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THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE
RELIGIOUS IDEA

JUDAISM, CHRISTIANITY AND
MAHOMEDANISM,

CONSIDERED IN

TWELVE LECTURES ON TLIE HISTORY AND
PURPORT OF JUDAISM,

DELIVERED IN MAGDEBURG, 1847,

DR. LUDWIG PHILIPPSOHN.

TKAXSLATED FKOM THE GEKJIAN, WITH NoTES,
BY

ANNA MARIA GOLDSMID.

LONDON:
LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN AND LONGMANS.

1855.

LOSnoX:

PRINTED BY WERTHEIMER AND CO.,

CIRCVS PI ACE, PINSBVRY CrKCVS.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

The euliglitened benevolence with which the author of
the following lectures advocated measures for the relief,
present and future, of the Jews of Jerusalem, has
within the last year made his name almost as familiar
to their co-religionists of Great Britain, as it has long
been rendered by his able editorship of the ^ Allgemeine
Zeitung des Judenthums' , to the Israelites of Germany.

Two years since, a German acquaintance called my
attention to the work, and kindly sent it to me for
perusal. From that perusal I rose, with a strong desire
that its contents should be placed within reach of all
the educated minds of the community to which I
belong. The Avriter, it appeared to me, supplied a
long-existing void and very urgent want, in the Jewish
polemical literature of the age. Though not wholly
concurring with him on some few points, his general
deductions were, I thought and felt, as sound and true,
as the elaboration of the arguments that led to them was
patient and logical. So the wish deepened into a sense

IV TRANSLATOR S PREFACE.

of a duty to be accomplished, — the duty of placing an
English version before all my co-religionists, for whom
their non-acquaintance with German renders the
original a sealed book. To you then, ray dear brothers
and sisters in faith and of race, members of all syna-
gogues, natives of all lands spread over the wide surface
of our globe, in which the English is the language first
lisped by infant lips, I dedicate these pages. Accept
them as a labour of good-will and love. To you all,
— whether you be of those who by honest reverence
for ancient forms, are induced to cling to the exegesis
of the Talmud; or whether of such, as a reverence
equally honest, leads back to the yet more ancient
phase of our common faith, the one presented in the
Torah of our inspired legislator, Moses ; or whether,
perchance, of those finally, who while unendowed with
strength of intellect sufficient to enable them to resist
the pressure of the time present, that forces them into
the path of rationalism, are yet strong enough of heart,
to cling to the ties of race, blood and afifection ; — to all,
I believe, a patient examination of the views presented
to us by Dr. Philippsohn ' On the Development of the
Religious Idea' will not be imfruitful in good. To this
inquiry I would also invite my coimtrymen of other
creeds, in the confident hope, that by it they would
attain to a truer knowledge of the broad and firm basis

TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. V

on which the religion of the Jews rests, and would learn
from it, more clearly to comprehend, more duly to
respect, the solemn convictions which lie at the root of
the Hebrew's enduring fidelity to his God-revealed
faith.

It will teach us all, as many as we are, Talmudists,
Mosaists, Rationalists, Christians, better to understand
ourselves and others — better to know and to appreciate,
all which we severally and respectively reject, all to
which we adhere, more wisely to direct the spiritual
tendencies of those, who by circumstances of age or
position, are committed to our guidance. Yet more !
It will teach us a deeper reverence for that Eternal
Wisdom, which out of present evil prepareth future
good. The present evil we shall outlive, — we are out-
living. May the asperities to which I allude, as having
so long marked the relation of Christian to Jew, and
as having arisen frequently within our own communi-
ties, when practical outward reforms were attempted,
be likened with justice to the passing of the harrow
over the ground ! May they have prepared the mental
soil of that community and of all mankind, for the
seeds of truth, — the grain which the Almighty has
garnered up in unmeasured abundance, and which it is
the mission, first of the Jews, then of all the human
race, graduallv, during countless coming ages, to scatter

VI TRANSLATOU S PREFACE.

over the eartli. May all men, while sowing in weariness
and conflict of body and spirit, reap in gentleness and
peace, a rich and holy harvest of love, happiness, and
truth, ' Here/ and of bliss eternal, * Hereafter !'

A. M. G.

Sr John's Lodge, Rkgent's Park.
February 1855.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

The following Lectures were delivered here last winter,
in the presence of an audience composed of persons of
all religious denominations. I had the satisfaction to
find their numbers not only sustained but increased
as the course proceeded, in a town whose inhabitants
have long made freedom of belief, thought, and speech,
an object of their especial and fostering care, and have
thus secured to themselves a distinguished name in the
amials of civilisation.

Many of my hearers have expressed a wish that
these Lectures should appear in print. In preparing to
comply with this desire, the question suggested itself to
me, whether 1 could advantageously develop much, of
which only a slight sketch had been presented, illus-
trate by notes much, upon which I had but cursorily
remarked. But I speedily came to the conviction, that

AUTHORS PREFACE.

the work would thereby be too much extended, perhaps
well-nigh doubled, and that the aim I had in view might
thus be prejudiced. Spoken utterances have a manifest
advantage ; the speaker can facilitate by the manner,
the comprehension of the matter, — he can infuse into
his accents the living voice of his heart. He and his
words stand in direct relation with the listener. Written
utterance fails of this, and has only the compensating
capability of operating, with less force it is true, but
with more enduring effect on the reader, long after the
echo of the spoken word has died away. Each Lecture
must necessarily have its own exclusive theme, which it
must examine to its close ; and thus confined within
certain limits, a subject requiring elaborate discussion
can extend no further than another demanding briefer
consideration. But for these disadvantages, the author
finds abundant compensation in the adaptation of the
form, and in the pleasure he experiences in placing
before an enlightened public, the results of the laborious
investigations of years.

In the following Lectures, the path of history has
been followed. History, while delineating the future
of each, attaches itself to no one party. Whoever,
therefore, seeks to reason on strictly historical premises
only, without belonging to any one party, will arrive

author's preface. ix

at conclusions that some will deny, others accept as
their own. But entire acceptance from any one party,
must he the less expect to enjoy.

Without having originated much that is new, I am
conscious that I may claim to have struck out a new path.
My especial aim and endeavour have been, to remove
religion from the ideal station assigned to it, into the
position to which it belongs — into life. Religion has
so long abandoned society, that it is scarcely a matter
of surprise if society has in its turn abandoned religion.
The two thus parted must be re-united. Religion must
come to understand that it can exercise no true and
beneficent influence on the individual, until society
collectively shall have become religious. Society must
come to comprehend, that it cannot raise itself from
its present prostrate condition, until it shall have
realised the principles which were long ago enunciated
by religion, but of which the removal of religion from the
actual world, its taking refuge exclusively in the celestial
' Hereafter,' have caused the loss for actual life.

I shall seek an opportunity of resuming and am-
plifying my examination of this important branch of
my inquiry (only touched upon in Lectui'cs III. and
XII.) in a future course, at a fitting moment.

AUTHORS PREFACE.

If these printed words share the kindly reception
accorded to their spoken utterance, I may feel perfectly
tranquil as to the destiny awaiting them.

Dr. L. PHILIPPSOHN.

Magdeuurg, March \bth, 1847.

COKTENTS.

LECTURE I.

INTRODUCTORY 1

LECTURE IL

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM . . . .23

LECTURE IIL

ON THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM . 51

LECTURE IV.

PROPHETISM 79

LECTURE Y.

THE TEACHINGS OF THE PROPHETS, AND

THE HAGIOGRAPHA .... 105

LECTURE VL

THE SECOND TEMPLE, THE ORIGIN OF

TALMUDISM 125

LECTURE VIL

THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO

JUDAISM ...... 145

LECTURE VIIL

THE RELATION OF MAHOMEDANISM TO

JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY . .165

Xn CONTENTS.

LECTURE IX.

THE JEWS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS . .184

LECTURE X.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TALMUD . . 203

LECTURE XL

THE MOVEMENTS OE RECENT TIMES IN

ALL RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS . 222

LECTURE xn.

THE FUTURE OF RELIGION . . . 247

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE
RELIGIOUS IDEA.

ERRATA.

Page 159, line 18 . . for was read were {his).
200 „ 2 . . . for meteors read matters.

The Religious Idea sprang from Judaism^ and has de-
veloped itself from Judaism^ as from its parent stem.
Komid that stem its branches yet cling unwithered.

A history of the development of the Religious or
Divine 1(1 ea, must be therefore necessarily and essentially,
a history of Judaism. Again, the latter must resolve
itself into the former, if we desire, neither to narrow
the history of Judaism into a history of Jewtlom,'^ nor
to consider Judaism in respect of its own integral nature

* This term is employed as the nearest api^roach to the
German word '3utient}eit/ and analogous to the English Christen-
dom., in signification. — T.

Xn CONTENTS.

LECTURE IX.

THE JEWS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS . .184

LECTURE X.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TALMUD . . 203

LECTURE XL

THE MOVEMENTS OF RECENT TIMES IN

ALT. RELTOTOTTS DENOMINATIONS . 222

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE
RELIGIOUS IDEA.

LECTURE I.

INTRODUCTORY.

The Religious or Divine Idea (a term we shall employ in
contradistinction to the human Idea, or Heathenism)
has its origin in Judaism. Of the truth of this asser-
tion, though involving a fact in many periods designedly
ignored or forgotten, not Idstory alone furnishes ample
evidence. Christianity and Moslemism alike testify
thereto, by their equal recognition of the religious
authority of the Judaic biblical writings.

