 
by twining. ‘This may be limited to several compact 
twined rows to hold the warp ends together or, in 
addition, may appear as twined weft rows sepa- 
rating woven areas. In some textiles twining and 
weaving occur side by side, with the same weft yarns 
used in both areas. Other warp faced examples re- 
veal the use of short wefts, with the ends tied in 
knots along one selvage, exactly as in the plain twin- 
ing. 

The impression from this material is that twining 
is definitely the predecessor of weaving; that the 
heddle was unknown, and that weaving did not 
evolve from twining, but developed with it as an 
outgrowth of the experimental manipulation of 
yarns. The invention of the heddle was, in all prob- 
ability, the critical factor in further development, 
for without it weaving could not compete with twin- 
ing. 

A sudden increase in the frequency of woven 
pieces occurs in the Cupisnique, or Cultist Period 
debris lying above the primitive material mentioned. 
Their size and the less compact spacing of the warp 
imply the use of the heddle, while finished end or 
loom bar selvages and a number of techniques not 
used earlier mark a break in tradition. One would 
searcely expect these techniques to appear simul- 
taneously had the development occurred in the neigh- 
borhood of the Chicama Valley. As they first ap- 
pear in the Chicama Valley associated with Cupis- 
nique sherds, the first maize, warty squash, and a 
number of other culture elements, it is clearly inter- 


TECHNIQUES 27 1 


pretable as influence from another area in which 
weaving had evolved well beyond the pre-ceramic 
technical accomplishments. 

A eareful analysis of material from this horizon 
is needed, but has not yet been made. The fairly 
common continued occurrence of twining may be a 
local feature resulting from cultural fusion or, per- 
haps, Cupisnique weavers were actually not far re- 
moved from the pre-pottery stage. Completely new 
at that time in Peru was gauze lace made by twisting 
adjacent warps before inserting the weft. Design 
areas within the gauze are woven in to match the 
plain weave adjoining the gauze. 

Another less practical device for creating design 
was to wrap cotton lint around certain portions of 
the weft just before it was laid in place, resulting in 
a compact figure set in a relatively loosely woven 
field. Only two later pieces show this patterning 
method. One is the fabulous Paracas ‘‘altar’’ cloth 
at the Brooklyn Museum with its central figures 
wrapped on the warp before weaving; the other is 
a Nazca item incorrectly described by O’Neale. 
This is quite distinct from the wrapping or ‘‘facing”’ 
of yarn with yarn in late period slings and hairnets. 

Another regionally new construction was tapestry, 
which can be briefly defined as the use of independent 
wefts for each color or pattern area of the design. 
Also present are the simplest devices for varying 
the appearance of plain weaves: the use of warp or 
weft stripes and a combination of the two to form 
plaid. The weft yarns are usually paired singles. 

The series of textiles from Supe, perhaps close in 
age to Cupisnique, add to the known technical data. 
As with Cupisnique, warp-faced fabrics are in the 


272 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


minority, about thirty per cent of the total. Appar- 
ently a higher percentage of Supe fabrics has paired 
single ply wefts and some also have paired warps. 
Brocading, the insertion of secondary wefts in addi- 
tion to the ordinary weft at the places where the pat- 
tern falls, was known, but embroidery seems to be 
lacking. Tapestry is more common than yet noted 
among Cupisnique fabrics and is found in several 
forms. One example, a Chavin stylized condor head 
set in a plain weave field, is cleverly executed with 
eccentric and slit techniques. At least three shades 
of naturally colored cotton were used in it, the over- 
all effect enhanced by the contrast between the com- 
pact weft of the figure and the loose weave of the 
adjacent fabric. Others have interlocked geometric 
areas of loose tapestry in which, contrary to ac- 
cepted tapestry procedure, the wefts are not beaten 
tightly together. 

The Paracas Cavernas textiles here assigned to 
the Experimenter Period are probably not quite as 
old and among them, in addition to those mentioned 
for Cupisnique and Supe, are several more tech- 
niques. One, which became very popular much 
later, is double cloth. In this, two separate webs 
of contrasting colors, each with its own warp and 
weft, are woven together. Pattern is created by 
interlocking the two webs, a tedious procedure on 
any hand loom. The complexity of the oldest known 
examples shows complete mastery of the process and 
indicates an earlier developmental stage. This con- 
cept of double cloth was carried still farther by the 
Peruvians who produeed a triple cloth and a narrow 
quadruple cloth belting. 

This Cavernas lot also adds embroidery and warp 
float patterning to the list, comprising in all a re- 


TECHNIQUES 213 


markably broad range of techniques for such an 
early culture level. The contrast with the pre- 
ceramic fabrics is obvious. Plain twining survived 
in Chicama, while in the south twining was limited 
in the Paracas Cavernas material to basketry, mat- 
ting, and elaborate twined lace. With weaving, the 
break is so marked that at present it can only be 
explained by postulating technical evolution outside 
the area, which would mean that the late pre-ceramic 
textiles were, in their time at least, outdated sur- 
vivals. There is such slight chance of recovering 
old fabrics outside of Peru that if we are to locate 
the area of development, careful attention must be 
paid to the associated non-perishable items. Per- 
haps the answer lies along the potsherd trail which 
may ultimately reveal the origin of the Cupisnique- 
Chavin ceramic techniques and designs. 

The textile development subsequent to the Cupis- 
nique-Supe-Cavernas stage shows marked differ- 
ences by period and area, not so much the result 
of technical development as in the emphasis on 
and increasing perfection of some device already 
in use. An excellent example is the superb embroi- 
dery of the Paracas Necropolis period when this 
art became fashionable almost to the point of exclu- 
sion of other techniques (Fig. 55). Great numbers 
of intricate and complex embroideries were prepared 
and laid away with the dead; pieces which were 
never again equaled in quality or in the use of color. 

The omission here of published data is not in- 
tended to slight or question the work of others. 
The identification of weaves and trends in the Mas- 
tercraftsmen and later periods is so comprehensive 
a topic with so many incomplete details that it is in- 
advisable to attempt to encompass it at present. As 


Fig. 55. Paracas Necropolis embroidery. Top, Poncho shirt with heavy shoulder 


fringe; center, Mantle borders, with foundation fabrie completely hidden by the 
embroidery; bottom, Half of a large mantle. Center, Courtesy of Museo Nacional 
de Antropologia y Arqueologia de Peru. 


274 


TECHNIQUES 275 


an alternative, some comments can be made on cer- 
tain techniques which have not already been dis- 
cussed. 

Plain Cloth: Regional trends are well exemplified 
by comparing the products from the northern coasts 
of Peru and Chile made during the period of Inca 
control. At the time of the Spanish conquest and 
afterwards, an undetermined but high percentage 
of plain cloth from Chicama was made with paired 
elements, using single-ply cotton yarn, a custom 
well established at least as early as the Cultist 
Period. 

On the North Chilean coast, where the influence of 
Inea culture was seareely felt, sixteenth century and 
earlier plain weaves are entirely warp faced. Most 
of them are of two-ply wool yarn, and only one in 
a series of nearly eight hundred has paired wefts. 
This again is founded on long established local tra- 
dition, with a slight variation seen only among the 
oldest textiles, four per cent of which are square 
count, the rest warp faced. 

At Pachacamae, plain cloth associated with Inca 
pottery is predominantly warp faced and made with 
two-ply yarns. Paired warps and wefts of single 
ply S spun yarns are elements apparently introduced 
from the north during this period. Cotton is six to 
eight times more frequent than wool, with the latter 
most abundant in the textiles associated with the 
highest concentration of Inca sherds. 

Repp: Plain cloth in which the warps outnumber 
the wefts and predominate on the surface is referred 
to as warp faced. This generally has a ribbed ap- 
pearance which can be accentuated by the use of 
heavier weft yarn. This effect, called repp, is some- 
times mentioned as a feature of Peruvian fabrics 


276 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


and is indeed quite common. The term should per- 
haps be limited to those fabrics in which the weft is 
heavier than the warp and until some such distine- 
tion is made little can be said about it other than 
that it naturally follows the distribution of warp 
faced textiles. 

Twill: The rarity of the occurrence of twill in 
existing collections has occasioned some speculation. 
O’Neale, in the only report on Peruvian twill, dis- 
cusses the seventeen examples known to her. As 
its production required at least three heddle rods, 
the work of setting them up may have limited its 
popularity. Perhaps far more twill was woven than 
has been assumed for most of it was collected in 
Mochica tombs, notoriously poor in yielding tex- 
tiles. In the hight of our present knowledge, how- 
ever, it is clear that though the Peruvians did master 
the application of this technique, its distribution is 
restricted. 

Pattern Weaves: The creation of well executed, 
intricate patterns with the warp is a challenge to 
the weaver’s ability; yet in spite of the difficulties 
involved, it became very popular and still remains 
so in the southern highlands. Though known to 
some degree throughout Peru in all periods, the 
finest warp patterns are generally from the South 
Coast and are relatively late. The similarity of 
designs in modern and fourteenth to sixteenth cen- 
tury specimens is often striking and should give a 
good check on the conservatism of such textile de- 
sign. In North Chile this technique appears with 
the first painted pottery. 

Weft or bobbin patterns are not so difficult to ere- 
ate and, though widely used, never were as popular 
as warp patterns. Much more common are the bro- 


TECHNIQUES 277 


‘ades, possibly because the use of supplementary 
wefts permits a more varied application of color 
than in plain bobbin patterns. 

Tapestry: When the Spaniards entered Peru, tap- 
estry was definitely in fashion as, in a sense, it then 
was in Kurope. The Peruvian products, however, 
were technically far superior in every detail. Usu- 
ally made with cotton warp and wool weft, they fre- 
quently have over two hundred weft per inch and 
some exceed two hundred and fifty. One with an 
average of 327 per inch has weft crowded together 
at the rate of 500 per inch in some details of the 
pattern. It would be impossible to create such a 
fabric without having perfect yarn for the warp. In 
this ease a three-ply cotton yarn, with seventy twists 
per inch, was used. The warp count is sixty-seven 
to the inch. Roughly, contemporary HKuropean tap- 
estry, by contrast, seldom exceeds eighty-five weft 
per inch, and modern examples much fewer. 

In a sense, this is an unfair comparison, for the 
Kuropean products were primarily pictorial wall 
hangings in which fineness of weave and the condi- 
tion of the under surface were not very important; 
whereas in Peru, tapestry was employed for cloth- 
ing, belts, and bags. In these, careful finish of both 
sides and compact yet light construction were natu- 
rally appreciated. The extreme fineness of weave, 
however, is only one aspect of the Peruvian product. 
Every conceivable device applicable to tapestry con- 
struction was employed with care and skill. As an 
example, one finds in the Nazea area that the struc- 
tural weakness of slit or kelim tapestry has been 
overcome by using hidden wefts. By using paired 
warps a fine hard-spun single-ply cotton can be 
woven in so it does not show through the wool weft 


278 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


of the pattern unless the fabric is torn or badly 
worn. These have sometimes been inaccurately 
classified as ‘‘embroidery to resemble tapestry.’’ 
Actually, there is no recognized name for this tech- 
nique and, as often happens with Peruvian material, 
one has to be suggested. In this case ‘‘reinforced 
slit tapestry’’ is adequate, if we can agree at which 
limit the construction is technically something else. 
Some pieces show the reinforcing yarns inserted 
only where the slits are largest. In others a con- 
tinuous fine cotton weft is inserted regularly, with 
two or more pairs of tapestry weft between the picks 
of cotton weft. When only one pair of the pattern 
weft separates the fine cotton yarns, the latter are 
usually carried beyond the pattern and form a plain 
weave area. Such pieces are certainly not tapestry, 
although they reproduce its appearance exactly. 

In addition to the more conventional types of tap- 
estry, some very delicate pieces have been found 
showing interlocked tapestry construction in which 
warps and wefts are single-ply crepe twist, cotton. 
They are sometimes so loosely woven that, as far as 
texture goes, the fabric can be considered a voile, 
yet the construction is essentially that of tapestry. 
Since this technique has no parallel in modern weay- 
ing, again a term has to be proposed and in this case 
perhaps ‘‘sheer tapestry’’ is preferable to calling it 
interlocked plain weave. One of the two examples 
in the American Museum of Natural History is 
very rare among known Peruvian fabrics in showing 
what is called ‘‘Swedish’’ or two-way interlock. In 
it, the locking of the weft produces a ridge or wale 
on the reverse side of the fabric. In the other, the 
wefts interlock around a warp. 


TECHNIQUES 279 


The antiquity of tapestry has already been men- 
tioned in comments on the Cupisnique-Chavin fab- 
ries. As yet, we know little about it during the in- 
terval preceding the Tiahuanaco or Expansionist 
Period. In both known Paracas periods, it was 
virtually ignored, furnishing a good example of the 
influence of fashion on the occurrence of a technique. 
Certainly a people possessing such skill in spinning, 
dyeing, and weaving ignored it only by intention. 

Somewhat later and far to the north there is some 
evidence for its use in the Mochiea period. ‘T’o what 
extent, remains to be discovered, but from then on, 
all down the coast, it appears with increasing fre- 
quency. The major development seems to have 
come with the spread of the Tiahuanaco influence 
from the southern highlands. Beautifully executed 
pieces with characteristic figures of this period are 
among the most easily identified of all Peruvian 
fabrics. Though the stylistic influence of Tiahua- 
naco faded in time, the manufacture of tapestry 
continued, receiving new support with the second 
wave of highland conquerors, the Inca. It is inter- 
esting to note that while the Inca ultimately dom- 
inated a larger area than their predecessors, they 
seem to have had less influence on the general tex- 
tile development. The only marked Spanish influ- 
ence on the Peruvian textile record immediately 
after the conquest was in tapestry design. The 
Spaniards recognized and appreciated the native 
product, if not the patterns, and soon had weavers 
making tapestry hangings and carpets for their 
homes. These products, in which ideas from two 
unrelated cultures have been blended, merit spe- 
cial study. 