The Religious Idea sprang from Judaism, and has de-
veloped itself from Judaism, as from its parent stem.
Round that stem its branches yet cling unwithered,

A history of the development of the Religious or
Divine Idea, mi^st be therefore necessarily and essentially,
a history of Judaism. Again, the latter must resolve
itself into the former, if we desire, neither to narrow
the history of Judaism into a history of Jewdom,^ nor
to consider Judaism in respect of its own integral nature

* This term is employed as the nearest approach to the
German word '3ubent)cit/ and analogous to the English Christen-
dom, in signification. — T.

LECTURE I.

only, but also to comprehend it iu its relation to sur-
rounding antagonisms. From tlie present lectures will
be deduced, as I proceed with my course, the confirma-
tion of these propositions. I submit them to you in
this place, in order to justify myself in the presumption,
that I present virtually an outline of the history of the
development of the Religious Idea among mankind
generally, while keeping the history of Judaism espe-
cially in view, and taking Judaism from its commence-
ment for the guiding thread of my reflections.

What, it may be asked, induces, wdiat emboldens
me to treat such a subject in public lectures? I an-
swer, the tendency of the age : I should say rather,
the subject itself is a groAvth of the age. Whatever
opinion may be held as to the time in which w^e live,
whether its general characteristics be deemed worthy of
praise or condemnation, on one point all will be agreed.
In this its true glory consists; the tendency which
marks it, is the striving to receive all things spiritual
into its own consciousness. In it, the barriers have
been thrown down, behind Avhich each domain of
thought and belief was wont to entrench itself, Avithin
which each withdrew from his neighbour's ken, partly
from holding, that to inform himself of the thoughts
and convictions of his fellow man Avas to desecrate
his ow^n sanctuary, and partly from arrogance and
contempt, conceiving such knowledge to be valueless.

As each believed he owned the highest, the intellec-
tual possessions of another lay at, or rather under, his
feet. This period of separation and isolation has passed.
All presses onward, and is pressed onward, into the
full light of intercommunion and mutual recognition.
That Avhich claims continued existence is subjected to

INTllODUCTOllY. 3

close investigation as to its origin and significance, and
the validity of that claim. Arbitrary dismissal is no
longer possible; equally impossible is voluntary Avith-
drawal. Retirement into solitude and silence, whether
induced by exaggerated self-estimation, or the self-con-
sciousness of weakness, is now wholly infeasible.

In like manner, Judaism, roused from her lethargy
by the mighty upheavings of the age, has at length
arisen, and steps forth out of her long obscurity, into
the broad su.nlight of general consciousness. Urged by
the agitation around her, she breaks " the silence to
which she has been, during thousands of years, alike
sentenced from without, and self-condemned from
within. Favored by the tendency of the time, her
voice, so long mute, obtains full hearing. Judaism
exists, must, Avill eternally endure. Judaism must,
therefore, make it clearly manifest, both to believers
and non-believers, why she now exists, and unto what
end she will continue to exist, Judaism claims for
herself a permanent, wide, and important place among
men — a deep and significant voice in the counsels of
men. It behoves her, therefore, to prove her worthiness,
licr dignity, her indispensability. The whole domain
of human thought lies now open to the mental vision,
as much of every Jew as of every Christian, of every
one in fact, who partakes of the blessing of civilization.
No one can longer refuse to contemplate the attain-
ments, spiritual and intellectual of another, to test his
own thereby, and to subject them to the full light of
investigation, for his own and the general good.

On entering upon our subject, my hearers, the first
question that forces itself upon our attention is this :
Of what have we to treat, in treating of Judaism ? Of

B 2

4 LECTURE I.

a phenomenon that arose in the very earliest ages, that
existed through antiquity, outlived the middle ages,
that held on its course during later centuries, and has
manifested, in the more recent periods, unexpected
vitalitjr, renewed activit}^, positive and true rejuvenes-
cence.

Assuredly, this sufficiently testifies to the potency of
this phenomenon. Were it our task to examine a
monument of antiquity — to gather up the venerable
remains of an age long by-gone — to linger amid the
time-worn relics of a life long buried beneath them —
how great, how intense would be the interest they
would awaken within us. But this it is not. We here
pass into a presence, that coeval with the earliest ages
of the race of man, has been his companion on all his
wanderings, has followed him, step by step, and pre-
pares anew to follow him on his future course ; — a
presence, whose human embodiments may not only be
enumerated among the generations of the past, but are
now to be found in the midst of all nations, weaving
their due portion at the great loom of the web of human
destiny ; a presence which not alone ruled the spirits of
the past, but even at this day fills and forms the mental
being of millions.

It stands alone, single of its kijid. All historical
facts pertain to the periods which they have produced,
or by which they have been produced. One only
phenomenon has lived through all ages of man's
history, until this day; one alone has moved, a living
presence, in and through all times. That one is
Judaism.

Wlience has Judaism derived this capacity? This
question has been variously answered. By some it has

INTRODUCTORY. 5

been said, " Judaism is a muminy ; it resembles the
skilfully embalmed corpse of aii Egyptian, wliicli
remains entire after dissolution." Surely, this comparison
can hardly be made in all seriousness ; for the lifeless
body may lie undisturbed for a time amid the ashes of
earthly things; but from the domain of the spirit, all
death is excluded, as from a living organization. It is
not given to a mummy to combat and be combated ;
nor to a corpse to act and be reacted upon. Judaism,
therefore, must still be regarded as an Idea, bequeathed
to us by the past.

By others again, the blindness and obstinacy of its
followers have been assigned as the cause of the con-
tinued existence of Judaism. We are truly justified in
the assumption, that the blindness and obstinacy dwell
with those who thus dispose of the question. It were
possible that one or two generations of men, having the
bitter memory of inflicted wrong yet fresh within them,
might be swayed by such feelings ; but that men should
be thus acted upon and enslaved, generation after
generation, amid the mutations of ages, and under cir-
cumstances the most varied and adverse, by low, narrow,
and selfish passions, is wholly inconceivable. No ! En-
tire conviction, unbounded resignation, and a love that
knows nought beside, coidd alone have had poT\ er to
produce such a result.

If these premises be admitted, then the natural and
evident deduction is this : — The inward stream of life it
is, flowing continuously, though often silently and im-
perceptibly, through the veins of Judaism, which has
nourished the root, invigorated the stem, and imparted
the verdant hue of life to the leafy crown, of the
primeval palm-tree. Well may it be, that from a

G LECTUllK 1.

growth that has outlived ages, a decayed bough may
sometimes fall — a withered leaf float gently earth-
wards. But within, in the giant tree's core, the creative
sap of life mounts in full tide heavenwards, keeping
it healthful and verdant, and powerful to resist, alike
the mouldering eflbct of time, the blasting of the
storm, and the stroke of the lightning.

Again then we ask, what is Judaism ? The reply
that we can here give by anticipation, at the very outset
of our proposed enquiry, is in truth comprised in what
we have just advanced.

Had Judaism been from its commencement an in-
herent isolated fact, had it been delivered to us, with a
limitation of its activity within its original narrow do-
main, as its distinctive element — it would have been
necessary, ere we entered upon our proposed investiga-
tion, that I should have laid before you, my hearers, a
clear definition of Judaism. In it, on the contrary,
we have recognized a living presence that has existed
through all the great periods of the history of man — a
presence which, though in its inmost being a unity, has
passed through many diflerent phases, and assumed
very varying forms. The history of all these forms
and phases, and not that of any one of them only,
constitutes therefore, the history of Judaism. In and
from their collected history alone, is the real omnipre-
sent essential unity of Judaism clearly demonstrable.
The solitary ark of the covenant in the wilderness,
is not the golden temple of Jerusalem, nor is this the
ol)scure synagogue in the ghetto of the middle ages.
The rigidly simple law of Moses in the wilds of Arabia,
is not identical with the glowing denunciations of the
proj[)hets against the idolatrous and degenerate race of

INTRODUCTORY. 7

Israel. Different again are the hair-splitting, sophistical
acumen of the Talmudistj and the all-weighing gene-
ralizing judgment of the philosophical thinker. Juda-
ism then consists, not of any one of these items alone,
but of all of them collectively. And though we are
well aware that of all these phases, the subject, end,
and aim are the same, their purport the same, yet have
we no right to pronounce determinately on the latter,
until we shall have more closely examined the former.

Although certain marked features are at once clearly
perceptible, any anticipation on this subject would be
an assumption of that, in respect of which an appeal to
history can alone produce conviction.

We must next enquire, what is the true sphere of
action of Judaism? The answer would be easy, if it
were true — that of religion. From early times, a dis-
tinction, it is well known, has been made between man
in his religious, and man in his social character. In his
relation to that higher Power, whose creature he is, to
the Divinity, he is the religious man ; in his relation to
society, the social man. In the latter, there is again
a distinction between the individual man, in his relation
to his individual fellow man, and man in his relation
as a responsible moral being, a member of society and
of the state, to society in general and to tlie state.
As however general morality rests wholly on the re-
lation of man to his God, general morality has come to
be considered (ag it virtually is) an integral part of
religion; so that the moral and religious elements,
though they may sometimes be placed in contrast, must
co-exist in the human being.

Notwithstanding its antiquity, its historical develop-
ment, and its present general acceptance, this distinction

8 LECTUUK i.

between the religious and the moral man^ i. e., bctwceu
man in his relation to the Divinity^ and man in his re-
lation to society, is after all, niy hearers, a purely fac-
titious distinction. It is neither natural, since every
man^ inasmuch as he exists, is a unity in which mind
and spirit, reason and soul, in all their operations,
have one concuiTcnt mode of action ; — nor is it an
original distinction, since history teaches us that in
all countries religion and state were originally one.
Judaism having been a primary, and not, as are other
and more recent religions, a secondary creation (by
secondary, I understand such as have arisen subsequently
to the governmental formation of the states in which
they respectively prevail), Judaism necessarily considers
the social as well as the religious man — man in fact, as
an individual whole. The separating the religious from
the social being, could not by possibility originally ob-
tain in Judaism, but was necessarily received into it,
when outward circumstances compelled its admission :
that is, when Judaism ceased to possess its own state,
and to rule over its own society.

Judaism must therefore include, among its hopes and
aspirations for the future, and its future achievements, be
that future ever so remote, the rendering universal the
recognition of the great principle — the unity of the social
and the religious man — a principle which ought to be
now considered, as in fact it is, an article, an inherent
part of the ' Israelite's confession of faith.' As we are
considering, not the Judaism of any one period, but that
of all periods, we must direct our attention as well to
its action as a religion, as to its social influence.

I state my proposition simply thus : — ' Judaism con-
siders man to be, in all his relations, a unitv.'

INTRODUCTORY. 9

Hence results another peculiarity. Judaism must
contain certain elements wholly opposed to all else that
time has produced and destroyed. Had Judaism
been of like nature with all things that successive
centuries have engendered, transmuted, and annihi-
lated, it must have passed through the same vicis-
situdes and have undergone the same mutations as they
have, and have at length passed away as they have
passed away. Judaism would now, in that case, be
merely remembered as a form of thovight that had
achieved its appointed work, had been worn out and
cast wholly aside. Yet more : Judaism must still in
the present, contain those indwelling contrasts to all that
is around, or it would long ere this have been absorbed
by, or amalgamated with, all its surroundings. In fine,
it must 'stand security for its own continuance, so long
as its tenor and purport have not found general accept-
ance ; I should say rather, so long as all men shall not
have been so thoroughly imbued with its tenor and
purport, as to render these a part of their mental being.
We learn from these deductions, that the contrast of
which we treat has ever existed, as it still exists, not in
the form alone, but in the essence. A contrast in form
disappears with the thing of which it is the form,
while the same contrast in the essence may obtain so
long as tiie thing continues, even though each form
under whicli it successively appears, be completely
different from the one it previously assumed.

I have been compelled, my hearers, to press these
observations thus early on your attention, because they
determine the course to be followed in these lectures
Avhich range themselves under three heads : —

First. The close examination of each single phase of

10 LECTURE I.

Judaism , in order tliat Judaism may be ftilly compre-
liendcd as a unity — a living historical presence.

Secondlj^ Judaism presenting this contrast, the ex-
ternal things and circumstances among which it was
horn, has lived, and those in the midst of which it now
exists must be considered ; and,

Thirdly. It must be shown that Judaism was not and is
not, the mere idea or theory alone ; but that to the Jewish
race, as its certain appointed depositar}-, Avas committed
its realization, material and spiritual — to Jewdom.

Of necessity therefore, Judaism itself has been much
and variously influenced by these, its recipients or
bearers, and by the changes of destiny and cii-cumstance
which they have sustained. And again, the destinies of
Jewdom must in their turn, have received from the gene-
ral design of Judaism, their direction, tendencies, and
mutations. There have been consequently, a powerful
and continuous action and re-action between Jewdom and
Judaism; and the tendencies and character assumed by
each, must have been alternately determined by the other.
Let us not deem that this was prejudicial to Judaism,
that the idea has suffered under the action of matter,
and would have attained to a fuller and purer develop-
ment, if it had not been subjected to this material action
from without. In looking aromid us in nature, we
perceive that throughout the creation of God, there
prevails this connection between mind and matter — be-
tween the inward essence and the outward form. Out
of that connection only, are perfectly organized
beings evolved. Did the idea exist independentl}^ of
matter, it would never reach many stages of develop-
ment to which it is impelled by matter and its trans-
formations. Thorough acquaintance with the destinies

INTRODUCTORY. 1 1

of Jewdom^ is therefore wliolly indispensable to the full
comprehension of Judaism.

In taking a general view of the life of Judaism, we
at once perceive that four great epochs have therein
arisen — Mosaism, Prophetism, Talmudism, and lastly,
the Judaism of recent times. Permit me briefly to
sketch these four epochs, of which I can here present
but a shadowy* outline, reserving to myself the oppor-
tunit}'' of filling up, as I proceed, the details of the
picture, and of adding distinctness and fixedness to the
delineation.

Mosaism sprang up in the very midst of Heathenism;
to this it presented a complete and powerful contrast.
The first was, of its very nature, a whole, an entire
unity ; while the second was even then, complicated in
its forms, and had developed a low and depraved moral
condition in mankind generally, and the political de-
generacy which thence universally ensues, in the states
where it prevailed. Mosaism is the ground- work of
Judaism, on which not only the superstructure was
erected, but in which was laid the very key-stone of the
arch that has supported all the subsequent stages of
its development. The main-spring of Mosaism, giving
movement to its whole machinery, is the unity of
the social and the religious man — the unity of the
doctrine and the life. Mosaism recognizes no difference
between the idea and its realization. By it, the latter
is understood to be, the passing into tangible being of
the former — the incorporation of the idea. As in all
organized beings, the conception and the creation are
one, so that they are that, which it was designed
they should be ; so in Mosaism, the doctrine and

12 LECTURE 1.

tlic life arc to be one and the same — a perfect con-
gruity. In Mosaism consequently, the dogmas are not
presented as an isolation, but as the law, as the life.
Mosaism therefore controls the whole life of man,
and considers it not as a reflection, an image of the
doctrine — but as the doctrine itself. Mosaism does
not separate soul and body — the spiritual and corporeal
existence. On the contrary, Mosaism makes the law
of the spiritual, the law of the material life also, and
comprehends man herein likewise as a unity.

So soon as Mosaism was promulgated, the conflict
between the idea and its material reality began ; this
reality, being, the people to whom it was delivered.
The question was, how far that people could achieve
the fulfilment of Mosaism.

After brief periods of prosperity, the Jewish nation
declined and fell, as all peoples decline and fall. At
one time they abandoned IMosaism, and plunged into
that most opposed to the teachings of Moses — Heathen-
ism; at another, the form, the worship, the sacrifices,
were retained, and Mosaism was thus transformed into
an empty soulless ceremonial. Prophctism then arose.
Its aim was to bring back to Mosaism the Jewish
race, that had for the most part lapsed into idolatry.
But Prophctism was powerless to save the life, and its
efforts were directed to the preservation of the idea.
Thence Prophctism itself was at once led to sever the idea
from the life — the doctrine from the law ; while in true
pure Mosaism, they formed, I repeat, the strictest unity.
Prophctism treats of the doctrine, and is silent upon
the law. Prophctism therefore, is a development of
Mosaism, but of only one portion thereof, viz., of the
doctrine of a God and of general morality.

INTRODUCTORY. 13

Talmudism, tlie third phase of Judaism, took a directly-
opposite course.

Of the people who had passed into captivity, in
Assyria and Babylon, some only returned; these being, in
respect of their faithful adherence to the teachings of
Moses, the choicest portion of the population. Sorrow
and adversity had deepened their fidelity; but the
genius of the national life had vanished. It was a
second phase of that existence, from which the vigour of
adolescence Avas gone. The spirit, if not the Avill, was
feeble. Of this, the writings of that period, and the
long silence of many subsequent centuries, furnish equal
and abundant proof; — centuries, of which the annals
of the Hebrew race contain no record. Well nigh four
centuries of lethargy terminated at last by the waking
up of the people to new life, at the trumpet-call of the
Maccabees.

Then again the severance of the life from the idea
became the sign of the time ; but the idea was now
thrust aside, and all the vigour and energy left, manifested
themselves in the regulation of material life.

Thus Talmudism had regard to that portion only of
Mosaism, which Prophetism disregarded. The law was
enlarged upon and held to be the absolute rule of life,
but not to be the fulfilment of the idea. So the carrying
out of the true Mosaic thought was often surrcptitiouslj^
evaded. For example, the ordinance for the remission
of all debts at the end of every seventh year was ab-
rogated; while it was determined by rigorous enact-
ments, what fruits were to be used in these, the years
of release.

Meantime, the second great epoch in Jewdom
drew to its close. The dispersion of the people took

14 LKCTURE I.

place; but they carried every where with them^ the
mental direction then recently imparted to them. Out
of these elements was Talmudism evolved. It had three
component parts: — 1st. The unconditional authority of
the law of Moses ; 2nd. The national habits and man-
ners traditionally conveyed and developed; 3rd. The
impediments arising to the complete observance of
Jewish life, from the removal of the people from
Palestine. By the exercise of singular power of in-
tellect, of a capacity perhaps unique of its kind,
Talmudism combined these three elements. Talmud-
ism comprehends accordingly : — 1st. The elaboration
of the Mosaic code, in respect of its material form,
pursued to its most extreme results, and most casu-
istical deductions; 2nd. The embodiment with the very
text of the Mosaic code (which text it subsequently
obscured), of much extraneous matter that had origi-
nated with the people themselves, and in the manners
and customs of daily life; 3rd. The removal of the
obstacles created by the exodus of the people from
Palestine, by the substitution of things analogous to the
]Mosaic code. Talmudism goes far beyond the aim and
scope of the Talmud itself, because it partially received
the final development of Rabbinism.