280 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


Interlocked Warp Pattern: This construction 
which, like tapestry, can yield a pattern identical 
on both sides of the fabric is peculiar to Peru. It 
has sometimes been called ‘‘patchwork’’ or ‘‘weft 
scaffolding,’’ but as the pattern is set up in the 
warp before inserting the weft, the term used here 
seems more appropriate. 

A unique unfinished example in the American Mn- 
seum collection has a rather intricate two-color pat- 
tern laid out with the aid of taut scaffolding yarns, 
set like the rungs of a ladder, parallel to the loom 
bars and presumably held in place by supplementary 
bars set at right angles to the regular ones (Fig. 56, 
lower right). Warping was done very much as one 
inserts the weft in one-way interlocked tapestry, 
with the warp spanning one or more ‘‘rung’s”’ as the 
pattern required. The interlocking turns of the con- 
trasting yarns also encircle the scaffold yarns. In 
other words, if all the warps were pulled out of a 
finished piece of interlocked tapestry, the weft would 
then resemble this type of interlocked warp fabric 
before the insertion of the weft. It is obvious that 
if the final product is to be smooth, warp tension 
must be perfectly distributed and, except for unusu- 
ally large areas, the weft must be inserted without 
benefit of a heddle and in most cases was done with 
a needle. 

Several types of interlocked warp are distinguish- 
able on the basis of the weft manipulation. In the 
most elementary, the warp is close together and a 
single weft runs the full width of the fabric. In 
these the scaffold yarns are either left in place or the 
weft substituted for them. Others show the use of 
different weft colors, matching the colors used in the 
warp. In these the sides of the color areas may be 


TECHNIQUES 28 | 


woven as slits, then stitched up; or the different 
wefts may be interlocked between the warps. 

The complexity of some of the patterns in this 
weave are astounding, considering the labor in- 
volved and the limitations of the plan by which they 
were laid out. In fact, they are excellent examples 
of the extremes to which Peruvians carried their 
loom work. The interlocked warp technique is 
found among Paracas Necropolis fabrics and con- 
tinued to be made until historic times, demonstrat- 
ing how fixed in their tradition was a willingness 
to attempt the difficult. 

One justification for the term ‘‘patchwork”’ is to 
be seen in the garments made of small tie-dyed units. 
All the units in any one garment were warped to- 
gether on scaffold yarns without interlocking the 
warp turns. After weaving in the wefts of each 
unit, the removal of the scaffold freed the ‘‘patches’’ 
for dyeing and left the warp end loops open for re- 
uniting. So far, there is little to indicate that this 
“‘natchwork’’ was used before the Tiahuanaco pe- 
riod, and nothing to show that it was not consist- 
ently used with tie-dyeing. 

Interlocked Darning: Another product which at 
first glance seems to belong to the interlocked warp 
group and has been called ‘‘interlocked plain 
weave’’ and ‘‘multicolored patchwork,’’ was cre- 
ated entirely by darning without any preparatory 
warping. O’Neale has described one piece from 
the Paracas Necropolis period, which must have 
been made by darning on a temporary grid of 
both vertical and horizontal scaffold yarns. Oth- 
ers seem to have been done with only horizontal 
yarns as a guide but until an unfinished example 


282 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


is found, there will be doubt about certain steps 
in the process. 

As a group, they can be distinguished by the im- 
possibility of identifying warp from weft. In any 
given area of the pattern, the yarn laid in one di- 
rection as ‘‘warp’’ turns and serves as ‘‘weft,’’ as 
in darning. Parts of this ‘‘weft’’? may be used to 
extend the pattern and, in doing so, they become 
the ‘‘warp.’’ Hence, warp and weft yarn is con- 
tinuous in each area and the warp-weft counts are 
equal. The patterns are squared geometrically and 
the colors are clear and contrasting. One might 
expect such fabries all to be small, yet a fragmentary 
example in the American Museum apparently meas- 
ured thirty-two by eighty-eight inches when new. 

Shaped Fabrics (weaving to shape): We are all 
so conditioned to cutting cloth to a desired size or 
shape that few of us realize what a relatively new 
concept this cutting is in terms of our total textile 
history. The Peruvians, like all ancient weavers, 
wove their fabrics to the length and width needed 
for a particular garment or purpose and never cut 
or tailored them. As the normal product was rec- 
tangular, this had a rather depressing effect on 
clothing styles. Their response to this lmitation 
was to weave cloth to the shape desired. Examples 
of this practice constitute a larger and more impor- 
tant group than is generally realized. 

Of several methods, the most rudimentary is based 
on avery simple principle; fanning or spreading of 
the warp between the loom bars, which, if evenly 
done, yields a trapezoidal product. The side sel- 
vages were curved as desired by varying the tension 
of the weft during weaving. Loin cloths, quite simi- 
lar to very modern French bathing suits, were woven 


TECHNIQUES 283 


by keeping the center of the warp close together and 
spreading the ends so that the finished corners could 
be tied over the hips. Poncho shirts, some over 
twice as wide across the shoulders as at the bottom, 
were made by spreading the center of the warp be- 
fore weaving. To avoid loose construction where 
the spreading became extreme, additional warps 
were laid in as needed. The Museum collection 
contains one large shirt of this type from North 
Chile (Fig. 56); woven in one piece, it is eighty-four 
inches across the shoulders by thirty-eight across 
the bottom. For every hundred warps running the 
full length of the loom, fifty more were added at the 
center. 

Other irregularly shaped pieces were made by set- 
ting the loom bars so that one side selvage was 
longer than the other. Uniform construction was 
maintained by carrying some of the weft rows only 
part way across the loom. ‘The same weft manipu- 
lation was used in pieces which appear to have 
been warped between two curved loom bars for the 
production of capes which are wider in the middle 
than at the ends. 

Although no record has been made of the number 
of techniques employed in conjunction with shap- 
ing, the list includes tapestry, double cloth, two- 
faced warp pattern, and interlocked warp. The 
oldest occurrence yet noted is in pre-Tiahuanaco 
material from North Chile. By the time the Span- 
iards arrived with the concept of tailored garments, 
the shaped fabrics were more widely used than has 
hitherto been realized. One cannot help wondering 
where this phase of costume design would have led 
had it not been interrupted. 


OPO OLA OOD 


> x > . ‘ BN Doo Swe 
SAE OV 


a ' 
a. 


Fig. 56. Poncho shirt, shaped by inserting additional warp at center of fabric 
(North Chile); Cape, shaped by expanding the warp; upper half, cotton, warp 
faced, lower half, eecentrie tapestry; Boy’s shirt, tapestry; Woman’s work basket ; 
Detail of interlocked warp loom. 


284 


TECHNIQUES 285 


Resist Dyeing: Tie-dyeing or ‘‘plangi’’ has al- 
ready been mentioned in connection with patch- 
work. This basically simple process consists of 
binding portions of a fabrie with yarn or fiber be- 
fore dyeing as protection from the dye, and thus 
creating a pattern. If a small portion of fabric 
is bunehed and bound, then dye-free circles result. 
When the binding is applied to folded and rolled 
cloth, straight lines can be created. Several colors 
ean be used successively by properly planning a se- 
quence of dyes and bindings, but only two colors, in 
addition to the natural color, have so far been re- 
ported. The resist process with wax to stop the 
dye penetration, known as ‘‘batik,’’ has not been 
positively identified in Peru. 

Ikat: Another and more complicated resist dye- 
ing process is made by dyeing the pattern on the 
warp before weaving commences. For precise re- 
sults, the whole fabric must be carefully planned 
in advance. The exact number of warp yarns re- 
quired is calculated and these subdivided into lots 
which are grouped, tied, and dyed together for each 
division of the pattern row repeats. 

From the present South American distribution 
of ikats, south central Chile, Bolivia, north Peru, 
and Eeuador, one might expect to find more exam- 
ples from pre-Spanish times than actually appear. 
Only a very few have been collected, most within the 
Chimu area, and none is older than the late Coastal 
Tiahuanaco pottery, if that old. This and other 
reasons suggest that it was introduced into Peru 
later than and independent of ‘‘plangi’’ tie-dye. 
Most pieces show retouching after weaving, when 
dyes were painted on parts of the design as if in 


286 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


an attempt to create the appearance of a polychrome 
ikat. 

Both warp and weft ikat are known in Central 
America, but the latter has not been found in Peru. 

Painting: This is an older method of decorating 
fabrics than resist dyeing. Though plain red pig- 
ment was used in lieu of a dye in pre-ceramic days, 
the creative application of pigments has not yet 
been reported earlier than Paracas Cavernas. 
Afterwards, it is found rather widely distributed 
in the different areas and periods. Perhaps its 
ereatest use was in copying the effects achieved 
by some structural method such as the reproduce- 
tion of tapestry designs. Rectangular wall hang- 
ings of cotton cloth with large bold and weird 
painted figures have been found in late Central 
Coast sites (Fig. 57). 

Feather Work and other Surface Decoration: 
Quantities of feather-covered fabrics have been 
found, mostly in post-Tiahuanaco graves. In some 
eases, the feathers have been cemented fast but the 
more usual method was to attach the feathers to 
a cord and stitch this to a woven fabric row by row. 
Some of the feather work is strikingly colorful. 
Quite common are feathers from domesticated ma- 
ecaws and parrots, some of the latter a yellow vari- 
ety which is now extinct. Other feathers are from 
tropical rain forest birds which must have been 
brought a considerable distance. A study of such 
material ought to yield information on trade con- 
tacts. 

Correspondingly late fabrics are also occasionally 
decorated with sheet metal dises and plates. Most 
of these are of interest only in that they reveal a 
trend which has little real appeal from an esthetic 


he oom 


- 
* toe. 

litte! 
Peet tee 


sé 
: 
1434 


$33ee 
HED 


. 


= 


os 
ttt 
$2) 


tht 
3 
i 
@¢ 


ite 


nee ®, 


gover" 


Fic. 57. Peruvian fabrics. Top, Gauze weaves, the center one from a Paracas Necropolis grave, the others later 
center, Double cloth: bottom, Late period painted cotton compared with Paracas Necropolis painting (Courtesy o 
John Wise); lower right, Tie-dyeing. 


288 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


viewpoint. Beaded fabrics are virtually unknown 
and are limited to a net construction. 

After the Paracas period, embroidery declined in 
quality. Examples of a later use are the pieces 
which look like brocade, but are actually created by 
embroidery. The stitches do not overlay the sur- 
face but are inserted under the warp parallel to the 
weft. Selective choice of the warp creates a sec- 
ondary pattern over the embroidery yarn unrelated 
to the figures formed by the latter. One example 
shows two such independent patterns on opposite 
faces of an area with the original weft completely 
hidden between them. 

Miscellaneous Techniques: A number of special 
techniques or devices are employed only occasion- 
ally or for some particular purpose. As is true of 
most weaving processes, a description without de- 
tailed illustrations is almost wasted effort, so only 
a few of these special techniques will be mentioned, 
without attempting to explain fully the methods 
used. 

Tubular weaving is a term applied to a group of 
belts and straps in which the weft, in passing the 
warps, forms a spiral so that the finished product 
is in the form of a flattened tube. Almost invari- 
ably, these have warp patterns with the pattern 
yarns carried along inside the tube and brought to 
the outer surface when needed. If the pattern units 
are spaced with plain weave areas and the pattern 
warps do not shunt too frequently from one side to 
the other, the product is quite round in section. 
Where the pattern warps are used continuously and 
are frequently shifted from one side to the other, 
the result is a flat strong strap with rounded hollow 
edges. This latter, popular in late Inca times, was 


TECHNIQUES 289 


commonly used for coea bag straps and is still made 
in parts of Peru, Bolivia, and Chile. However, 
where a bold pattern was created with solid color 
areas, the fabric is virtually a double cloth woven 
with a single continuous weft. 

Another tubular construction, but basically dis- 
tinctive, appears as a finish on warp end loops. In 
these cases, the insertion of the weft does not stop 
at the heading cord or rod, if one was used, but is 
continued around it. Actually, the original heading 
cord must have been removed to provide working 
room. ‘The final result is a tubular warp end finish, 
seldom over a quarter of an inch in diameter; yet, 
in spite of the small size, one finds carefully executed 
weft patterns in them. 

Other special edgings, such as narrow woven rib- 
bons with fringe, were created by carrying the weft 
out around one or more temporary warps just as 
fringes are made on power looms today. Late fab- 
rics from the North Coast have loose spun weft so 
the finished fringe consists of open loops. The 
earlier Paracas Necropolis examples are of two ply 
weft which has been uniformly over-spun in the 
doubling so that after the temporary warps are re- 
moved each loop closes or twists shut. This, too, is 
still standard procedure for modern fringes of the 
same type and ealls for carefully prepared yarn. 

A rather common practice which sometimes leads 
to misunderstanding was the combination of several 
techniques in one fabric. A number of Late period 
shirts from the South Coast were set up in the looms 
with interlocked warp border units at each end, 
with the warp between them spaced in groups. 
When the weft was inserted, it remained exposed 
where it crossed the spaces between warp groups 


290 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


and this exposed yarn was, in turn, used as warp 
for the construction of tapestry rows so that a 
tapestry-on-weft was created. The same procedure 
is found in small bags from Nazca in which rows 
of fine warp pattern parallel the weft of such tap- 
estry rows. Nearly identical specimens have rows 
of fine interlocked warp patterns instead of the 
tapestry rows; at least, that is what they appear to 
be. 

A few examples of looped pile weave shirts of 
cotton have been found. The outer surface of the 
one in the Museum collection has rows of inch-long 
loops formed by drawing out a supplementary weft 
yarn from between each warp of one shed. The 
regularity of the loops implies the use of a gauge 
rod or stick and as the loop rows are well spaced 
with plain weave, it is clear that the objective was 
a shaggy-surfaced fabric which would not be too 
warm for comfort. 