These then are the three grand and distinct epochs of
Judaism. Nevertheless, the life of Judaism was not
wholly restricted to the exact forms it received from
them ; for to Prophctism, to which they bear a close
affinity, being probably a growth of the same age, im-
mediately succeeded the so called hagiographical writings.
In like manner, the Midrash and Cabala were ofi'shoots
of Talmudism, as was the Aristotelian- Arabian-Judaic
philosophy, of Rabbinism. To these three great

INTRODUCTORY. 15

divisions may now be superadded a fourth — the
Judaism of modern times. You Avill at once presume,
that being thus designated, it has no specific appella-
tion. You will with equal justice conclude, that it
is devoid of any marked characteristics. Assuredly
this is far from being a cause for regret, or a ground
of reproach to modern Judaism. In truth, the some-
thing that we have now to analyse, is but in progress
of formation — of self-development — of self- regeneration.
It would be unwise in us to predetermine what will
issue out of this period of transition, through which
we are now passing. One thing only is clearly shown.
From the present struggle, Judaism must come forth
renewed, invigorated, Avith veins transfused with health
and hope. For on the one hand, we see that Rabbinism
has become wholly inoperative, if indeed it is not
virtually defunct; while, on the other, we perceive
that throughout its domain, Judaism is every where
quickening into active life. We see besides, that
numerous bodies of Jews, with the full consciousness
of being, and the fixed purpose of continuing to be,
Jews, have yet placed themselves without the pale of
Talmudic law. We see moreover, that those Jews
who still rigorously enforce the authority of the Tal-
mud and of the Rabbins, recognize non-Taimudists
to be Jev/s, so that intermarriage and a common
worship nov/ obtain — a fact in itself sufficient to in-
dicate the approach, if not the presence, of a new
combination. But irrespective of this tangible proof,
the causes actually in operation must inevitably produce
a new phase of Judaism,

In the middle of the last century, the Jews began to

16 LECTURE I.

quit the intellectual solitude in which, Avith hut small
exception, they had dwelt for five hundred years, and
to participate in the general mental culture and growing
intelligence of the age. Towards the end of the last
century, the portals of social life were half opened
to the Jews; and in some states, entire, in others,
partial, civil equality was legally accorded them. In both
positions (the brief space of time that has elapsed
being duly remembered), the Jews have advanced with
giant strides. They have pressed on over as much
ground in fifty years, as other races have employed five
hundred to traverse. All these circumstances must
necessarily operate to produce the solution of the Tal-
mudic-rabbinical question, as it affected and affects the
then and the present religious condition of the Jews.

Citizenship, its rights and obligations, wholly altered
the character of their daily life, calling, and labour. Con-
sequently, the forms of religious life came into constant
collision with the duties of the citizen and the artizan.
A freer and more extended intellectual development
undermined the belief in, and reverence for, human
authorities, and suggested inquiry into the validity and
object of that, which had till then found full and un-
conditional acceptance.

It cannot indeed be othcr-ndse, but that these new and
hitherto unknown conditions of being, shoidd foreshadow
the approach of alike new, and hitherto unknown phase
of Judaism. For the Jews existed first as a nation,
then among other nations ; while now they live with,
and have entered into the municipal, civil, and political
life of these other nations. The Jewish race has never
passed through any historical period resembling the

INTRODUCTORY. . 17

present age.* The mutations of form wliich await Ju-
daism, can at this time be matter of speculation alone.
Purposing to resume, on some future occasion, the
consideration of this point, I shall here detain you onh^
while I present a few remarks on the course which it
has hitherto jiursued. These remarks I would preface
hy briefly asserting, that the Judaism of modern times
has followed, inversely, the same path previously taken
by Judaism in general. It began with Talmudism,
accepting it as the standard by which life was to be
measured, though simultaneously recognizing the neces-
sity of a future development of the idea. Such was
the theory of Mendelssohn. He maintained that full
and free self-consciousness was a part of Judaism —
that it was not a religion dependent on belief, but that
it addressed itself especially to the understanding.
Yet he held the traditional, or oral law, to be the guide
and rule of daily life. So great an inconsistency could
not long prevail ; for a theory always tends to produce its
own realization, and admits of no permanent discrepancy
with itself in practice. To represent the idea as free,
and the life as fettered, was wholly arbitrary. Hence
Rabbinism was speedilj^ superseded by the imperfect and
partial adoption of Prophetism. Strict adherence was pro-
fessed to the doctrine of a God, and to the precepts of
general morality, while all that Prophetism presented,
which could be considered as applicable to the par-
ticular period of its promulgation, and as referable to
its then relation to the children of Israel, was solicitously
discarded. The whole of Judaism was thus reduced
to a few general principles of manners and morals.

* A brief period in the Roman empire, and contemporaneous
with that of its dechne, excepted.

18 LECTURE II.

This doubtless was a complete system of self-delusion,
since the retention of all that was positive in principle
was enforced, yet was not one item carried into prac-
tice. Even the very idea which forms the basis on
which prophecy wholly rests, — that of revelation, was
allowed to sink into twilight.* Again it became
clearly manifest, that a complete contradiction had
been introduced into Judaism. The conception offered
thus a direct contrast to its practical fulfilment. The
first was a theory, not reducible to practice ; the
second was a system, devoid of all logical theory.
The introduction of some reforms was, it is true,
attempted ; and the first material into which they were
so introduced, as it offered a neutral and public ground,
was divine service. Much that was beneficial was
thereby effected ; for it is impossible that by the de-
velopment of religious feeling, piety and devotion
should not be awakened and fostered in the indivi-
dual. To their promotion, schools and synagogues offer,
doubtless, powerful aids. Yet all this failed to re-
concile actual and accepted systematic discrepancies.
So another step has been recently taken, in the direc-
tion of return to Mosaism. It has at length come
to be fully understood and acknowledged, that on this
foundation alone, where the Idea and the life meet
and are one, are the re-edification and regeneration
of Judaism possible. Let us be well understood. To
return to the fvill and entire letter of Mosaism is a
manifest impossibility, because its necessary conditions

• It may here be observed, that the Jews in England have not,
as a body, passed through this phase of Judaism, of which Ger-
many has been, and is, tlie special theatre. — T.

INTRODUCTORY. 19

no longer obtain. Three thousand years, with their
mutations, lie between us and the circumstances of its
then existence.

By these changes, the fulfilment of three-fourths of
the law of Moses,* which Avere subsequently superseded
even by the Talmud (such as the laws of sacrifice, those
regulating the physical and sanitary condition of the
people, of the agricultural and statistical distribution
of the soil), was rendered materially impossible. But
I repeat, in Mosaism alone are contained the real
significance, the vital principle of Judaism. Our pre-
sent task is therefore — "To work out within us into clear
consciousness, fixed and definite ideas of Mosaism, and
to determine how far it is possible, under the conditions
of our present existence, to give those ideas life and
form, and to make them actual and active in us and
among us." Thus far, my hearers, we have considered
Judaism as an isolated existence, having its own sphere
of development on earth. But amid mankind nothing
can dwell wholly apart, nothing in the circle of hu-
manity can live for itself alone. It would be as though
each member of our physical frame, head, arm, and
eye, sought independent action. All mankind is, in
truth, but one organism, undivided and entire. In
whatsoever truth dwells, in whatsoever truth is, thence
must truth come forth amongst men, and make its
value current in the world of men. From the nature
of Judaism itself we have already deduced, that it
presents a distinct contrast to all that is around it

* For whose suspension tlie divinely inspired legislator him-
self provided, by the stringent and reiterated limitation of their
fulfilment to the Temple of Jerusalem and the soil of Judea-
Deut. xii. 11, 13, 14, 17, 18, 26. Ibid xvi. 6. Ibid xxvi. 2.— T.

LECTURE 1.

— and that this antagonism miist of necessitj^ act on
the surrounding world and have a tendency, whether
successful or not, to overspread the earth and to win it
to itself. And this has ever been the genius of Ju-
daism. That it was the religion of the future, was the
leading thought of Prophetism, to whose realization all
history amply testifies. It is universally admitted that
in Judaism Christianity had its origin; and both these
form the combined source in which Mahomedanism
takes its rise. The idea, or rather ideal significance
of Judaism, sought in the first stage to break ground
and wear for itself a channel throughout the Avorld of
men. But thence a two-fold conclusion may be drawn.
First j — Judaism had then capacity to retain for and
Avithin itself, but not to disseminate, such of its compo-
nent parts as were necessary for its individual continu-
ance. And secondly; — mankind could receive from
Judaism so much only as was suited to their then
requirements, and must develop for and within them-
selves, and independently of Judaism, that which they
so received. Judaism kept therefore all that specifically
appertained to itself, as also a large portion of its moral
import, which it was not able then, but which it is
destined in coming years, to share Avith all humanity.
The influence exercised by Judaism in the Avorld Avas
not then suspended ; nor has it ceased even now, for
the cessation of that influence and the extinction of
Judaism Avould be cocA'al.

To Judaism, therefore, was confided a double charge:
to reserve a portion of its indwelling truth for the
future of the human race; to deliver over another
portion of that truth to the then existing world. Both
tasks involve a double conflict : one with the world, as a

INTRODUCTORY. 21

destroying, the other as a resisting power. And this
forms, in fact, the real character of tlie history of
Judaism, and especially of that of Jewdom, — of the
Jewish race. The " conflict of the idea with the reality.^'
This people had first to fight out this battle within
itself, and afterwards with the whole world. The He-
brews were called upon, as recipients and bearers of
Judaism, first to comljat with themselves as a meails of
preparation for entire self-devotion to their appointed
task ; then with all peoples by whom this their mission
is not acknowledged, and by whom, in consequence of
the general contrast to themselves therein presented,
their claim thereto must necessarily be rejected. But
this struggle, notwithstanding the hard destiny it pre-
pared for them, proved to be the very means by which
the perpetuation of the Jewish race was to be eff'ected.
Viewed in this light, the history of Jewdom assumes
an aspect totally different, from that which it has hither-
to borne. The objects which have usually first presented
themselves to the mental vision of its adherents, have
been, the blood that has flowed, the stripes that have
been received, the wounds inflicted, the funeral pyres
that have been heaped and kindled, during the long
long struggle. Its opponents, on the other hand, have
had regard to nought, save the defects and infirmities
engendered in Jewdom by a world's oppression. A
totally altered mien has this picture now assumed.
It may be truly said to furnish the subject, most
honourable, most glorious in the annals of mankind.
Jewdom has fought the battle of the divine idea with
the material. In this she has suffered, in this she has
conquered. Every drop of blood is a victory, every
funeral pyre, a torch of triumph. A race of men, the

.22 LECTUUE II.

smallest of the peoples of the earth, have stood arrayed
against a world, with ' the idea/ for * the idea/ on be-
half of ' the idea/ and failed not. Surely this is the
thought most elevating, most glorious, most sublime in
the world of man !

And from this point, we now proceed to contemplate
the history of Jewdom. Having thus unban'ed the
portal, we pass over the threshold into the interior of
the edifice.

LECTUKE II.

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM.

The records of liistoiy and the statements of travellers
bearing concnrrent testimony to the fact^ that by all
the peoples of the earth, even by those lowest in the
scale of humanity, a deity is acknowledged, many and
various are the hypotheses which have been advanced,
in order to account for this great phenomenon. What
course ought we to take that we may arrive at a truth-
ful conclusion respecting it? It will be necessary, in
the first place, to keep out of view all developed con-
ditions of the human mind, or the conception of a
divinity would appear to be reached by a developed
intelligence only. We must in like manner, pass over
all ingenious conjectures not admitting of direct proof,
such as the pre-supposition of an original people, a
primeval revelation, a mystic age, etc., — otherwise we
shall have assumed, but we shall not have explained.
Let us then trace the human mind back, to its simplest
and most uncivilized state, and there find the necessity
for the conception of a deity. In this way alone can the
universality of the idea be explained.

Personal identity — the feeling of himself — is natural
to man. He is conscious of differing from all things
else : he feels his individuality, i. e., that he is distinct

24' LKCTLKE II.

from the things external to him. So strong is this
innate perception, that man in a state of nature ex-
periences childish wonder when first he learns, that in his
physical organization he resembles a vast series of
other beings. Having the instinctive feeling of his
separateness from every thing external to himself, his
existence suffices to satisfy him that he exists.

Man is self-conscious ; he pre-eminently is. Other
things surrounding him, however, act upon him : he is
sensible of their salutary or injurious influences ; they
satisfy or they oppose, either his necessities or desires ;
and their tendencies may even be inimical to his ex-
istence. Thus he recognises in them properties favor-
able or adverse to himself, which he must respectively
win and repel, or against which he must defend himself.
He observes further, that in the contest between these
influences and himself, he is generally insufficient to win
their favor, or to divert their hostility. Lastly, he per-
ceives their mutability ; he is to-day benefited by that
which injured him yesterday, and vice versa; whence
again, his own impotence in comparison with the might
dwelling in other things, forcibly impresses him. Thus
is he compelled to acknowledge a power in external
things, which is in opposition to him, because he feels
it has the ascendancy over him — it towers above the
reach of his perceptions. This power in things external
to himself is to him Deity ; the absolute acknowledg-
ment of the former, is the conception of the latter, as it
necessarily must have arisen in every people.

This method of elucidation is to be preferred for two
reasons : first, because it rejects all conjectures of mys-
tical and psychological ingenuity, presupposes nothing
in the rude child of nature but that which is necessarily

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM. 25

inherent in his mental constitution; and also because
in fact the development of the idea of a divinity com-
mences historically from this point.

And at this point, all antiquity remained, and a great
part of mankind still remains, (of course with certain
modifications) viz., the seeking the conception of the
Deity, in things external to man and in their governing-
forces.

The lowest stage* of this conception is Fetishism,
or Shamanism. The crude perception of the Fetish
worshipper recognizes in external things the hostile
only, that which puts obstacles to his existence, or to
the gratification of his wants. Here, all is exclu-
sively personal; the man still refers, child-like, every
thing to himself : whatever is agreeable and useful he
tacitly accepts as a matter of course, but what is an-
tagonistic and hostile excites his attention. He seeks
to propitiate the adversary by sacrifices, and thus to
interest him in his well-being ; or, he tries to overcome
him by means of exorcisms, contortions, dances, etc.
In order to provide himself with a visible sign of this
hostile power, the Shaman selects the first obstacle he en-
counters,— a stone, a block of wood, or the like. So soon
however as an insuperable difficulty again arises, he
acknowledges the first symbol to be ineflectual, deposes
it, and selects another. Throughout Central Africa
and in Upper Asia, this is the grade of intelligence that
exists at the present day amongst an enormous, an
untold population.

But so soon as man has begun to observe nature
external to himself, so soon as his mind has learned to

* The Religious-Philosophy of the Jews. By Dr. S. Hirsch.
Leipsic, 1842.

26 LECTURE TT.

look beyond the present^ and to embrace a longer period
of time, lie becomes cognizant, not only of a destructive,
but also of a beneficent influence. He beliolds division
in this outward nature — life and death, growth and
decay — antagonisms, therefore, in perpetual conflict.
Thence it follows, that the world and life are no longer
to him an unknown entity, but a mystery of which he
seeks the solution. This is the second stage at which
the peoples of Asia, as also Egypt, have remained.
And where was the explanation sought of the mystery
of these two warring powers? First, in the external
forms of nature. Men saw that beneficent and hostile
influences alternately prevail, that the operations of na-
ture begin, cease, and return, according to fixed laws ;
and that consequently, self-preservation is possible
through this order alone, since according to these
laws, at fixed periods, these hostile influences are in-
variably suspended. Thus order or measure appears
as the controller of the destructive powers, bringing
them into balance with the beneficent influences, —
therefore, as divine. This is the religion of Fohi, pro-
fessed by the Chinese and Japanese. They acknow-
ledge a trinomial godhead — Sanzai ; the first, Zai is the
firmament and stars, the fructifier ; the second, the earth,
with fire, air, water, the fructified ; the third is humanity,
which subsists by reason of the order in these two, and
has its personification in the Emperor, as the head of
this order. Every thing must contribute to the pre-
servation of order and of a due balance of power ; man,
therefore, "forms the third of these co-operating powers.

But as this order illustrates only the outward form
or expression of nature, but not the inner essence, the
more developed mind must conceive the beneficent and

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM. 27

hostile influences to be separate antagonistic powers,
which are of necessity adjusted by a third and higher
agency. This view accordingly followed, at first in a
concrete form. Light was believed by the Persians to be
the concrete essence of life, increase, and good ; darkness,
that of death, annihilation, and evil : two equi-potent,
ever-warring powers, Ormuzt and Ahriman. As in
consequence of their equality there could be no other
result from their conflict than their reciprocal destruc-
tion, a third poAver was sought, superior to them —
Zeruane-Akrene, or unknown destiny, who, with in-
conceivable absoluteness, keeps both at war and suffers
neither to achieve the victory. It is the duty of man
to promote the kingdom of Ormuzt, by the reproduc-
tion of life, planting, sowing, etc., and also by external
purity ; as after the lapse of a certain period of time,
the light will yet conquer.

Among intellectual nations, this concrete view would
naturally give place to an abstract one. The Indians
conceived this world of mutability, of alternating birth
and death, that in itself bears no solution of its purpose,
to be a subordinate state — a Here, beyond which there
is a Hereafter, the real positive world, to which the
world visible is but the evil antithesis. Above mutable
existence,* they place existence absolute.f This they
imagine as an infinite unoccupied space — an indefinite
yonder — Brahm. Man can attain to this state of
blessedness, on the condition of a complete renunciation
of the life natural. To effect this, he must mortify
and extinguish his natural appetites, and reduce his
wants to the utmost ; he must dwell alone and motion-
less in profound obliviousness of all other matter of

* £)a6 ©cienbe. t S'aS ©cin.

28 LECTURE II.

thought, lost in the contemplation of the sacred word,
Aoum. But how did the visible Here, come out of
this immaterial Infinite ? The Hereafter, the Indian
knows not. He says, merely, that in Brahm there
arose a thought to create a world in contrast to itself,
and this thought evolved itself into three ruling powers :
Brahma, the creator ; Siva, the destroyer ; Vishnu,
symbolized by water the preserver.

The means by which the material imiverse could evolve
itself out of a nonentity remains, notwithstanding the
above theorem, a riddle unsolved. Amongst the Egyp-
tians, the inscrutability of this question was a chief
article of faith. This inscrutable original being, they
called Neitha : she is that which was, is, and is to come;
but to no mortal has it been granted to raise her mystic
veil. Neitha, therefore, is the inscrutable primal essence,
from whom, they averred, successive trinities emanated ;
and from the last of these, viz., Osiris, Isis, and Horus,
the visible world received being. This Neitha, or primal
essence, has impressed her image on the emanated
world, upon every speciality thereof, but more parti-
cularly on the animal kingdom. The animals represent
individual features of the Deity ; therefore they, such
as cats, crocodiles, ibexes, etc., are worthy of human
worship.

To all the above-named religions, which conceive an-
tagonism in nature under the form of a dual god-
head, resolving itself into a third and higher power,
Sabeanism offered a marked difference. It prevailed
throughout Asia Minor, from Assyria to Phoenicia and
Arabia. According to its system, existence rested, not
in the above-mentioned antagonisms, but in the union
and amalgamation of the naturally antagonistic elements.