Looped pile of wool is extremely rare. An unre- 
lated type of wool ‘‘pile’’ occurs in extremely coarse, 
heavy, Late period, shirts and shawls (?) from 
northern Chile. They are warp-faced fabrics in 
which tufts of alpaca wool were wrapped twice about 
every other warp in each alternate shed as the weft 
was laidin. The free ends of each tuft were loosely 
twisted and are sometimes about ten inches long. 
A finished garment is about as handsome as a mangy 
bearskin, but is probably much warmer, if the Amer- 
ican Museum specimen, weighing twelve pounds, is 
typical. One has only to experience the great di- 
urnal temperature changes in the interior of the 
Atacama Desert to understand the reason for such 
heavy fabrics. 


TECHNIQUES 291 


The only compact and patterned pile is a non- 
loom product. Brightly colored spun wool yarns 
are caught in a tightly knotted web at each knot, 
and are trimmed off evenly a quarter of an inch 
or less above the surface. The ends, when un- 
twisted, form a soft pile of good quality, completely 
hiding the base fabric. Actually, the technique had 
only a limited application in hats, headbands, and 
bags, most of which date from the period of Tia- 
huanaco expansion. 

If, as it appears, the foundation for this pile was 
usually made by knotting various cords together, 
it differs from the bulk of the knotted and looped 
Peruvian products which were made with a single 
element. In these, a number of techniques were 
used; the commonest in most periods was netting, 
because of its use in fishing nets. It also had other, 
more refined application as in very delicate lace-like 
hair nets. Knitting and crocheting, the single ele- 
ment techniques most common today, were not used, 
which is rather surprising when one observes how 
both have been accepted since the conquest. The 
somewhat misleading term ‘‘needle knitting,’’ used 
in reports on Peruvian textiles, refers to an em- 
broidery stitch. Although it duplicates the turns 
and loops of knitting, it is not made by interlocking 
one loop with another. The direction of build-up 
is opposite to that in knitting and is accomplished 
by drawing the end of the yarn, threaded in a nee- 
dle, through the necessary turns. Maximum perfec- 
tion of this process is found in the ‘‘three dimen- 
sional needle knitting’’ of the Paracas Necropolis 
period: small, delicate, multicolored, elaborate fig- 
ures in the round which must be seen to be believed. 

Utilization of multiple elements, in braiding or 


292 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


plaiting, is found most commonly in slings, and 
ropes, and to a lesser degree in flat bands. As in 
weaving, nearly every conceivable elaboration was 
developed beyond the dictates of necessity. Any- 
one interested in plaiting should find in the Peru- 
vian examples much more that is worthy of study 
than has yet been described. 

In the preceding comments, the finished fabrics 
have been mentioned only incidentally. In view of 
the wide range of techniques, it is surprising to 
find such a limited range of loom products in terms 
of their use. 

At the time of the conquest, a well-dressed Inca 
man might wear sandals, a loin cloth, a knee-length 
poncho shirt, a belt, a rectangular shawl or cape, 
and a headdress or headband. Lacking any form 
of pockets, he carried his chewing coca in a small 
cloth bag—a minimum of six separately woven 
fabries, each created for its specific purpose and 
none cut from a larger piece. 

His wife, if equally well dressed, might have five 
fabrics in her costume: a rectangular mantle worn 
wrapped around the body reaching from the shoul- 
ders to the ankles, a belt, a shawl similar to the 
man’s, a headband, and a kerchief used for various 
purposes but mainly to carry things. 

The number of items per person does not seem 
ever to have been appreciably larger. Marked re- 
gvional and period variations of style, because of the 
absence of tailoring and the limitations of shaped 
weaving, are observable mainly in the application 
of structural or decorative techniques. Thus we 
find that almost every technique was at one time 
or another employed to some degree in every article 
of clothing. 


TECHNIQUES 293 


No one has so far secured figures showing the 
ratio of garments to other textiles. A guess of 
ninety-five per cent may well be conservative and, 
if this seems surprising, we must remember that 
items common in our culture, such as blankets and 
rugs, were virtually unknown. Past and present 
evidence indicates that many people slept in their 
clothes and had little other than mats for their beds. 
Perhaps next in number were the outer wrappings 
for the dead and these, like other fabrics for mis- 
cellaneous purposes, were virtually devoid of deco- 
rative techniques. 

A final comment on the method of designing may 
be of interest. Lacking paper or any other simple 
medium for plotting and recording designs, the 
weaver depended mainly on memory. The artisan 
visualizing a new design had to formulate and re- 
member all the details of construction as the work 
progressed. As an alternative, at times the process 
and details of design were worked out on a sampler. 
Only a small number of these have been collected 
and, like so many other aspects of Peruvian weav- 
ing, they remain undescribed. 


RADIOCARBON DATING 


The purpose of these comments is not to review 
all Carbon 14 dates for South America, but simply 
to point out what has been and is being done and 
to offer some suggestions which may prevent mis- 
understanding. The possibility of using the radio- 
carbon 14 isotope for age determination rests on the 
premise that the amount of C 14 in the atmosphere 
of the earth and in living matter has remained 
nearly constant for some time. ‘To be constant the 
rate of production of C 14 in the upper atmosphere 
must balance off against its rate of disappearance 
by decomposition and dispersal; and, if age figures 
are to be accurate, the period of constant or static 
condition should exceed the age. 

Certain unduplicated tests suggest some fluctua- 
tion in the C 14 pattern, but most indicate a rather 
long stable situation. However, the fact that man- 
kind has altered the balance within a hundred years 
by burning fossil carbon fuels in which the C 14 has 
completely decomposed is proof that the natural 
balance can be disturbed. 

Theoretically all the C 14 present in all living 
matter should match in radiation activity, as it de- 
rives directly or indirectly from the C 14 of the 
atmosphere. With death and the cessation of car- 
bon intake and exchange, if the formerly living 
matter is not dispersed, the radiation count of its 
C 14 will gradually decrease, while that of the 
atmosphere is maintained by the constant produc- 
tion of new C 14. By measuring the difference of 
these two factors, and by knowing the decomposi- 
tion rate of C 14, the date of death can be computed. 

Since this method of age determination was pro- 


294 


RADIOCARBON DATING 295 


posed and developed by Libby, Anderson, and 
Arnold there have been refinements in the labora- 
tory equipment and procedures. These have mini- 
mized the possibility of errors and have reduced 
the plus or minus figures of each measurement, 
figures based mainly on sampling errors calculated 
to one standard deviation or sigma. As there is one 
chance in three that the true age will fall outside 
the stated plus or minus and one chance in twenty 
that it will fall outside the span of two sigmas or 
twice the announced plus or minus, it is statistically 
inevitable that some of the computed results will be 
larger or smaller than the actual age. As long as 
one deals with a small number of tested samples it 
is difficult to recognize the deviant figures and to 
judge the magnitude of their deviation. 

Further studies of the C 14 in modern and re- 
cently living matter have modified the earlier figures 
for what is called the modern value of C 14. As 
this newer figure is now used in calculating the age 
measurements, those made previously must be cor- 
rected or re-computed. As such correction does 
not exceed a few hundred years (for one laboratory 
it was announced as the addition of 240 to their pub- 
lished mean figures) it has a minimum effect on the 
larger age measurements and a maximum on the 
smaller ones. 

Another result of the newer techniques and equip- 
ment is a reduction in the size of the sample needed. 
In certain counters three grams of refined carbon 
are now sufficient. However, the size of the raw 
sample naturally depends on its yield of refined car- 
bon and this will vary greatly with the substance 
used and the admixture of impurities or inert 
matter. In one case ten grams of charcoal may be 
adequate; in another, fifty or more may be required. 


296 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


In all cases more than the minimum amount is de- 
sirable that tests can be repeated if necessary. 

At present there are at least thirteen laboratories 
in which C 14 measurements are being made. Most 
are run by non-profit organizations and the results 
are published. Up to the present, most laboratories 
have issued the lists of their measurements in 
Science, and by common agreement will in the future 
publish in the American Journal of Science, Radio- 
carbon Supplement. Commercial laboratories are 
under no obligations to do more than process sam- 
ples and return the results to the person who sub- 
mitted them. The figures may appear in print any- 
where, with or without adequate data. Thus when 
one wishes to gather all the measurements pertinent 
to the archaeology of any one region, it is necessary 
to cull through an ever-mounting mass of data, 
sometimes inadequately annotated, and with need 
in some cases of the recalculation mentioned. In an 
attempt to simplify this problem, the Society for 
American Archaeology has agreed to issue a punch 
card index covering all archaeological measurements 
to date and those which will appear during the next 
five years. This will be very helpful, yet it cannot 
do more than quote the published data. Evaluation 
and appraisal of the published data sometimes ealls 
for first-hand or personal knowledge of the material 
tested, its source, and the circumstances of re- 
covery, all of which may be difficult to obtain. 

There are also differences in final results which 
seem to be related to the types of material tested. 
An experiment conducted at the Lamont Laboratory 
of Columbia University in which three radically 
different organic substances were used, will illus- 
trate this point. These were shell, cattail and other 


RADIOCARBON DATING 297 


swamp-land plants, and llama fur and skin. They 
were all contemporary and came from the middle of 
a dry deposit of Ineaie debris at Pachacamac and 
ean with reasonable certainty be dated as 1508 A. D. 
+ 25 years. The + 25 represents the maximum 
time range in which the true date falls. The sam- 
ples, listed as L 123 A, B, C in the laboratory rec- 
ords, gave the following results: 

The shell, which, from adhering material derived 
from the organism, was without any doubt freshly 
collected when discarded, yielded figures more than 
3300 years in excess of actual age. A similar dis- 
crepancy has been noted when other Peruvian shells 
have been tested; therefore, for the present, no 
dates based on marine shells from the Peruvian 
coast should be accepted. In one measurement the 
Pachacamace cattail and sedge gave a mean slightly 
more than twice the known age; in another, a figure 
80 per cent over that expected. We cannot use this 
example as the basis for questioning all dates de- 
rived from the C 14 in plants of these species, but 
we should have data on the effect of environmental 
differences on different species. Until we have 
adequate data the dates derived from swamp plants 
should be used with caution; unless supporting data 
from other material are available, or if modern ex- 
amples from the same environment give the ex- 
pected results. Two measurements of the C 14 in 
the Hama fur and skin gave 450 + 150 and 500 + 120 
years. These both bracket the known age of 450 
=) 20: 

The results of this experiment will serve to em- 
phasize the obvious; that more than one measure- 
ment is desirable; that materials to be tested must 
be selected with discretion, and that no archaeologi- 


298 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


cal samples should be submitted for testing unless 
their cultural context is unquestionable, as was the 
case with the shells. 

As might be expected, the majority of South 
American C 14 dates relate to Andean material, 
mainly Peruvian, with others distributed from 
Venezuela to South Chile. In 1951 the results of 
twenty measurements of sixteen samples were avail- 
able. By the end of 1956 the total of published 
samples had risen to fifty. By mid-1959 there are, 
published and unpublished, about 120 measurements. 
Among them one finds a number of perplexing prob- 
lems which may require more field-work and other 
related measurements and possibly additional basic 
research on C 14, before we can understand the re- 
sults. 

A single instance will serve to illustrate one of the 
problems mentioned. Measurement of charcoal pub- 
lished as associated with the oldest pottery in the 
Viru Valley gave 3800 + 150 years. Measurements 
contracted for by Frederick Engel at the New Zea- 
land laboratory indicate 3800 + 80 and 3740 = 100 
as ages for material in the upper parts of the pre- 
ceramic at sites on the Central Coast. These three 
would suggest that the close of the pre-ceramic pe- 
riod was in the magnitude of 3800 years. Using 
charcoal which antedated the Viru sample by suf- 
ficient time to allow for the formation of a firmly 
compacted midden deposit of over 45 feet thickness, 
another Lamont measurement gave 3780 = 100 on 
one count and 3860 + 100 on a second. These fig- 
ures would indicate that the pre-ceramic period 
ended about as soon as it started and that the great 
deposits of debris marking it accumulated at an 
impossible rate. In contrast seven measurements 
by Libby imply that the pre-ceramic period might 


RADIOCARBON DATING 299 


have a total time span of nearly 1300 years. Such 
discrepancies must have an explanation, but if we 
eannot find a satisfactory one immediately there is 
no reason to criticize or reject the method. We 
simply do not yet have sufficient knowledge of all 
the factors involved. 

In so far as it has been possible, the chronological 
chart (p. 112) was compiled using C 14 dates. 
There are reasons to believe that the indicated dura- 
tion of the Chavin Horizon, particularly on the 
Central Coast, is too short, and that the period be- 
tween the Chavin and Tiahuanaco material, in the 
north at least, is too long. 

Unfortunately, no age measurements relating to 
the Nomadic Hunters are available. If the associa- 
tion with extinct fauna is valid, the magnitude of 
their age should be at least eight or ten thousand 
years, judging from the C 14 dates for Mylodon, 
horse and hunter remains in the Magellan Strait 
Region and from similar dates from Mexico and the 
Southwestern United States. 


SELECTED SOURCES 


This account has been based on the extensive ar- 
chaeological bibliography for the Central Andes, on 
examination of many museum collections, and on 
unpublished field-work by the authors and others. 
Virtually no citations have been made in the résumé 
in view of the fact that many excellent bibliogra- 
phies exist. The following list of publications is 
not intended to be a complete bibliography, but 
contains, rather, some selected suggestions for fur- 
ther reading on the specific topics and regions. 
Only a few references are given for each division, 
selected, where possible, because they are written 
in English, because they are good source material, 
and because they contain additional bibliography. 
The references for Part 1, The Setting, and Part 3, 
Techniques, follow the chapter order. For Part 2, 
The Central Andes, the sources are cited in terms of 
major geographical regions, and a few selected top- 
ics. Since few field reports are confined to one pe- 
riod or culture, a listing of sources in terms of the 
major time periods of this account would require 
considerable duplication. 


Part 1 


GEOGRAPHY 
JAMES, PRESTON E. 
1942. Latin America. New York, 1942. 