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM. 29

Heat and cold, drought and moisture, separately, would
be destructive ; their combination only produces life.
All is therefore necessary ; and the necessity of nature
is the highest, the dominant principle in the universe.
This necessity of nature is shown forth most manifestly
in the stars, especially in the seven planets known to
antiquity — the Sun, Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter,
Venus, and Saturn — which are severally inhabited by
the dominant forces of nature. It is the duty of man
to resign himself entirely to this necessity. The highest
expression of that resignation is offering human sacri-
fices to Moloch, the Sun, the greatest of the gods.

Though all these religions emanated, as we have seen,
from one profound thought, sublimating the mysteries
of being into the certainty of divine agency, yet in
attempting to unravel nature in her separate forms, they
lowered that first thought, and gave fancy free play.
Man in the infancy of civilization, does not distinguish
between things animate and inanimate, but ascribes life
to every natural object. His wonder is especially ex-
cited by such as are lifeless in themselves, yet present
the appearance of activity. To these he is ever prone
to attribute an extraordinary, supernatural, or even
divine power. Therefore the primary difiiculty was,
how man, under the action of these conflicting influ-
ences on himself, should first arrive at the idea of a
divinity, to whom the thought of creation should be
ascribed. This accomplished, he could give free scope
to his imagination, in making to himself, in conformity
with his observations, gods and spirits out of natural and
human objects. Thus in every misfortune the Shaman
sees the interference of evil spirits. The Chinese sets
Genii, whose duty is the preservation of order, over

30 LECTURE II.

every individual^ over every province and state^ over
every mountain and river. He worships these Genii,
in the most hideously shaped idols ; but deposes them
when any thing disturbs this law of general order, i. e.,
when any mischance occurs to himself. The Indian
theory teaches, that out of three supreme powers,
there emanated eight subordinate divinities, among
whom are Suria, the sun, and Indra, the ruler of
the air. Under the dominion of Indra there are
thirty -three good spirits, who are opposed by Jacksha
and Rackshasa, the spirits of evil. But every thing
-in nature is finally an emanation from God. The
Ganges and the Himalaya are actually God, as the ape
and cow are actual prototypes of the Deity. Again, the
Persian places under Ormuzt, the pure spirits of life,
the Fervers, six Amshaspands, and innumerable Izeds,
ever present, ever active, ever honoured agencies, in-
dwelling all things. In the realm of Sabeanism, every
tribe, every city, had its own particular star, which it
worshipped as its god, its Baal. All these rehgions
have a uniform characteristic. The basis on which their
whole system rests, is to ascribe divinity to that which
lies especially under the notice of their votaries, in
India, to the Ganges ; in Egypt, to the Nile ; to light,
in the bright gorgeous land of Persia ; in Asia Minor,
where heat and drought are often injurious, to combi-
nation, etc.

If we turn from the peoples of the East, to those of
the West, we observe a distinctly new phase, the thh-d
grade in our classification. Whereas the former deified
nature, on account of her ever-varying action on man,
the peoples of the West, — Greeks, Romans, and Ger-
mans, deify, within the realm of nature, humanity itself.

ANTIQUITY AND MOSATSM. 31

They identify nature and humanity. The sensations
which external influences produce in man, they trans-
fer to nature herself. The efifects experienced by
the Eastern, are received by him as the natural
action of these phenomena; the Greek, on the con-
trary, attributes to them the will to produce this
effect, the will being consequent upon a feeling per-
taining to them. The Oriental regarded only the
permanent qualities of things ; the Greeks, their tem-
porary influences ; for example, — the same sea which
to-day brings the mariner into the desired haven, may
to-morrow dash him lifeless on desert shores : the same
sun which this year brings forth nature's richest gifts,
may, in the next, scorch up the ground into a barren
pestilential waste. A changing will must therefore
dwell in the things of nature ; and this will must spring
from sentiments similar to those in the breast of man :
from passions such as love, hatred, revenge, or forgive-
ness. From this view, two several consequences are
found to result : first, every natural object has a god in
itself, and this divinity is swayed by human passions;
secondly, every human passion has its own god. There
is a god of heaven — Jove — who now loves, now rages.
Love itself has a god, nay difierent gods, according to
the various kinds of love. There is a god of peace,
and a god of war; and every god lives sometimes in
peace, sometimes at war. Hence, not the world, but the
gods first came into existence. Fancy then exercised un-
limited sway in the realm of natural and psychological
discovery. The line of demarcation between the gods
and men, must, according to the Grecian system, neces-
sarily and wholly disappear ; and thus we find all men
around whose brows the halo of antiquity rests, trans-

32 LECTURE II.

lated to the sphere of the gods. The Roman and north-
ern mythologies have similar tendencies^ and only vary
in accordance with their respective national idiosyn-
crasies. The practical and egotistical Roman aimed, by
means of his gods and their worship, chiefly at the
useful, the German, at personal bravery.

In order to complete the portraiture of the religious
spiritual life of the ancients, it is necessary to glance at
their philosophy, which is however the especial product
of the Grecian mind alone. A modern writer says,
' An unfounded and prejudiced notion it is, to maintain
that the philosophers of paganism had truth in their
lives, although the religions of paganism were false.
To prove the necessity of revelation, recourse is often
had to the assertion, that by means of philosophy, indi-
viduals and the philosophic schools only arrived at a
knowledge of truth, but that through revelation the
whole world is brought near to God.^ And this state-
ment is in the main true ; for the philosophy of the
ancients has had no vocation save this ; first, to over-
throw the religious systems of antiquit}', and afterwards
its own. Philosophy began as did religion, by trying to
discover the cause of all causes, the first principle of
creation. Whilst the Ionic school conceived a particular
element to be that first principle, the Pythagorean, num-
ber and harmony, and the Eleatie school taught that
matter had no substantial existence and that truth
dwelt in the 'abstract' alone; whilst Heraclit us made
destiny, Empedocles again the eternal but ever-changing
combination of the elements, to be the principle of crea-
tion, they had successively idealised and abnegated
Fetishism, and the religions of China, India, Persia and
Sabeanisra. Anaxagoras was the first to distinguish

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM. 33

between the 'visible' and 'invisible/ matter and spirit,
and to declare the spirit to be that M'hich sets matter
in motion. The Visible is at first a 'chaos' combined
of infinitely minute eqnal particles, which the Invisible
the Nov<;, intelligence, sets in motion, and from their
alternate dispersion and combination, the natural world
rose into existence. This idea was evidently also that
of the Egyptian religion. Both refer to an inscrutable
and therefore vague 'first principle.' This theory
was fatal to the religion of Greece, for if intelli-
gence was the supreme principle in the universe, the
claim of the Grecian gods to divine powers was
nullified, since it and the creations of the unbridled
imagination could not co-exist. As this ' intelligence '
of Anaxagoras was still indeterminate and vague, the
Sophists transformed it into a purely subjective prin-
ciple. Nothing exists save that which is perceptible
by the intellect. In opposition to this idea, Socrates
contended that if nothing was, then intelligence or
mind was not, man himself was not, and consequently
man can know nothing; whereas the Sophists, in
holding that that only of which they had knowledge
could have being, presumed they knew everything.
Socrates^ therefore, had recourse to the Life Universal,
of which he took the following external view. The
world is conformable to a fixed purpose and design, be-
cause in it all things harmonize, and the individual is
constantly being absorbed by the general. Therefore,
in the subordination of the individual to the general,
consists virtue. Plato carried this theory further.
He recognized the Universal only to be an abstract
idea ; it reached its ultimatum in the aggregate union
of all specialities, unity in multiplicity. The idea,

34 LECTURE II.

however, had a prc-existence, and the creation and
apphcation of every thing perceptible to the senses
was in accordance with the conception. INIan brings
ideas forth out of himself; he has previously beheld
them in a former state of being ; and as every idea
also presupposes its opposite, the result of the whole
is unity in multiplicity. Aristotle takes an exactly
opposite course. The Universal he asserts, is not a
positive reality, but real only in reference to particular
or special things ; the general is only a possibility ;
the design dwelling in every speciality is what must
be sought after. Aristotle, therefore, pursues speci-
alities as the only actual esisteneies, without tracing
them back to the Universal, to God avIio in his system
is a possibility and no more. He regards nature as
an assemblage of isolated facts. But in this system Avas
involved the disorganization of the philosophy, as well
as of the religion, of the Greeks. In the latter the
gods appear as so many specific divinities, unaccom-
panied by the conception of one Omnipotent Being;
in the former are contained some isolated truths, but
no one generalizing, all pervading, absolute truth. The
later schools eflFectually carried on in the heart of the
Roman Empire, the work of self-dismemberment, till all
the comfortlessness of the Pagan religion as a phi-
losophy became manifest and universally acknowledged,
inducing as its final result, popular and philosophical
scepticism.

Such, my hearers, is the completed picture of the
whole religious mental life of Antiquity, as also of
that part of mankind which at the present day, yet
lingers in this stage of development. Imperfect as
this sketch may be, it is sufficient to indicate to you

ANTIQUITY AND MOSATSM. 35

the basisj the purport, and the result of the Avhole. The
basis is egotism; for all these systems sprang only from
the relation of external nature to man ; — the purport is
the contradiction involved in existence and non-existence,
entity and non-entity, life and death, production and
decay, and in their continuous alternation the union of
which it is impossible to conceive, — the result is despair,
misery, for the consciousness of man cannot extract
the truth, and exhausts itself in the attempt. What
is God in man's sight ? Either a voluntarily accepted
necessity, whose being is inexplicable, or a voluntarily
assumed third existence, by whose omnipotent decree
the antagonism of two other divinities is upheld ; or
an unmeaning empty ' Yonder,' whence the transit to
this world, the ' Here,' is incomprehensible ; or the
ingenuous confession of the Inscrutable — it is, but we
know not what it is. Creations of the fancy fill up the
gaps. How real and how general were the misery and
despair reigning in the consciousness of man, in the
later periods of the Roman empire, history clearly
shows; and of this subject we purpose at a fitting
moment to resume the consideration.

With these things Mosaism came into contact. From
its earliest growth to its latest stage, it remained in
distinct contrast, as a mental system, to antiquity, until
that antiquity had entirely exhausted its own vitality,
and had proved, even to self-conviction, its inability to
discover truth. Certain truths it had indeed been able
to bring to the test of human consciousness ; yet these
were but of secondary value, since they had not been
resolvable into one absolute truth.

What then is the essential point of diff"erence be-
tween the religions and philosophemes of Antiquity,

LECTURE II.

and Mosaism ? The former had proceeded from mail,
from the apparently antagonistic relation of outward
nature to man. In the presence of the mystery, the
antagonism of life and deaths being and non-being,
which he could not solve, man assumed them to be
divine. But Mosaism went forth from God. The
former said — ' The world is, therefore is there a God';
but the latter declared, — ' God is, therefore the world
exists.'

Starting from this one proposition, all becomes clear
to our view. Antiquity saw mankind and the world,
and sought as their originator a Deity. Mosaism
found God, or rather possesses Him, and proceeding
from God, comes to the world and mankind. The
Deity of the religious and philosophic systems of an-
tiquity, could not possibly be aught save the personifi-
cation of their own view of nature : therefore the
antagonism visible in its external phenomena, they
asci'ibed to the cause of that phenomena. In Mosaism
this antagonism did not exist, for no such principle of
division could spring from the Divine Unity. While
the mind of Paganism could not advance beyond
the idea of production and dissolution, being and non-
being — to the mental perception of Mosaism, the con-
ception and existence of God presented no difficulty;
it realized God Himself, and the resolution of all exist-
ence in Him. The human idea repeatedly relapsed into,
and clothed itself in Polytheism, while Mosaism in its
recognition of the anity of God as the basis of its
faith, ensured its OAvn everlasting endurance.

But laying aside antithesis, let us consider the indi-
vidual purport of Mosaism. What I have just ad-
vanced is confirmed by tho first words of Scripture.

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM. 37

" In the beginning God created tlie Heaven and the
Karth." God was, and created the world. God is, and
the world is the consequence of His being ; it has in
Him its existence. It receives from Him its origin.
God suffered it to be at first Tohu Vabohu, chaos, and
then He developed in order and time the grand pheno-
mena of nature ; first its universal phenomenon, light ;
then the special elemental phenomena, expansion, water,
earth ; then the specific terrestrial phenomena of the
vegetable and animal kingdoms, etc.; and lastly, the
highest and most perfect speciality, Man. The great
doctrines of Mosaism are therefore : —

1. God is absolute Being.

2. The Universe is His work, in that He operates
the continual transformation of the general into the
special.

3. God is beyond and superior to, or rather above,
the Universe. God and nature are not identical ; the
latter is only His world, a combination of specialities,
and not God, who is absolute.

4. God as absolute essence is Unity,

5. The world is a Unity; in it everything harmo-
nizes, all is necessary, all is good.

In the above established dogma, all the questions of
antiquity are either precluded or answered. As the
world is contemplated, not from the standard of man's
egotism, but from the Universality of the Divine
Author, the question as to salutary and pernicious in-
fluences can no longer be entertained. For these are
relative terms, indicative of the egotistical standard of
judgment erected by man, according to which the infinite
consequences of the designs of a Divine Providence are
made referable to man, his desires, and their gi'atification.

38 LECTURE II.

(That which in itself is good, may be hurtful to me :
the wind which purifies the atmosphere of an entire pro-
vincCj may be to me an agent of destruction) . Even in
production and dissolution there dwells no antagonism ;
since both are resolvable into general existence. They
occur in a speciality only, that is but a link severed
from, and then re-united to, the great chain of the
Universe. In accordance with the spirit of Mosaism,
we find that the same word expresses both the world
and eternity D7iy.* Neither can the question how the
world, the ' Here', proceeded from the world 'Beyond',
again arise, for the world is not out of God, but by means
of God, whose appointment it is, that the general being
shall ever develop itself into special existences.

Thus Mosaism teaches that God is an absolute Being
n^nX "IS^'X (ITIJ^, consequently one and alone ; above
the world ; Creator of the world ; the unity of all
specialities. God cannot therefore be a speciality,
therefore is He incorporeal, and therefore He cannot
be represented either in one of His works, or by a
" likeness" the work of man's hands. For the same
reason, because God is no speciality, is He holy, z.e., in
Him all special properties resolve into one Universality,
therefore also is He perfect. As God is absolute Being,
He is of no time ; He is eternal : a speciality only is
bom and dies. In like manner. He is unlimited in His
being and power, Omnipresent and Omnipotent (HJi^).

Thus by means of a comprehensive and intelligible
agnition of the Divinity, Mosaism dismissed the vacant
Yonder of the Indian, the Inscrutable of the Egyptian,
the Necessity of the Sabean, the inexplicable Destiny
of the Persian, and all the phases of philosophy to
* 1 Mos. 21—33.

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM. 39

which these correspoiid; and became, thereby, the
most inflexible opponent of the corrupt refuge of these
religions, Polytheism and Idolatry. Whatever truths
had been discovered by these religions and philosphemes,
were now resolvable into that 'truth' enunciated in
Mosaism, which, while condemning their error^ sub-
stituted for their want of consolation the strongest and
deepest confidence and trust. At this point only, where
the action of the philosophic religious systems of an-
tiquity closes, does the mission of Mosaism in reality
open.

The history of creation, as given in Scripture, must
by no means be taken in a literal sense. It imparts
to us only the great ideas, by which the creation is
conceivable to our faculties. We learn that universal
existence became gradually more special, and in this
manner the whole progress of creation is rendered in-
telligible.

First there was chaos, then light, then expansion,
etc. We are told how in process of time the Creation
regularly developed itself : — that therefore God had
thus set it forth from the beginning on certain fixed
laws, from which, after different revolutions, a settled
order, a cycle of life, proceeded. By the ' world,'
Mosaism understands the aggregate of all specialities,
existing by reason of the laws of nature established
by God. At the head of these specialities, as the
most perfect speciality, stands man. The perfection
of speciality in him consists in this; that he is
on one hand alone, in connection with the material
Universality, consisting of the aggregate of all speciali-
ties, the world ; while, on the other he returns to the
absolute Universality — to God.

40 LECTURE II.

Mosaism ascribes to man a dual nature, formed of
body and soul ; but this duality is again a higher unity,
as we shall have occasion to show hereafter. With
reference to the creation of the lower animals, the
scriptural phrase is, ' God created it/ but in the
creation of man a two-fold act is announced : He
formed him out of the dust of the earth, as a speciality
of the material world, and breathed into his nostrils
the breath of life ; gave him His ' Spirit,' as it is said
previously to the flood; 'my Spirit in men shall not
always succumb.'* By this Spirit man is related to
the absolute Universality — to God: 'Created in His
image.' t It follows, from the nature of Mosaism, that
the image of the Deity in man can relate to the Spirit
alone, as the repeated assertion that God is " God of
the spirits of ail flesh " clearly demonstrates.

This, my respected hearers, is the most important of
all the teachings of Mosaism in reference to man, and
the basis on which the whole fabric is erected, and by
which its symmetry becomes most manifest : God's
likeness to dualistic man, on the side of the Spirit. As
the chief featiure of this Divine likeness, Mosaism
points to freedom and free agenc3^ Man shall have
dominion over all creatures around him : he assigns to
them their names : Adam can eat of the forbidden fruit,
but he can also abstain ; Cain can act righteously, but
also wickedly; again when the entire law was promul-
gated, the words ran, " Behold ! I have put before thee
Life and Death, choose Life." J There is nowhere in
Mosaism a trace of the invincible Necessity of the
Sabeans, who believed the destiny of man to be influ-

* 1 Mos. 6, 3. t 1 Mo8. 1, 27 ; 5, 1.

X 5 Mos. 11, 2(j ; Ibid. 3—15, 19.

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM. 41

enced by the stars, nor of the inscruta])lc Destiny of the
Persians, nor of the irrevocable Fate of the Greeks and
Romans, to which even Jupiter and all the gods were
subject. Mosaism declares man to be free and self-
determining, for he bears the image of God.

But if the nature of man is dual, connected on one
hand with the material world, and on the other with
God; if his spirit is created in the likeness of God,
and therefore free and self-determining, then it follows,
that the aim and purport of his life must be to strive
after a still greater resemblance to God, to promote the
egress of the spirit from the bodily speciality, and make
it approximate to the universal ; to control the egotism
of his physical nature ; not like the Indian, to destroy it
and place in its stead the egotism of a passive intellectual
life ; — to command and to regulate it, and to resolve it
into the universal by the practice of love and justice.
' Be thou holy as the Lord tliy God is holy.' "^ ' Thou
shalt be perfect with the Lord thy God.'f But this
very freedom of man, this self-determining power, makes
evil possible as well as good. He can give himself up
to the egotism of his material nature ; he can wantonly
combat those influences which tend to stem the tide of
his desires, and give free course to sensual passions,
to anger, or to avarice. In a word, he can commit sin.
Two kinds of sin are represented in Scripture, one
showing the sensual nature of man in itself, and the
other, the obstacle which society places to the indul-
gence of individual desires. In the one instance, man
deviates from the destination divinely assigned to him,
in the other he violates the right of his fellow-creature.
These two phases of transgression are illustrated in the
* 3 Mos. 19, 2 ; 20, 7. t 5 Moa. 18, 13.