EARLY MIGRANTS 
BirD, JUNIUS B. 
1938. Antiquity and Migrations of the Early Inhabitants of 
Patagonia. Geographical Review, vol. 38, no. 2, pp. 
250-275, New York, 1938. 


300 


SELECTED SOURCES 301 


1943. Excavations in Northern Chile. Anthropological Papers, 
American Museum of Natural History, vol. 38, part 
4, pp. 171-318, New York, 1943. 


CarRDICH, M. AUGUSTO 
1959. Los Yacimientos de Lauricocha, Peru. Revista del Centro 
Argentino de Estudios Prehistoricos. Buenos Aires, 
1959. 
Hrpiicka, ALES 
1912. Early Man in South America. Bureau of American Eth- 
nology, Bulletin 52, Washington, 1912. 


SULLIVAN, Louis R. AND MILO HELLMAN 
1925. The Punin Calvarium. Anthropological Papers, Ameri- 
can Museum of Natural History, vol. 23, part 7, 
pp. 309-337, New York, 1925. 
TSCHOPIK, HARRY, JR. 
1946. Some Notes on Rock Shelter Sites near Huancayo, Peru. 
American Antiquity, vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 73-80, Me- 
nasha, 1946. 


PLANT DOMESTICATION 


CuTLER, Hueu C. 
1946. Races of Maize in South America. Botanical Museum 
Leaflets, Harvard University, vol. 12, no. 8, pp. 257- 
291, Cambridge, 1946. 


HUTCHINSON, J. B., R. A. SILOW AND S. G. STEPHENS 
1947. The Evolution of Gossypium and the Differentiation of 
the Cultivated Cottons. Oxford University Press, 
London, 1947. 


MANGELSDORF, P. C., AND C. EARLE SMITH, JR. 
1949. New Archaeological Evidence of Evolution in Maize. 
Botanical Museum Leaflets, Harvard University, vol. 
13, no. 8, pp. 213-247, Cambridge, 1949. 


MANGELSDORF, PAUL C., AND R. G. REEVES 
1959. The Origin of Corn. Botanical Museum Leaflets, Harvard 


University, vol. 18, no. 7, pp. 329-356, Cambridge, 
1959. 
SAUER, CARL 
1936. American Agricultural Origins: A Consideration of Na- 
ture and Culture. In Essays in Anthropology, pre- 
sented to A. L. Kroeber, pp. 279-297, Berkeley, 1936. 


302 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


TOWLE, MARGARET ASHLEY 
1952a. Description and Identification of Plant Remains from 
Certain Sites in the VirG Valley. Jn Cultural 
Stratigraphy in the VirG Valley, W. D. Strong and 
Clifford Evans, Jr. Columbia Studies in Archaeology 
and Ethnology, vol. 4, Columbia University, New 
York, 1952. 
1952b. Plant Remains from a Peruvian Mummy Bundle. 
Botanical Museum Leaflets, Harvard University, vol. 
15, no. 9, pp. 223-246, Cambridge, 1952. 
WHITAKER, THOMAS W., AND JUNIUS B. BirpD 
1949. Identification and Significance of the Cucurbit Materials 
from Huaca Prieta, Peru. American Museum 
Novitates, no. 1426, New York, 1949. 


SOUTHERN HUNTERS 


STEWARD, JULIAN (Editor) 
1946. Handbook of South American Indians, Volume 1, The 
Marginal Tribes. Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Bulletin 143, Washington, 1946. 


TROPICAL AGRICULTURE 


RADIN, PAUL 
1942. Indians of South America. New York, 1942. 
STEWARD, JULIAN (Editor) 
1948. Handbook of South American Indians, Volume 3, The 
Tropical Forest Tribes. Bureau of American Eth- 
nology, Bulletin 143, Washington, 1948. 
1948. Handbook of South American Indians, Volume 4, The 
Cireum-Caribbean Tribes. Bureau of American Eth- 
nology, Bulletin 143, Washington, 1948. 


LOWLAND ARCHAEOLOGY 


EVANS, CLIFFORD, JR., AND BETTY J. MEGGERS 
1950. Preliminary Results of Archaeological Investigations at 
the Mouth of the Amazon. American Antiquity, vol. 
16, no. 1, pp. 1-9, Menasha, 1950. 
CRUXENT, J. M., AND IRVING ROUSE 
1958. An Archeological Chronology of Venezuela. Vol. 1. 
Social Science Monographs 6, Pan American Union, 
Washington, D. C., 1958. Vol. 2, Illustrations, 1959. 


SELECTED SOURCES 303 


Howarp, GrorGE D. 
1947. Prehistoric Ceramie Styles in Lowland South America, 
their Distribution and History. Yale University 
Publications in Anthropology, no. 37, New Haven, 
1947. 
KIDDER, ALFRED, 2ND 
1944. Archaeology of Northwestern Venezuela. Papers, Pea- 
body Museum of American Archaeology and Eth- 
nology, vol. 26, no. 1, Cambridge, 1944. 


LATHRAP, DONALD W. 
1958. The Cultural Sequence at Yarinacocha, Eastern Peru. 


American Antiquity, vol. 23, no. 4, pp. 379-388, 
Menasha, 1958. 
MEGGERS, BEeTtTy J., AND CLIFFORD EVANS 
1958. Archaeological Evidence of a Prehistoric Migration from 
the Rio Napo to the Mouth of Amazon. Social 
Seience Bulletin, University of Arizona, no. 27, pp. 
9-19, Tucson, 1958. 
NORDENSKIOLD, ERLAND 
1930. L’Archéologie du Bassin de 1’Amazone. Ars Americana, 
yol..1, pp. 1—67, Paris, 1930. 
OsGoop, CORNELIUS AND GEORGE D. HOWARD 
1943. An Archeological Survey of Venezuela. Yale University 
Publications in Anthropology, no. 27, New Haven, 
1943. 
PALMATARY, HELEN 
1939. Tapaj6 Pottery. Ethnologiska Studier, no. 8, pp. 1-136, 
Goteborg, 1939. 


ANDEAN FARMERS 


STEWARD, JULIAN (Editor) 
1946. Handbook of South American Indians, Volume 2, The 
Andean Civilizations. Bureau of American Ethnol- 
ogy, Bulletin 143, Washington, 1946. 


NORTHERN ANDES 


BENNETT, WENDELL C. 
1944. Archeological Regions of Colombia: A Ceramic Survey. 
Yale University Publications in Anthropology, no. 
30, New Haven, 1944. 


304 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


COLLIER, DONALD AND JOHN MURRA 
1943. Survey and Excavations in Southern Ecuador. Anthropo- 
logical Series, Field Museum of Natural History, vol. 
35, pp. 9-103, Chicago, 1943. 
ESTRADA, EMILIO 
1957a. Ultimas Civilizaciones Pre-Histéricas de la Cuenea del 
Rio Guayas. Publicacion del Museo Victor Emilio 
Estrada, no. 2, Ecuador, 1957. 
ESTRADA, EMILIO 
1957b. Los Huaneavileas, Ultimas Civilizaciones Pre-Histéricas 
de la Costa del Guayas. Publicacion del Museo 
Victor Emilio Estrada, no. 3, Guayaquil, 1957. 
ESTRADA, EMILIO 
1957¢. Prehistoria de Manabi. Publicacion del Museo Victor 
Emilio Estrada, no. 4, Guayaquil, 1957. 
EVANS, CLIFFORD, JR. AND BETTY J. MEGGERS 
1954. Preliminary Report on Archaeological Investigation in 
the Guayas Basin, Ecuador. Cuadernos de Historia 
y Arqueologia, afo 4, vol. 4, no. 12, pp. 308-336, 
Ecuador, 1954. 
EVANS, CLIFFORD, BETTY MEGGERS AND EMILIO ESTRADA 
1959. Cultura Valdivia. Publicacion del Museo Victor Emilio 
Estrada, no. 6, Guayaquil, 1959. 
REICHEL-DOLMATOFF, GERARDO 
1954. Investigaciones Arqueolégicas en la Sierra Nevada de 
Santa Marta. Revista Colombiana de Antropologia, 
vol. 2, pp. 147-205, Bogota, 1954. 
REICHEL-DOLMATOFF, GERARDO, AND ALICIA MoMiL 
1956. Excavaciones en el Sint. Revista Colombiana de Antro- 
pologia, vol. 5, pp. 109-333, Bogota, 1956. 


SOUTHERN ANDES 


BENNETT, WENDELL C., E. F. BLEILER AND F. H. SOMMER 
1948. Northwest Argentine Archeology. Yale University Pub- 
lications in Anthropology, no. 38, New Haven, 1948. 
BirpD, JUNIUS B. 
1943. Excavations in Northern Chile. Anthropological Papers, 
American Museum of Natural History, vol. 38, part 
4, pp. 171-318, New York, 1943. 
BoMAN, ERIC 
1908. Antiquités de la Région Andine de la République Argen- 
tine et du Désert d’Atacama. 2 vols., Paris, 1908. 


SELECTED SOURCES 305 


GONZALEZ, ALBERTO REX 
1955. Contextos culturales y cronologia relativa en el 4rea Cen- 
tral del N. O. Argentino. Anales de Arqueologia y 
Etnologia, vol. 11, pp. 7-32, Mendoza, 1955, 
GONZALEZ, ALBERTO REX 
1956. La cultura Condorhuasi del Noroeste Argentino. Runa, 
vol. 7, pt. 1, pp. 37-86, Buenos Aires, 1956, 
MOoONTELL, GOSTA 
1926. An Archaeological Collection from the Rio Loa Valley, 
Atacama. Oslo Etnografiske Museums, Skrifter, vol. 
5, hefte 1, pp. 1-46, Oslo, 1926. 


ParT 2 


CENTRAL ANDES GENERAL 


BENNETT, WENDELL C. 

1946. The Archeology of the Central Andes. In Handbook of 
South American Indians, vol. 2, pp. 61-147, Bureau 
of American Ethnology, Bulletin 143, Washington, 
1946. 

BENNETT, WENDELL C. (Editor) 
1948. A Reappraisal of Peruvian Arcliaeology. Society for 
American Archaeology, Memoir No. 4, Menasha, 1948. 
BUSHNELL, G. H. S. 
1956. Peru. London, 1956. 
ENGEL, FREDERIC 

1957. Sites et Etablissements sans Céramique de la Cote Péru- 
vienne. Journal de la Société des Américanistes, 
Nouvelle Série, tome 46, pp. 67-155, Paris, 1957. 

ENGEL, FREDERIC 

1958. Algunos Datos con Referencia a los Sitios Preceramicos 
de la Costa Peruana. Arqueologicas, 3. Publicaciones 
del Instituto de Investigaciones Antropologicas. 
Museo Nacional de Antropologia y Arqueologia, 
Lima, 1958. 

KROEBER, A. L. 

1944. Peruvian Archeology in 1942. Viking Fund Publications 

in Anthropology, no. 4, New York, 1944. 
MEAD, CHARLES W. 

1924. Old Civilizations of Inca Land. Handbook Series, Amer- 
ican Museum of Natural History, no. 11, New York, 
1924, 


306 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


MEANS, PHILIP A. 
1931. Ancient Civilizations of the Andes. New York, 1931. 


DATING 


Birp, JUNIUS 
1948. Preceramie Cultures in Chicama and VirG. Society for 
American Archaeology, Memoir No. 4, pp. 21-28. 
Menasha, 1948. 
BirD, JUNIUS 
1951. South American Radiocarbon Dates. In Radio Carbon 
Dating, Memoirs, Society for American Archaeology, 
no. 8, pp. 37-49, Salt Lake City, 1951. 
KUBLER, GEORGE 
1948. Towards Absolute Time: Guano Archaeology. Society 
for American Archaeology, Memoir No. 4, pp. 29-50, 
Menasha, 1948. 
Lipsy, WILLARD F. 
1952. Radiocarbon Dating. Chicago, 1952. 
Rowe, Joun H. 
1945. Absolute Chronology in the Andean Area. American An- 
tiquity, vol. 10, no. 3, pp. 265-284, Menasha, 1945. 
WILLEY, GORDON R. 
1945. Horizon Styles and Pottery Traditions in Peruvian Ar- 
chaeology. American Antiquity, vol. 11, no. 1, pp. 
49-56, Menasha, 1945. 


GENERAL AND ILLUSTRATIVE SOURCES 


BAESSLER, ARTHUR 
1902-3. Ancient Peruvian Art. 4 vols., Berlin and New York, 
1902-3. 
BENNETT, WENDELL C. 
1954. Ancient Arts of the Andes. Museum of Modern Art, 
New York, 1954. 
DoERING, HEINRICH U. 
1952. The Art of Ancient Peru. New York, 1952. 
KELEMEN, PAL 
1943. Medieval American Art. 2 vols., New York, 1943. 
LEHMANN, WALTER AND HEINRICH DOERING 
1924. The Art of Old Peru. New York, 1924. 
Mason, J. ALDEN 
1957. The Ancient Civilizations of Peru. Pelican Books, A395, 
Edinburgh, 1957. 


SELECTED SOURCES 307 


MUELLE, JORGE C, AND CAMILIO BLAS 
1938. Muestrario de Arte Peruano Precolombino. Revista del 
Museo Nacional, vol. 7, pp. 163-280, Lima, 1938. 
ScHMIpT, Max 
1929. Kunst und Kultur von Peru. Berlin, 1929. 


NORTH COAST OF PERU 


BENNETT, WENDELL C. 
1939. Archaeology of the North Coast of Peru. Anthropologi- 
cal Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 
vol. 37, part 1, pp. 1-153, New York, 1939. 
BirD, JUNIUS 
1948. Preceramie Cultures in Chicama and VirGi. Jn A Reap- 
praisal of Peruvian Archaeology. Memoir, Society 
for American Archaeology, no. 4, pp. 21-29, 1948. 
COLLIER, DONALD 
1955. Cultural Chronology and Change, as Reflected in the 
Ceramics of the Virii Valley, Peru. Fieldiana: An- 
thropology, Chicago Natural History Museum, vol. 43, 
Chicago, 1955. 
ForD, JAMES A., AND GORDON R. WILLEY 
1949. Surface Survey of the Virii Valley, Peru. Anthropologi- 
cal Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 
vol. 43, pt. 1, New York, 1949. 
KROEBER, A. L. 
1925. The Uhle Pottery Collections from Moche. University of 
California Publications in American Archaeology and 
Ethnology, vol. 21, pp. 191-234, Berkeley, 1925. 
1926. Archaeological Explorations in Peru. Part I: Ancient 
Pottery from Trujillo. Anthropology, Memoirs, 
Field Museum of Natural History, vol. 2, no. 1, pp. 
1-43, Chicago, 1926. 
1930. Archaeological Explorations in Peru. Part II: The 
Northern Coast. Anthropology, Memoirs, Field Mu- 
seum of Natural History, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 47-116, 
Chicago, 1930. 
Larco HOYLE, RAFAEL 
1938-9. Los Mochicas. 2 vols., Lima, 1938-1939. 
1941. Los Cupisniques. Lima, 1941. 
1946. A Culture Sequence for the North Coast of Peru. In 
Handbook of South American Indians, vol. 2, pp. 
149-176, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 
143, Washington, 1946. 


308 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


1948. Cronologia Arqueolégica del Norte del Pera. Buenos 
Aires, 1948. 
STRONG, WILLIAM DUNCAN, AND CLIFFORD EVANS, JR. 
1952. Cultural Stratigraphy in the Viri Valley, Northern Peru. 
Columbia Studies in Archaeology and Ethnology, 
Columbia University, vol. 4, New York, 1952. 
TELLO, JULIO C., 
1938. Arte Antiguo Peruano, Inea, vol. 2, Lima, 1938. 
WILLEY, GORDON R. 
1953. Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Vira Valley, Peru. 
Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology, no. 155, 
Washington, 1953. 


CENTRAL COAST OF PERU 


GaAyYTON, A. H. 
1927. The Uhle Collections from Nieveria. University of Cali- 
fornia Publications in American Archaeology and 
Ethnology, vol. 21, no. 8, pp. 305-329, Berkeley, 1927. 
KROEBER, A. L. 
1925. The Uhle Pottery Collections from Supe. University of 
California Publications in American Archaeology and 
Ethnology, vol. 21, no. 6, pp. 235-264, Berkeley, 1925. 
1926. The Uhle Pottery Collections from Chancay. University 
of California Publications in American Archaeology 
and Ethnology, vol. 21, no. 7, pp. 265-304, Berkeley, 
1926. 
StroNG, WILLIAM DUNCAN 
1925. The Uhle Pottery Collections from Ancon. University of 
California Publications in American Archaeology and 
Ethnology, vol. 21, no. 4, pp. 135-190, Berkeley, 1925. 
StTroNG, WILLIAM DUNCAN, GORDON R. WILLEY AND JOHN M. CORBETT 
1943. Archeological Studies in Peru, 1941-1942. Columbia 
Studies in Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 1, New 
York, 1943. 
UHLE, Max 
1903. Pachaecamaec. Philadelphia, 1903. 


SOUTH COAST OF PERU 


CARRION CACHOT, REBECA 
1949. Paracas Cultural Elements. Lima, 1949. 


SELECTED SOURCES 309 


ENGEL, FREDERIC 
1957. Early Sites in the Pisco Valley of Peru: Tambo Colorado. 
American Antiquity, vol. 23, pp. 34-45, Menasha, 
1957. 
Gayton, A. H. anp A. L. KROEBER 
1927. The Uhle Pottery Collections from Nazea. University of 
California Publications in American Archaeology and 
Ethnology, vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 1-46, Berkeley, 1927. 
KRoeBER, A. L. 
1937. Archaeological Explorations in Peru. Part IV: Camnete 
Valley. Anthropology, Memoirs, Field Museum of 
Natural History, vol. 2, part 4, pp. 221-273, Chicago, 
1937. 
KRoeser, A. L. 
1953. Paracas Cavernas and Chavin. University of California 
Publications in American Archaeology and _ Eth- 
nology, vol. 40, no. 8, pp. 313-348, Berkeley, 1953. 
KRoEBER, A. L. AND WILLIAM DUNCAN STRONG 
1924a. The Uhle Collections from Chincha. University of Cali- 
fornia Publications in American Archaeology and 
Ethnology, vol. 21, no. 1, pp. 1-54, Berkeley, 1924. 
1924b. The Uhle Pottery Collections from Ica. University of 
California Publications in American Archaeology and 
Ethnology, vol. 21, no. 3, pp. 95-133, Berkeley, 1924. 
STRONG, WILLIAM DUNCAN 
1957. Paracas, Nazea, and Tiahuanacoid Cultural Relationships 
in South Coastal Peru. Memoir 13, Society for 
American Archaeology, Salt Lake City, Utah. 


NORTH HIGHLANDS OF PERU 


BENNETT, WENDELL C. 

1942. Chavin Stone Carving. Yale Anthropological Studies, vol. 
3, pp. 1-9, New Haven, 1942. 

1944. The North Highlands of Peru. Anthropological Papers, 
American Museum of Natural History, vol. 39, part 1, 
New York, 1944. 

McCown, THEODORE D. 

1945. Pre-Incaic Huamachuco: Survey and Excavations in the 
Region of Huamachueco and Cajabamba. University 
of California Publications in American Archaeology 
and Ethnology, vol. 39, no. 4, pp. 223-400, Berkeley, 
1945. 


310 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


TELLO, Juuio C, 
1930. Andean Civilization: Some Problems of Peruvian Archae- 
ology. Proceedings, 23d International Congress of 
Americanists, New York, 1928, pp. 259-290, New 
York, 1930. 
1943. Discovery of the Chavin Culture in Peru. American An- 
tiquity, vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 135-160, Menasha, 1943. 
TELLO, JULIO C, 
1956. Arqueologia del Valle de Casma Culturas: Chavin, Santa 
o Huaylas Yunga y Sub-Chimt informe de los tra- 
bajas de la Expedicion Arqueolégica al Marafion de 
1937. Editorial San Marco, Lima, Peru, 1956. 


CENTRAL HIGHLANDS OF PERU 


BENNETT, WENDELL C. 
1953. Excavations at Wari, Ayacucho, Peru. Yale University 
Publications in Anthropology, no. 49, New Haven, 
1953. 
BINGHAM, HIRAM 
1930. Machu Picchu, a Citadel of the Incas. New Haven, 1930. 
FEJOS, PAUL 
1944. Archeological Explorations in the Cordillera Vileabamba, 
Southeastern Peru. Viking Fund Publications in 
Anthropology, no. 3, New York, 1944. 
Rowe, JOHN H. 
1944. An Introduction to the Archaeology of Cuzco. Papers, 
Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Eth- 
nology, vol. 27, no. 2, pp. 3-69, Cambridge, 1944. 


SOUTH HIGHLANDS OF PERU AND BOLIVIA 


BANDELIER, ADOLPH F. 
1910. The Islands of Titicaca and Koati. New York, 1910. 
BENNETT, WENDELL C. 
1934. Excavations at Tiahuanaco. Anthropological Papers, 
American Museum of Natural History, vol. 34, part 
3, pp. 359-494, New York, 1934. 
1936. Excavations in Bolivia. Anthropological Papers, Ameri- 
can Museum of Natural History, vol. 35, part 4, pp. 
329-507, New York, 1936. 
KIDDER, ALFRED, 2ND 
1943. Some Early Sites in the Northern Lake Titicaca Basin. 
Papers, Peabody Museum of American Archaeology 
and Ethnology, vol. 27, no. 1, pp. 3-48, Cambridge, 
1943. 


SELECTED SOURCES 311 


POSNANSKY, ARTHUR 
1946. Tihuanacu. The Cradle of American Man. 2 vols., New 
York, 1946. 
RYDEN, STIG 
1947. Archaeological Researches in the Highlands of Bolivia. 
Goteborg, 1947. 
Ryp&£n, STIG 
1957. Andean Exeavations I. The Tiahuanaco Era East of 
Lake Titicaca. The Ethnographical Museum of 
Sweden, Monograph Series, Publication No. 4, Stock- 
holm, 1957. 
RYDEN, STIG 
1959. Andean Exeavations II. Tupuraya and Cayhuasi: Two 
Tiahuanaco Sites. The Ethnographical Museum of 
Sweden, Monograph Series, Publication no. 6, Stock- 
holm, 1959. 
TscHoPiIK, MArIon H. 
1946. Some Notes on the Archaeology of the Department of 
Puno, Peru. Papers, Peabody Museum of American 
Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 27, no. 3, pp. 3-57, 
Cambridge, 1946. 


QUIPU AND CALCULATION 


Locker, L. LELAND 
1923. The Ancient Quipu or Peruvian Knot-Record. New York, 
1923. 
NORDENSKIOLD, ERLAND 
1925. Calculations with Years and Months in the Peruvian Qui- 
pus. Comparative Ethnographical Studies, vol. 6, 
part 2, Goteborg, 1925. 
1925. The Secret of the Peruvian Quipus. Comparative Ethno- 
graphical Studies, vol. 6, part 1, Gdteborg, 1925. 
WASSEN, HENRY 
1931. The Ancient Peruvian Abacus. Comparative Ethnograph- 
ical Studies, vol. 9, pp. 189-205, Goteborg, 1931. 


. HISTORIC PERIOD 
KUBLER, GEORGE 
1946. The Quechua in the Colonial World. In Handbook of 
South American Indians, vol. 2, pp. 331-410, Bureau 


of American Ethnology, Bulletin 143, Washington, 
1946, 


312 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


MEANS, PHILIP AINSWORTH 
1932. Fall of the Inca Empire. New York, 1932. 
MISHKIN, BERNARD 
1946. The Contemporary Quechua. In Handbook of South 
American Indians, vol. 2, pp. 411-476, Bureau of 
American Ethnology, Bulletin 143, Washington, 1946. 
Rowe, JOHN HOWLAND 
1946. Inca Culture at the Time of the Spanish Conquest. In 
Handbook of South American Indians, vol. 2, pp. 
183-330, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 
143, Washington, 1946. 
RowFk, JOHN HOWLAND 
1948. The Kingdom of Chimor. Acta Americana, vol. 6, no. 1, 
pp. 26-59, Mexico, 1948. 
TSCHOPIK, HARRY, JR. 
1946. The Aymara. In Handbook of South American Indians, 
vol. 2, pp. 501-574, Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Bulletin 143, Washington, 1946. 


Part 3 


TECHNIQUES 
CERAMICS 


HARCOURT, RAOUL D’ AND MARIE D’ HARCOURT 
1924. La Céramique Ancienne du Pérou. Paris, 1924. 
LINNE, S. 
1938. The Technique of South American Ceramics. Goteborg, 
1925. 
TELLO, JULIO C. 
1938. Arte Antiguo Peruano. Inea, vol. 2, Lima, 1938. 
TSCHOPIK, HARRY, JR. 
1950. An Andean Ceramic Tradition in Historical Perspective. 
American Antiquity, vol. 15, no. 3, pp. 196-218, 
Menasha, 1950. 


METALWORK 
ANTZE, GUSTAVE 
1930. Metallarbeiten aus dem No6rdischen Peru. In Mitteil- 
ungen aus dem Museum fiir Volkerkunde, 15, Ham- 
burg, 1930. 


SELECTED SOURCES 313 


BERGSOE, PAUL 
1937. The Metallurgy and Technology of Gold and Platinum 
among the Pre-Columbian Indians. Ingenigrviden- 
skabelige Skrifter, Nr. A 44, Copenhagen, 1937. 
1938. The Gilding Process and the Metallurgy of Copper and 
Lead among the Pre-Columbian Indians. Ingenigr- 
videnskabelige Skrifter, Nr. A 46, Copenhagen, 1938. 
CALEY, EARLE R., AND DUDLEY T. EASBY, JR. 
1959. The Smelting of Sulfide Ores of Copper in Pre-Conquest 
Peru. American Antiquity, vol. 25, no. 1, pp. 59-65. 
Menasha, 1959. 


Eassy, DUDLEY T., JR. 

1955a. Los Vasos Retratos de Metal del Peru: iCémo fueron 
elaborados? Revista del Museo Nacional, tom, 24, 
pp. 1387-153, Lima, 1955. 

1955b. Sahagtin y los Orfebres Precolombinos de México. 
Sobretiro de los Anales del Instituto de Antropologia 
y Historia, vol. 9, pp. 85-117, Mexico, 1957. 

1956a. Ancient American Goldsmiths. Natural History, vol. 
65, no. 8, pp. 401-409, New York, 1956. 


1956b. Orfebreria y Orfebres Precolombinos. Anales del In- 
stituto de Arte Americano, vol. 9, pp. 9-26, Buenos 
Aires, 1956. 
LotTHRop, SAMUEL K. 
1937a. Gold and Silver from Southern Peru and Bolivia. Jour- 
nal, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain 
and Ireland, vol. 67, pp. 305-325, London, 1937. 


1937b. Coclé, An Archaeological Study of Central Panama. 
Part I, Historical Background. Excavations at the 
Sitio Conte. Artifacts and Ornaments. Memoirs, 
Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, 
Harvard University, vol. 7, Cambridge, 1937. 


1938. Inca Treasure as Depicted by Spanish Historians. South- 
west Museum, Los Angeles, 1938. 


1941. Gold Ornaments of Chavin Style from Chongoyape, Peru. 
American Antiquity, vol. 6, no. 3, pp. 250-262, 
Menasha, 1941. 
MATHEWSON, C. H. 
1915. A Metallographie Description of Some Ancient Peruvian 
Bronzes from Machu Picchu. American Journal of 
Science, vol. 40, no. 240, 1915. 


314 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


MEAD, CHARLES W. 
1915. Prehistoric Bronze in South America, Anthropological 
Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 
12, pp. 15-52, New York, 1915. 
NORDENSKIOLD, ERLAND 
1921. The Copper and Bronze Ages in South America. Com- 
parative Ethnographical Studies, vol. 4, pp. 1-196, 
Goteborg, 1921. 
PEREZ DE BARRADAS, JOSE 
1954. Orfebreria PrehispAnica de Colombia; Estilo Calima. 2 
vols., Text and Plates, Madrid, 1954. 
1958. Orfebreria Prehispanica de Colombia; Estilos Tolima y 
Muisea. 2 vols., Text and Plates, Madrid, 1958. 


Rivet, P. AND H. ARSANDAUX 
1946. La Métallurgie en Amérique Précolombienne. Travaux 
et Mémoires de 1’Institut d’Ethnologie, vol. 39, Paris, 
1946. 


Root, WILLIAM C. 
1949a. Metallurgy. Handbook of South American Indians, Vol. 
5. Bulletin 143, Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 
205-225, Washington, 1949. 
1949b. The Metallurgy of the Southern Coast of Peru. Ameri- 
can Antiquity, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 10-37, Menasha, 
1949. 


n. d. The Metallurgy of the Southern Coast of Peru. Ms. 


SmirH, CYRIL 
n. d. The Microscopic Examination of Some Peruvian Bronze 
Objects. Ms. 


TEXTILES 


BAILEY, TRUMAN 
1944. Native Arts Shape the Native Future. Natural History, 
American Museum of Natural History, vol. 53, no. 6, 
New York, June, 1944. 
n. d. The Manual Industries of Peru. The Museum of Mod- 
ern Art, New York [No date]. 
BirD, JUNIUS B. 
1947. A Pre-Spanish Peruvian Ikat. Bulletin, Needle and Bob- 
bin Club, vol. 31, nos. 1 and 2, pp. 73-77, New York, 
1947. 


SELECTED SOURCES 315 


Birp, JUNIUS, AND LOUISA BELLINGER 

1954. Paracas Fabrics and Nazea Needlework. Textile Museum, 

Washington, 1954. 
CARRION CACHOT, REBECA 

1931. La indumentaria en la antigua cultura de Paracas. 

Wira Kocha, vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 37-86, 1931. 
CRAWForD, M. D. C. 

1915. Peruvian Textiles. Anthropological Papers, American 
Museum of Natural History, vol. 12, part 3, pp. 53- 
104, New York, 1915. 

1916. Peruvian Fabrics. Anthropological Papers, American 
Museum of Natural History, vol. 12, part 4, pp. 105— 
191, New York, 1916. 

FESTER, G. A. 

1953. Einige Farbstoffe Sitid Amerikanischer Kulturvolker. 
Isis, vol. 44, nos. 1 and 2, pp. 13-16, 1952. (Eng- 
lish translation: Some Dyes of the Ancient South 
American Civilizations. Dyestuffs, Bulletin National 
Aniline Division Allied Chemical and Dye Corpora- 
tion, vol. 4, no. 9, New York, 1954. 

Harcourt, RAOUL D’ 

1934. Les Textiles Anciens du Pérou et leurs Techniques. 

Paris, 1934. 
LEVILLIER, JEAN 

1928. Paracas, a Contribution to the Study of Pre-Incaic Tex- 

tiles in Ancient Peru. Paris, 1928. 
MEANS, PHILIP A. 

1930. Peruvian Textiles, Examples of the Pre-Incaic Period. 

New York, 1930. 


MOoNTELL, GOSTA 
1929. Dress and Ornaments in Ancient Peru. Gé6teborg, 1929. 


O’NEALE, Lina M. 
1932. Tejidos del Periodo Primitivo de Paracas. Revista del 
Museo Nacional, vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 60-80, Lima, 1932. 
1933a. Peruvian ‘‘ Needleknitting.’’ American Anthropologist, 
new series, vol. 35, pp. 405-430, 1933. 
1933b. A Peruvian Multicolored Patchwork. American Anthro- 
pologist, new series, vol. 35, pp. 87-94, 1933. 
O’NEALE, Lita M. 
1934. Peruvian Needle Knitting. American Anthropologist, 
n. s., vol. 36, no. 3, pp. 405-430, 1934. 


316 ANDEAN CULTURE HISTORY 


1935. Pequenas Prendas Ceremoniales de Paracas. Revista del 
Museo Nacional, vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 245-266, Lima, 
1935. 

1936. Wide-loom Fabrics of the Early Nazea Period. In Es- 
says in Anthropology, presented to A. L. Kroeber, 
pp. 215-228, Berkeley, 1936. 

1937. Archaeological Explorations in Peru. Part III: Textiles 
of the Early Nazca Period. Anthropology, Memoirs, 
Field Museum of Natural History, vol. 2, no. 3, pp. 
119-218, Chicago, 1937. 

1942. Textile Periods in Ancient Peru. IJ: Paracas Caverns 
and the Grand Necropolis. University of California 
Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnol- 
ogy, vol. 39, no. 2, pp. 143-202, Berkeley, 1942. 

1946. Mochica (Early Chimu) and other Peruvian Twill Fab- 
rics. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Uni- 
versity of New Mexico, vol. 2, no. 3, Albuquerque, 
1946, 

* 1949. Weaving. Jn Handbook of South American Indians. 
Vol. 5. Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 97-138, 
Washington, 1949. 

1954. Textiles. Jn Early Ancén and Early Supe Culture, G. R. 
Willey and J. M. Corbett, pp. 84-130, New York, 
1954. 

O’NEALE, LILA M. AND BONNIE JEAN CLARK 

1948. Textile Periods in Ancient Peru. III: The Gauze 
Weaves. University of California, Publications in 
American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 40, no. 4, 
pp. 143-222, Berkeley, 1948. 

O’NEALE, LILA M. AND A. L. KROEBER 

1930. Textile Periods in Ancient Peru. I. University of Cali- 
fornia, Publications in American Archaeology and 
Ethnology, vol. 28, no. 2, pp. 23-56, Berkeley, 1930. 

O’NEALE, LILA M., AND OTHERS 

1949. Chincha Plain-Weave Cloths. Anthropological Records, 
University of California, vol. 9, no. 2, Berkeley and 
Los Angeles, 1949. 

OSBORNE, CAROLYN M. 

1950. Shaped Breechcloths from Peru. Anthropological Ree- 
cords, University of Cahfornia, vol. 13, no. 2, 
Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1950. 


SELECTED SOURCES ol? 


STAFFORD, CoRA ELDER 
1941. Paracas Embroideries. New York, 1941. 
TELLO, JULIO C. 
1959. Paracas. Lima, 1959. 
VANSTAN, INA 
1955. Peruvian Domestie Fabrics from Supe: a Study of the 
Uhle Collection of Painted Cloths. Notes in An- 
thropology, Florida State University, vol. 1, no. 3, 
Tallahassee, 1955. 
1958. Problems in Pre-Columbian Textile Classification. 
Florida State University Studies, no. 29, Tallahassee, 
1958. 
YACOVLEFF, E. AND J. G. MUELLE 
1934. Un Fardo Funerario de Paracas. Revista del Museo Na- 
cional, vol. 3, nos. 1 and 2, pp. 63-163, Lima, 1934. 
ZIMMERN, NATHALIE HERMAN 
1944. The Tapestries of Colonial Peru. Brooklyn Museum Jour- 
nal, 1943-1944, pp. 25-52, New York, 1944. 


INDEX 


Acapana, mound, 185-186 

Acknowledgments, 3 

Age grades, Inea, 230, 233 

Agricultural areas, South 
America, 14 

Agriculture, Amazon, 19-20; An- 
dean Farmers, 65, 67; Central 
Andes, 95, 96-97, 117, 118; 
Colombia, 71; contemporary 
Indian, 241, 243; Cultist pe- 
riod, 124, 125-126; develop- 
ment, 28; diffusion, 29; Ex- 
perimenter period, 142; Inea, 
221, 222-223; Mastercrafts- 
man period, 155, 157, 158; 
Orinoco, 20; Tropical Agri- 
culturists, 42 

Alacaluf, 32; house, 35, 36 

Alloys, 252 

Alpaca, domestication, 32 

Amazonia, archaeological sites, 
58-64 

Amazon lowlands, 19 

Aneon, 114, 129, 131, 194; cera- 
mies, 197; textile dyes, 262; 
textiles, 259 

Andean Farmers, 20, 64-70; eul- 
ture pattern, 80 

Andes, 14; geographical divi- 
sions, 16 

Antiquity, Andean Farmers pat- 
tern, 69-70; Cultist period, 
124-125; plant domestication, 
29-30; Venezuela sites, 57-58 

Araucanians, 65; culture, 92; 
dugouts and canoes, _ 67; 


319 


geographical distribution, 69; 
houses, 67; religion, 69 

Arauquin, site, 58 

Arawak, 41 

Arawaks, spread to West Indies, 
28 

Archaeological techniques, 104- 
105, 106 

Archaeology, Northern Andean, 
70-86; Southern Andean, 86-— 
87 

Architecture, Central and South 
Highlands, 197; City Builders 
period, 206-208; Cultist pe- 
riod, 131-132; Inea, 223-226; 
Mastercraftsman period, 159- 
163; Tiahuanaco, 188 

Arica, middens, 25 

Artifacts, Atacamefio, 87, 91; 
Calchaqui, 89; Chavin de Hu- 
antar, 132-133; City Builders 
period, 213; contemporary In- 
dian, 242; Cultist period, 126, 
128; Experimenter period, 150— 
151; Huaca Prieta, 120; Inea, 
87, 228, 229; Narifio sites, 75— 

76; Northern Chile, 25, 26; 
Peruvian, 199: .Pickalo, 92); 
San Agustin, 80; South Chile 
caves, 24, 25; southern Tierra 
del Fuego, 25; Tairona, 74 

Ascope, canal, 157 

Aspero, 122, 123 

Atacama desert, 18; occupation, 
90 


320 


Atacameno, 65; ceramies, 210, 
212; culture, 87, 90-92, 205 
Atahualpa, 239 
Ayllu, 230, 231, 238 
Aymara, 239-240; 
distribution, 69 
Aztee civilization, 71 


geographical 


Backstrap loom, 265-268 

Barama, River Caribs, 12 

Bark cloth, Early Farmers, 120; 
Tropical Agriculturists, 47 

Barreales, culture, 89 

Bast, use, Early Farmer period, 
258; use, in textiles, 261 

Beagle middens, 


25 


Channel, shell 

Belém type ceramics, 89 

selting, quadruple, 272 

Black-White-Red Horizon, 
113, 198, 200 

Blowgun, Guiana, 44-45; Tropi- 


110, 


eal Agriculturists, 53 

30obbin patterns, 276, 277 

Bolas, 25, 68; Southern Hunters, 
35 

Bora, cannibalism; upper Ama- 
zon, 42 

Bows and arrows, 68 

Braiding, 291-292 

Bridges, 220; Tropical Agricul- 
turists, 49 

Brocades, 276-277 

Brocading, 272 

Suilding, Cultist period, 134; ma- 
terials, Experimenter period, 
145; projects, Inca, 223 

Surials, Central and South Coast, 
198; City 
208; cremation, 24; 
period, 131; 


3uilders period, 
Cultist 


“xperimenter pe- 


INDEX 


riod, 151; #Mastercraftsman 
period, 164-166; Paracas Ne- 
cropolis, 180; urn, Marajé, 60; 
Venezuela sites, 58 


Cajamarca, 200 

Cajamarquilla, 160, 206 

Calama, site, 90; Tiahuanaco 
style, 194 

Calasasaya ruin, 186 

Calchaqui culture, 88 

Calculation, 
234 

Calendar, Inea, 233 

Campa, upper Amazon, 42 


system, Inea, 233- 


Campsites, early, 23 

Canals, Tiahuanaco, 188 

Caniari, 64 

Canella Indians, social organiza- 
tion, 39 

Cannibalism, Tropical Agricul- 
turists, 55, 56 

Canoe Indians, 34; clothing, 37; 
utensils and implements, 38 

Canoes, Southern Hunters, 37; 
Tropical Agriculturists, 48-49 

Carbon 14 dates. 
bon dates. 

Caribs, 28, 41 

Carvings, Chavin de Huantar, 
135; Cultist period, 134; Ex- 
perimenter period, 151; Inea, 
229; Pucara, 163-164; Recuay, 
163; San Agustin, 78-79; Tia- 
huanaco, 188-191 

Cassava, preparation, 43 

Castes, Inca, 231-232, 237-238 

‘* Castillo’?.. 132, 133 

Casting, metals, 254 

Census, Inca, 217, 220, 230, 239 


See Radiocar- 


INDEX 321 


Central Andes, 13, 16, 20-21, 95- 
244; building materials, 67; 
cultivation of maize, 29; cul- 
ture pattern, 92-93, 237; do- 
mesticated plants, 30; econ- 
omy, 32 

Central Coast, subdivisions, 98 

Central Highlands, sites, 99; 
sites, Ecuador, 82-83 

Central Valley, Chile, 18 

Ceramics, Andean Farmers, 66, 
68; Atacameno, 90-91; Bar- 
reales, 89-90; Calchaqui, 88-— 
89; Central Coast sites, 246; 
Central Highlands, Ecuador, 
83; Chiripa, 143; City Build- 
ers period, 208-212; Colombia, 
71-73; contemporary Indians, 
242; Cultist period, 123, 127, 
129; as cultural diagnostics, 
102-103; decoration _ styles, 
108-111; Early Cerro Narrio 
period, Ecuador, 84; Ecuador, 
81; Experimenter period, 145- 
149 ; Humahuaca, 88; Inca, 226, 
228-229; Late periods, Ecua- 
dor, 83; Mastercraftsman pe- 
riod, 166-171; Manabi, Ecua- 
dor, 86; Maraca, 63; Marajé, 
60-61; Mirakanguéra, GE: 
Narifio sites, 75; Negative 
painting, 75; North Coast, 
100; Pichalo, 92; Quimbaya, 
46; Kio Napo, 61; Salinar, 
144, 145; San Agustin, 80; 
Santarem, 61-62; shaping, 246; 
South Coast, 100; Tairona, 74; 
techniques, 245-251; Tiahua- 
Haco oto? 196, 197 Tier- 
radentro, 78; Tropical Agricul- 


turists, 63; Upper Cauca Val 
ley, 75; Venezuela, 58 

Ceremonial organization, Tropi 
cal Agriculturists, 52 

Ceremonies, burial, 68; Chavin 
de Hudntar, 136; Cultist pe- 
riod, 137; Inca, 232, 233, 235, 
237; Southern Hunters, 39; 
Tropical Agriculturists, 56 

Cerro Blanco, 132 

Cerro Narrio period, Ecuador, 84 

Cerro Sechin, carving, 135 

Chama, Upper Amazon, 42 

Chanapata, 140, 142, 145; cer- 
amics, 147 

Chaneay, ceramics, 146, 147, 205, 
210, 211; graves, 151; metal- 
work, 150; sites, 140 

Chaneay White-on-Red style, 139 

Chanchan, arabesques, 207, 208; 
constructions, 1974. “sites 203, 
205-206, 213 

Charrua, 34 

Chavin, ceramic techniques, 273; 
culture, 197; designs, 129, 130, 
131, 132, 147; horizon, 108, 
TAD, 24 25 2 37 s2 style, 92; 
123, 139, 193, 2723 textiles, 
271-272 

Chavin de Hudantar, 108, 132- 
135,136, 1375 140 

Chibeha, Andean Farmers pat- 
tern, 70; civilization, 71; cul- 
ture, 73, 75; distribution, 64; 
goldwork, 77 

Chicama Valley, Early Farmers, 
258; textiles, 270-271, 273, 275 

Chicha, 66 

Chile, archaeology, 90-93; tex- 
tiles, 290 

Chilean-Diaguita culture, 92 


322 


Chimu, ceramics, 201, 205, 209; 
culture, 181, 203; 
213 

Chincha Empire, 203-204 

Chiripa, 142, 148; ceramics, 147, 
Lfis 140, 141; 
graves, 151; metalwork, 150 

Chongoyape, goldwork, 130 

Chronology, Central Andes, 103- 
114; dyes, 261; weaving tech- 
niques, 268-293 

City Builder Period, 201-214 

Clay, furnaces, 251; pottery-mak- 
ing, 245-246 

Climate, Andes, 17-18; East 
Brazil highlands, 20; Central 
Valley, Chile, 18; coastal plain, 
17 

Clothing, Andean Farmers, 66, 
67; Central Andes, 149; Cul- 
tist period, 130; contemporary 
Indian, 242; Inca, 229, 292; 
Mastercraftsman period, 173, 
176; North Chile, 283, 284; 
Southern Hunters, 37; Tropi- 
cal Agriculturists, 49 

Coast Tiahuanaco, ceramics, 192 

Coca, 292 

Cochabamba, cemeteries, 194 

Coconuco, 64 

Coil technique, pottery making, 
246-247 

Colombia, 
houses, 67 


metalwork, 


cultures, 


archaeology, 70-80; 

Communication, Inca, 220 

Confins Cave, 22-23 

Construction 
185-188 

Cooking, Southern Hunters, 34; 
stones, Early Farmers, 120, 121 

Copacabana festival, 136 


units, Tiahuanaco, 


INDEX 


‘*Copper Man’’, North Chile, 251 

Corn (maize), 117-118 

Cotton, 29, 118; use, Early 
Farmer period, 258; use in 
textiles, 262 

Cotton-wool ratios, Peruvian tex- 
tiles, 258-259 

Craftsmanship, contemporary In- 
dian, 242; Inea, 226 

Cultist period, 140, 141; Central 
Andes, 123-137; religion, 151; 
sites, 116, 122, 124, 126; stone 
carving, 151; textiles, 270, 
275; varieties of cotton, 259 

Cults, Tropical Agriculturists, 56 

Culture, area, Central Andes, 
100-102; centers, Central 
Andes, 97; contacts, Spanish- 
Indian, 240-241; development, 
Central Andes, 13; divisions, 
Mastercraftsman period, 154; 
divisions, South America, 33; 


periods, Central Andes, 110- 
114; periods, Central High- 
land sites, Ecuador, 82-83; 


periods, North Highlands, Eeu- 
ador, 82; sequence, 
menter period, 139-140; sites, 


Experi- 


Mastercraftsman period, 156 
Culture pattern, Andean Farm- 
ers, 64-70; Central Andes, 95-— 
96, 101-102, 237; City Builder 
period, 203; contemporary In- 
dian, 241; 177-179, 
181; Imperialist period, 237; 
Inea, 216-217; Mastercrafts- 
man period, 155-156; 
179-181; 
America, 20, 32; 
Hunters, 34; Tiahuanaco, 181, 


Mochiea, 


Nazea- 
South 
Southern 


Necropolis, 


INDEX 6 Ay 


182-201; Tropical Agricultur- 
ists, 41, 42, 57, 58 

Cupisnique, 130, 131, 139, 140; 
ceramics, 126; llama burials, 
260; textile dyes, 262; textiles, 
259, 270, 271, 272 

Curare, preparation, 45 

Cuzeo, 114, 217, 220, 227; cere- 
monies, 235-236; polychrome 
ceramics, 110 


Dating, 105; Central Andes 
chronology, 113-114; City 
Builders period, 205; Cultist 
period, 125; Experimenter pe- 
riod, 140; Mastereraftsman pe- 
riod, 153-155. See Radiocar- 
bon. 

Decoration, ceramics, 249-250; 
fabrics, 286-288; metals, 252- 
253 

Deformation, head, Experimen- 
ter period, 150; Mastercrafts- 
man period, 174; Tropical Ag- 
riculturists, 50 

Designs, Black-White-Red hori- 
zon, 110; Chavin horizon, 108, 
125; City Builders period, 
209, 212; Cultist period, 129; 
Inea horizon, 110; Negative 
horizon, 109; textile, 269, 271, 
272, 293; Tiahuanaco, 196— 
197;  Tiahuanaco horizons, 
109-110; White-on-Red _ hori- 
zon, 108-109 

Diaguita, 65; culture, 88 

Distaff, 264-265 

Divination, Inca, 237 

Domesticated animals, 260; An- 
dean Farmers, 66; Cultist pe- 
riod, 126; European, 14, 242; 


Experimenter period, 142; 
Mastercraftsman period, 158; 
pre-Spanish, 16; Tropical Agri- 
culturists, 45 

Domesticated plants, 28-32, 117- 
118; Andean Farmers, 65; 
Central Andes, 158; Cultist 
period, 126 

Double cloth, 272, 289 

‘*Draconian’’ style, Barreales, 
89-90 

Dugouts, Tropical Agriculturists, 
48 

Dyeing, yarns, 258, 261-263 


Early Cerro Narrio period, Ecu- 
ador, 84 

Early Farmer cultures, 92 

Early Farmers, 116-123 

Early . Inca culture, 200, 204, 
214, 215-216, 218 

Early Lima culture, 156, 170 

Early Migrants, 21-28, 92 

Early Ronquin, 57-58 

Early Tiahuanaco, 141, 156, 
164; ceramics, 171 

East Brazil, ceremonies, 39, 40; 
clothing, 37; highlands, 20; 
house type, 35; material 
equipment, 38; social organi- 
zation, 39; weapons, 35 

Economic system, Inea, 230 

Economy, Canoe Indians, 34; 
Foot Indians, 34; Tropical 
Agriculturists, 42-51 

Eeuador, archaeology, 80-86; 
houses, 67 

Education, Inea, 232, 233 

Elen Pata period, Ecuador, 83 

El Purgatorio, city, 206 

Embroidery, 272, 273, 288, 291 


324 INDEX 
Environment, Central Andean, Gateway of the Sun, Tiahuanaco, 
95, 96, 97; South America, 109, 186 


13-21 

Esmeralda, 65 

Esmeraldas, Ecuador, mounds, 
84-85 

European Southern 
Hunters, 40; Tropical Agricul- 
turists, 57 

Expansionist period, 182-201 

137-153; 


contacts, 


Experimenter 
textiles, 272 


period, 


Fauna, extinct, Lagoa Santa, 22; 
Confins Cave, 22 
Featherwork, 212, 286 


Fell’s Cave, stratified remains, 
23-25 

Fibers, 256, 258-261 

Firemaking, Southern Hunters, 
37 

Firing methods, ceramics, 249-250 

Fishing, cultures, North Chile, 
25-26; Inea, 223; methods, 
Tropical Agriculturists, 45 

Food, economy, Andean Farm- 


ers, 65-66, 67; Inca, 221-222; 
plants, diffusion, 28; plants, 
wild, Andes, 17; preparation, 
Tropical Agriculturists, 43, 
45-46; Experi- 
menter period, 142 

‘“Foot’’ Indians, 34 

Fortifications, Andean Farmers, 
68; Southern Andes, 87 

Frame-loom, 265 

Fresco, Mastercraftsman period, 
160 

Fringe, 289 


preservation, 


140; 145; 


mounds, 160 


Gallinazo, culture, 


Gauze lace, 271 

Gé, 34 

Gilding, metals, 253-254 
Goajiro, Venezuela, 42 
Gold. See Metalwork 
Gourd, dispersal, 117 
Gran Chaco, 19 

Grazing areas, Andes, 16 
Ground sloth, 24 
Guanaco, 24 

Guano period, Ecuador, 83 
Guarani, Brazil, 42 
Guinea pig, 31-32 


Hair, nets, 291; use in textiles, 
260-261 
Hammocks, Tropical Agricultur- 


ists, 46-47 

Heddle, invention, 270; looms, 
267-268 

Herding, Andean Farmers, 66; 


Inca, 223 

Hierarchy, Inea, 234 

Highland Tiahuanaco, ceramics, 
192 

Horizon styles, defined, 107-108 

Horse, American, 24; introduced 
to Southern Hunters, 40 


Houses, Andean Farmers, 67; 
contemporary, Indian, 242; 
Experimenter period, 145; 
Inea, 223; Mastercraftsman 


period, 159; Southern Hunters, 
35; Tropical Agriculturists, 46 
‘“Huaca de la Luna’’, 161 
‘“Huaca del Sol’’, 161, 196 
Huaca Prieta, 118, 119, 120, 121 
Huamachueo, 200 
Huancayo, rock-shelters, 23, 116 


INDEX 325 


Huaraz, 145 

Huavalae period, Ecuador, 83 

Humahuaca culture, 65, 87-88 

Hunting, Foot Indians, 34; 
Mastercraftsman period, 158; 
Pampas, 19; period sites, 116- 
117; Tropical Agriculturists, 
43-45 


Iea, ceramics, 210, 211; culture, 
204 

Ikat, 285-286 

Imperialist period, 215-239 

Implements, Cultist period, 126, 
129; metal, 254, 255; Southern 
Hunters, 37; Tropical Agricul- 
turists, 47, 48 

Inea, chronology, 113, 218; civ- 
ilization, 71; clothing, 292; 
culture, Central Andes, 13; 
distaff, 264; Empire, 13, 64, 
67, 86, 157, 215-239; geo- 
graphical distribution, 69; hori- 
zon, 110, 113; influence, north- 
west Argentina, 87; _ labor, 
division of, 230-231; materials, 
Eeuador, 82; period, Ecuador, 
83; period, textiles, 275; social 
organization, 68; textiles, 288 

Indian cultures, contemporaneous, 
240-244 

Initiation, Tropical Agricultur- 
ists, 52 

Interlocked darning, 281-282 

Interlocked tapestry, 278 

Interlocked warp pattern, 280- 
281 

Interlocking culture, 124, 156; 
ceramics, 168-170 

Intoxicants, Tropical Agricultur- 
ists, 45 


Irrigation canals, Mastercrafts- 
man period, 157 


Jivaro, 42, 51; trophy heads, 53- 
55 


Kelim tapestry, 277-278 
Knotting, technique, 277-278 


La Candelaria culture, 90 

La Cabrera, site, 58 

La Paya, site, 87 

Lagoa Santa, human _ remains, 
22-24 

Lake lLauricocha, rock-shelters, 
116 

Lake Valencia region, archaeol- 
ogy, 57 

Languages, contemporary Indian, 
243 

Lanzon, 133 

Late Cerro Narrio period, Ecua- 
dor, 84 

Late Ronquin, site, 58 

Linguistic stocks, Tropical Agri- 
culturists, 41-42 

Llama, domestication, 32, 260 

Loom plaiting, 149 

Looms, 265-268; Cultists, 129; 
Tropical Agriculturists, 47 

Looped pile weave, 290 

Los Barrancos, site, 58 

Lowland archaeology, 57—64 

Lucurmata site, 194 


Machu Picchu, 224, 225 
Macusi, River Caribs, 42 
Maize, origin, 29 

Manabi, Ecuador, ruins, 85-86 
Manioc, preparation, 43 
Manta, 65 


Maracd, ceramics, 62; site, 63 
Maraj6, 58-61 
Marea Huamachueo, 204 


Masonry, Inca, 224, 226, 227; 
Tiahuanaco, 188 
Mastercraftsman period, 141, 


153-181; weaving, 273, 275 
Medicinemen, Andean 
68-69; contemporary Indian, 
243; Inca, 237; Southern Hun 
ters, 40; Tropical Agricultur- 


Farmers, 


ists, 56-57 

Metals, decoration 
286; source, 251 

Metalwork, Andean Farmers, 66; 
Cultist period, 128, 130-131; 
Calchaqui, 89; City Builders 
period, 212-213; Colombia, 
73; Esmeraldas, Ecuador, 84; 
Experimenter period, 150; 
Inca, 229; Mastercraftsman 
period, 174; Quimbaya, 76- 
77; techniques, 251-256; Tia- 
huanaco, 193, 198 

Middens, antiquity, 26 

Middle period, Colombia, 75; 
Eeuador, 78 

Migration routes, South America, 
21-22, 26, 116 

Military organization, Inca, 218- 
219 

Mining, 251 

Mirakanguéra, site, 61 

Mirrors, 121, 130 

Moche, constructions, 161; ruins, 
162 

Mochica, 114; ceramics, 149, 158, 
159, 161, 166-168, 171, 176, 
177; clothing, 173-174; cul- 
ture, 139, 156, 157, 200; cul- 
ture pattern, 177-179, 181; 


of fabrics, 


INDEX 


graves, 165; ideographie writ- 
ing, 175-176; metalwork, 174- 
175; multiple heddle loom, 
267; textiles, 276 

Modeling, ceramics, 250 

Mojos, stratified mounds, 63 

Mold-made ceramics, 247-248 

Mordants, use, 261 

Mounds, Amazonia, 58, 60; Ven- 
ezuela, 58 

Mountain ranges, South America, 
14-16 

Moxeke, 132 

Musical instruments, Inca, 236; 
Mastercraftsman period, 176; 
Tropical Agriculturists, 56 


Narcotics, Andean Farmers, 66; 
Inca, 222; Experimenter pe- 
riod, 142; Tropical Agricultur- 
ists, 45, 57 

Narifo culture, 75, 76, 78, 82, 83 

Nazca, bags, 290; ceramics, 169, 
170; culture, 141, 156, 157; 
graves, 165; textiles, 172, 173, 
277 

Nazca-B style, 196 

Nazea-Necropolis, 
tern, 179-181 

Negative horizon, 109, 113, 142 

Negative (resist) decoration, pot- 
tery, 75, 76, 80, 86, 109, 146, 
250 

Netting, 291 

North Chile, painted pottery, 
276; textile dyes, 262; tex- 
tiles, 260, 275, 283, 284, 290 

North Coast, archaeological sub- 
divisions, 98; ceramics, 100; 
Cultist period, ceramics, 129 


culture  pat- 


INDEX 327 


Northern Andean archaeology, 
70-86 

North Highlands, Cultist period, 
ceramics, 129; stone carving, 
100; subdivisions, 99 

Northwest Argentina, archaeol- 
ogy, 86, 87-90 


Occupation periods, South Chile 
caves, 25 

Ocucaje, graves, 152 

Ona, 32; artifacts, 25; ceremo- 
nies, 39; clothing, 37; firemak- 
ing, 37; secret societies, 39; 
utensils and implements, 38; 
windbreak, 35, 36 

Origin, Central Andes cultures, 
116; domesticated plants, 28— 
29, 117-118 

Orinoco, 20 

Orinoco River basin, archaeology, 
57 

Ornaments, metal, 254, 255 


Pacatnami, city, 206 

Pachaeamac, 114, 136-137, 160, 
194, 206; ceramics, 211; con- 
structions, 197; textiles, 275 

Pacheco, site, 194 

Painting, pottery, 249-250; tex- 
tiles, 286 

Palacio, inclosure, 186 

Palli Aike cave, stratified re- 
mains, 23-25 

Pallka, 131 

Palta, 65 

Pampas, Argentine, 18-19; popu- 
lation spread, 22 

Panpipes, Experimenter period, 
151 

Panzaleo, 64 


Paracas Cavernas, 140, 145; 
ceramics, 147, 148, 149, 250; 
graves, 151; metalwork, 150; 
personal adornment, 150; tex- 
tile dyes, 262; textiles, 149, 
259, 272, 273; weaving, 152, 
259 

Paracas Necropolis, building, 
159; burials, 165; culture, 
141, 156, 176; dyeing, 261; 
metalwork, 175; textile dyes, 
262; textiles, 172, 259, 268, 
273, 274, 281, 286, 287, 288, 
289, 291 

Paramonga, fortress, 204 

Pasto, 64 

Patagonia, early campsites, 23; 
environment, 18; population 
spread, 22; utensils and tools, 
38 

Pattern weaves, 276 

Personal adornment, Andean 
Farmers, 67; Cultist period, 
130; Experimenter period, 
150; Mastereraftsman period, 
174; Tropical Agriculturists, 
50 

Physical type, early, 26, 28 

Pichalo, site, 92 

Pile weave, 290-291 

Pilgrimage centers, Cultist pe- 
riod, 136-137 

Pisagua, middens, 25 

Pizarro, Francisco, 239 

Plain cloth, 275 

Plaiting, 292 

Plant domestication, 28-32. See 
also Domesticated Plants 

Plant lists, Andean area, 30-31, 
65; Central Andes area, 101; 
Experimenter period, 142; pre- 


ceramie period, 120; South 
American lowlands, 28; tropi- 
cal forests, 42 

Plating, metals, 254 

Platinum, 254 

Political organization, 
231; Andean Farmers, 68; 
City Builder period, 201, 203, 
214; Inea, 215, 216, 220, 238; 
Tropical Agriculturists, 51 

Population, City Builder period, 
203; Imea, 217; Mastercrafts- 
man period, 177 

Pottery-making process, 246-247. 
See Ceramics 


229-230, 


Pre-Atacameno culture, Pichalo, 
92 
Pre-ceramic, horizons, weaving 


techniques, 268; sites, Central 
Andes, 117, 118; period, tex- 
tiles, 271, 273 

Priests, Andean Farmers, 69 

Proto-Panzaleo I and II, Ecua- 
dor, 83 

Pueallpa, 64 

Pucara, carving, 151; ceramics, 
147, 148, 171, 250; culture, 
141, 156; graves, 165; temple, 
162, 163 

Puelche, 32 

Puerto Moorin culture, 139, 140 

Puma Puncu, platform, 186 

Puna, 65 

Punguri, 132 

Punin skull, 23 

Puruha, 64; period, Ecuador, 83 


Quechua, 69, 239 

Quimbaya, 64; culture, 75, 78; 
goldwork, 77; sites, 76-78 

Quipu, Inca, 234 


INDEX 


Radiocarbon dates, Coastal bur- 
ials, 117; Early Farmers, 114; 
Early Hunters, 23, 26; Orinoco 
basin, 57, 58 

Radiocarbon dating, 294-299 

Rainfall, coastal plain, 18; Ori- 
noco River area, 20 

Recuay, 196; carving, 151; cer- 
amics, 170-171, 211; culture, 
156, 161, 163; graves, 165; 
houses, 159 

Refuse deposits, Central Andes, 
113-114 

teligion, Andean Farmers, 65, 
69; contemporary Indian, 241, 
243; Cultist period, 136; Ex- 


perimenter period, 152; Im- 
perialist period, 234; Inea, 


220, 235; Mastercraftsman pe- 
riod, 176-177; Southern Hunt- 
ers, 40; Tiahuanaco, 193; 
Tropical Agriculturists, 56—57 
Resist dyeing, 285 
Rio Mantaro basin, sites, 99 
Rio Napo, ceramics, 60; site, 61 
Roads, Inca, 86—87 
Rock-shelters, Huaneayo, 116 
Rulers, Inca, 218 


Sacrifices, Inca, 235 

Sacsahuaman, fortress, 227 

Salinar, 152; ceramics, 146, 147; 
culture, 139, 140; graves, 
151; metalwork, 150; personal 
adornment, 150 

San Agustin sites, 78-80 

San Bartolo, 124 

San José type ceramics, 89 

Santa Maria style ceramics, 88- 
89 

Santa Marta, mountain range, 73 


INDEX 329 


Santarem, 61—63 

Seriation, 106—107 

Shaped fabrics, 282-283 

Shell Fishhook culture, 26 

Shiriana, 41 

Sintering metals, 254 

Siriond, 41 

Slip, pottery, 248 

Smelting, metals, 252 

Social organization, Andean 
Farmers, 68; City Builders, 
period, 213-214; contemporary 
Indian, 243; Cultist period, 
136; Experimenter period, 
151-152; Inea, 229-230 ; 
Southern Hunters, 38-39; 
Tropical Agriculturists, 51 

South Coast, ceramics, 100; sub- 
divisions, 99; textiles, 276 

Southern Andean archaeology, 
86-87 

Southern Andes, extent, 16 

Southern Hunters, 20, 32-41, 95 

South Highlands, Ecuador, 83- 
84; subdivisions, 99-100 

Spanish conquest, 239-241 

Spindle, modern, Chicama Val- 
ley, 263; operation, 263-264 

Spinning, 258, 263-265; direc- 
tion of twist, 264; preceramic 
period, 263 

Stone carvings, 104. 

Stonework, Quimbaya, 76 

Stratigraphy, 105-106; Chicama 
Valley, 138-139; Cultist pe- 
riod, 124, 125 

Subsistence patterns, 18; Andean 
Farmers, 65; Central Andes, 
117; City Builder period, 203; 
contemporary Indian, 241; 
Cultist period, 124, 126; Ex- 


perimenter period, 142; Huaca 
Prieta, 119-120; Inea, 221, 
222-22: ; Mastercraftsman pe- 
riod, 157, 158 
Subterranean houses, 120, 159 
Supe, 130, 131; textile dyes, 
262; textiles, 259, 271, 273 


Surface ruins, defined, 104 


Tairona, 64; culture, 73-74, 75 

Taltal, 25 

Tambo Colorado, 206 

Tapestry, 271, 272, 277-279; by 
periods, 279 

Tapestry-on-weft, 290 

Tapirapé, Brazil, 42 

Tattooing, 174 

Techniques, 245-293 

Technology, Andean Farmers, 
66; City Builders period, 208; 
Colombia, 71; Experimenter 
period, 141-142, 152-153; 
Inea, 216, 226-229; Master- 
eraftsman period, 155, 157, 
166 

Tehuelche, 32 

Temper, pottery, 246 

Temperature, Andes, 16; Ata- 
cama Desert, 290 

Textiles, City Builders period, 
212; Cultist period, 129-130; 
Experimenter period, 149; 
Huaca Prieta, 120; Inca, 229; 
Mastercraftsman period, 172— 
174; Mochica, 172; Nazca-Ne- 
cropolis, 180; South Coast, 
100; techniques, 198, 256— 
293; Tiahuanaco, 193 

Tiahuanaco, art style, 193; carv- 
ing, 151; ceramics, 171; cul- 
ture, 156-157, 181, 182-201, 


330 


204; designs, 209; graves, 
191; horizon, 89, 109-110, 113, 
137, 180-181, 196, 200- 
201; masonry, 162; site, 184— 
191; stonework, 193; textiles, 
281, 291; type burials, Calama, 
91 
Tie-dyeing, 281, 285 
Tierra del Fuego, 
spread, 22 
Tierradentro culture, 78 
Central 


155, 


population 


Time sequence, Andes, 
110-114 

Tobacco, Tropical Agriculturists, 
45, 46 

Topography, South America, 14— 
21 

Trade, Andean 
Inca, 223; Tropical 
turists, 48 

Transportation, Amazon, 19; An- 
dean Farmers, 67; Andes, 17; 

Hunters, 35, 37; 

Agricul- 


Farmers, 66; 
Agricul- 


Southern 
Inea, 220; Tropical 
turists, 48-49 

Traps, Tropical Agriculturists, 
45 

Trephining, Mastercraftsman pe- 
riod, 176 

Triple cloth, 272 

Trophy heads, 177; Tropical 
Agriculturists, 52, 53-55 

Tropical Agriculturists, 20, 41- 
57; antiquity, 57; Colombian 
cultures compared, 71; culture 
pattern, 95 

Tubular weaving, 288—289 

Tuncahuan period, Ecuador, 83 

Tupi, personal decoration, 50 


Tupi-Guarani, 41 


INDEX 


Tupinamba, Brazil, 42; cannibal- 
ism, 55 

Twill, 276 

Twining technique, 269-270, 273 


Upper Cauca Valley, archaeologi- 
cal sites, 74-75 

Utensils, Experimenter period, 
150; Southern Hunters, 37; 
Tropical Agriculturists, 47 

Uro, 240 


Valencia, site, 58 

Venezuela, sites, 
57-58 

Village plans, Tropical Agricul- 
turists, 46 

Villages, City Builder period, 
205-206; Mastereraftsman pe- 
riod, 160 

Viracocha, Inea, 234 

Viru, Early Farmers, 258; sites, 
103-104, 195-196 


archaeological 


Wapisiana, River Caribs, 42 

Warfare, 182; Andean Farmers, 
68; Southern Hunters, 35, 40— 
41; Tropical Agriculturists, 
52-53, 55-56 

Wari, 194, 200; graves, 198 

Warp faced textiles, 269, 270, 
271-272, 275-276; patterns, 
271, 272, 288 

Warrau, 41 


Watercraft, 21; Andean Farm- 


ers, 67 
Weapons, Andean Farmers, 68; 
Experimenter period, 150; 


Inea, 219-220; Southern Hunt- 
ers, 34-35; Tropical Agricul- 
turists, 43-44, 52-53 


INDEX 331 


Weaving, 265-268 ; Andean Wilkawain, 195; architecture, 
Farmers, 66; City Builders pe- 197; ceramics, 197; stratig- 
riod, 212; contemporary In- raphy, 196 
dian, 242; Cultist period, 123, Witoto, cannibalism, 55; upper 
129-130; Experimenter period, Amazon, 42 


149-150; Inca, 229; Master- Woodwork, Inca, 229 

craftsman period, 172-174; Wool, spinning, 264; use in tex 
Nazea-Necropolis, 180; pre- tiles, 258, 259-260 

historic Colombia, 73; tech- |Workshop sites, 111, 117 

niques, 258; Tropical Agricul- 


turists 47 Yagua, upper Amazon, 42 
Weft, patterns, 271, 276 Yahgan, 32, 34; ceremonies, 39; 
White-on-Red horizon, 108-109, firemaking, 37; social organi- 


124, 139, 141-142 zation, 38 


3 
£¢e 
35 
Qa =. 
o 
co 


Dennett, W.C. 
Andean culture history. 


39251 


100020305