43 LECTURE II.

history of Paradise and the fratricide of Cain. In both
instances, in the violation of God's command and of
the right of his brother, man commits sin. The object
of these narratives is to proclaim, not the origin of here-
ditary sin, in which the nullification of man's freedom
and self-determining power would be involved, but the
inherent possibility of sin in man. This possibility of
sin is a consequence of man's dual nature, and of his
freedom. Thus the question, ' How can sin exist in
God's perfect world?' is answered in Mosaism by
anticipation. Sin is not a universal, an absolute ex-
istence, but a condition of the individual in relation to
himself, of which the effect is limited to that individual,
and extends not to the universal. Indeed sin, as an
attestation of the freedom and self-determining faculty
of man, is considered from a general point of view,
good. For the Persian, sin is a furtherance of the
power of darkness, of the god of evil, Ahriman, and
therefore of general import. In Mosaism, sin is merely
a circumstance pertaining to the individual sinner, and
entirely without general bearing. Sin is not the
nature of man, but a possibility in the nature of man.
Mosaism recognises man as the unity of body and
spirit ; by the former, linked to the egotism of material
nature ; in the latter, godlike, free and self-deter-
mining, consequently having the destination of nearer
approximation to God, but also the possibility of sin.

Such are the teachings of Mosaism respecting God,
the world and man. What is the relation which God
holds to the world and to man ?

The relation of God to the visible world He created,
and to which He assigned fixed laws and order, by
means of which it endures, is not identical with the

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM. 43

relation He holds to man, made in His image, having
the destination granted him of ever nearer approach
to his Maker, yet possessing, by reason of his free
will, the power of pursuing a contrary course.

For the better definition of our meaning we will make
use of the terms direct and indirect. The Creator is in
indirect relation with the world — it exists by reason of
the immutable laws He established; but with the
human soul, formed after His own likeness. He is in
direct relation : for here there mvist be assumed on the
part of the human mind a free development, and on
the part of God a continual operation. That such a
direct relation of God to man must exist, is self evident
from the constitution of the human mind, and the
thence deducible destination of man. God made him
in His own image, thus in direct connection with Him-
self. But wherein consists this direct relation of God
to man? 1st. In the continual providential guidance of
the destiny of mankind. God having created man with
the capability of realizing a certain ultimate destination.
His design would fail were this destination not attained,
and this seems to be illustrated in the record we have
of the generation living at the time of the Deluge.
If therefore the design of the Creator is to be carried
into effect. He must lead man, whose freedom of action
renders a contrary result possible, in the way of its
accomplishment. This principle is declared in every
page of the Mosaic writings. The guidance of indi-
vidual men, the divine hand in their destiny, is every-
where averred in solemn, striking, words. Here also
repeated indications are found of the divine conduct
of all the people of the earth towards religious and
social perfection, an idea of which the final enunciation

LECTUllE II.

was conveyed by the prophets. lu the pre-mosaic
history, however, Mosaistn makes significant allusions
to this providential gnidance, in the narrative of the
Tower of Babel and in the biography of Joseph. Mow
this guidance of man's destiny accords with his free-
dom and free agency as arbiter of his own fate, is a
question answered by anticipation in Mosaism. God
ordains the outward conditions which are to form his
sphere of action ; his birth, family and possessions are
of His appointment; within that sphere, man's course
is left free; by reason of the fore-knowledge of all
human actions, which is an unfailing attribute of the
Omniscient, events are so directed that they reach
their appointed end. By means of their free agency
the brethren of Joseph sold him into slavery; but God
so ordered all things that this act resulted in the salva-
tion, by Joseph's instrumentality, of an entire nation
from famine, and in the translation of Jacob's family
into the land of Egypt.

The second condition of the direct relation of God
toman is 'that God is the Judge of the actions of
men.' Having given him a destination, He must
provide, that on the furtherance of this, His work,
as on every interruption of the same, the due respective
consequences shall follow. Mosaism teaches this in the
most emphatic language ; and here again we must revert
to the view of sin given in Mosaism. Sin is a quality
that relates to the individual himself, and is without
any essential existence in the Universe or created
world. This condition therefore can be changed or
altogether removed. The sinner can return to virtue ;
and like alternations must be possible in respect of the
* 1 Mos. 45. 5. 50. 20.

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM. 45

effects of sin. The punislunent must take place, but
the sinner must be forgiven when he returns to virtue.
God is Judge^ and cannot permit sin to be unpunished,
but He is also merciful, and will forgive the guilt of the
penitent. This apparent contradiction is in Mosaism
prominently asserted, and beautifully solved. It pro-
claims, in repeated instances, that ' the Everlasting is
a merciful and gracious God, long suffering, and of
infinite goodness and truth, who forgiveth iniquity,
transgression and sin, yet will not suffer the guilty to
go unpunished, and remembereth the sins of the fathers,
on the children and children's children.' It is well
known that a sentiment of pseudo- charity and exag-
gerated love has often made this last expression — 'Visit-
ing the sins, etc shewing mercy unto thousands of

them that love him, and keep his commandments/ — the
object of attack, without its being remembered that these
words, superficially considered, present too apparent a con-
tradiction not to indicate that the real meaning is to be
sought somewhat deeper. If we consider real life, (and
this, it will be admitted, is the highest test of the truth
of a doctrine), do we not at once perceive numberless cases
where the descendants suffer from the material conse-
quences of the crimes of their progenitors ? The parents
living in excess, beget a race that brings into the world
the seeds of debility and death. The dishonour of the
father presses down the fortunes of the son — the spend-
thrift makes his heir a beggar — Louis XVI., a kind
and good man, is guillotined for the sins of his prede-
cessors. Thus we see that reality confirms the truth of
the emphatic assertion of Mosaism. It will be stated in
reply, that this process of retribution is but natural
and just : the material consequences follow directly

LECTURE II.

upon the sin, and God, in His conduct of man's
destin}^, permits these consequences to be visible.
Yes : this is the solution. As Judge, God suffers the
natural consequences to follow upon sin, and thus leaves
it not uncondemned. But sin is not only a material
act, it is also a condition of the soul in relation to God.
It has interrupted and checked the soul of man in its
approach to its Maker ; it is God's mercy that calls the
penitent, that forgives transgression, removes the ob-
stacles in his path, and brings the sinner's soul back to
Himself. Such is the doctrine of Mosaism ; it declares
that God as Judge, leaves nothing impunished, and
permits sin to have its natural result ; but that in His
mercy He forgives guilt and recalls sinners to Himself.
This direct relation of God to man, finds in Mosaism
its truest and most unequivocal expression.

3rdly. ' God hath revealed Himself.' Revelation is
assumed throughout the whole of the Mosaic writings.
At first it is introduced by the inspired penman with a
simple affirmative Tl 1t2^'') 'God spake'; afterwards
historically, as he himself is taught. Throughout the
whole period of his mission, he is ever conscious of
being the recipient of the revelation, for not alone does
Moses remind the people that ' from heaven He hath
let thee hear His voice in order to teach thee,' but in
Num. xii., he fully explains the diff'erent kinds of di\ane
revelation, and in other passages he enumerates the
conditions of true revelation, and the signs by which it
may be known to be divine ; namely, that it contain
nothing which shall contradict the previously-revealed
conception of the Divine Being ; as, for instance, the
representation of the Deity in any form, or the doctrine
of more gods than one. That according to the spirit of

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM. 47

Mosaism, our notion of revelation be neither feeble nor
false^ is provided for from tlie very commencement.
Mosaism unquestionably compreliends under this head ;
Istj the declaration of general fixed principles to the
people ; and^ 2ndly , the direct agency and inspiration
of God finding utterance in the representations and
convictions of certain chosen men. The essential
quality^ however, is, that divine revelation in Mosaism
is neither an accidental circumstance nor an adopted
costume, a garment laid aside at will, without the
essence clothed being thereby aff'ected. Men are too
much accustomed to look on revelation in Mosaism as
the modus rerum narrandarum only, as the style of the
report having no relation to its purport and its truth.
But this is not the case. Revelation is an integral part,
the corner-stone of Mosaism. God having given to
man a spirit after His own likeness, with the destination
of continual approximation to his Maker, having made
man free and self-determining, and as a necessary con-
sequence of that freedom, exposed to the possibility of
pursuing a course opposite to his true destination; a
further necessary consequence was, that God should
make known Truth to His creatures, as without it they
Avould wander in constant error, fall short of the aim
of their being, and at length come to misery and des-
pair, as the history of an antiquity devoid of revelation
has shown.

It was necessary that mankind should pass through
their various and peculiar phases of development, attain
whatever their nature was qualified to accomplish, and
in order generally to fit them for the acceptance of the
truth, that their development should be wholly un-
fettered. For this reason, divine revelation did not go

48 LECTURE II.

forth at once to the whole worhl, but was entrusted to
a small people, chosen and reared for this purpose.
Mosaism then considers revelation as the perfect direct
relation of God to Man. God were but partly in
direct relation, if He only conducted the destinies of
men, judged their actions and forgave their sins ; for
here, as with the government of other creatures, merely
fixed laws, though of a higher order, would obtain.
God having, however, created the spirit of man after
His own image, thereby placed man in direct relation
to Himself, and must in as direct a manner unfold the
truth to his view. By means of, and in revelation,
God is in direct relation to man ; therefore revelation
is not a modus only, but an integral part of that doc-
trine, whose very essence is the direct relation of God
to man. That God conducts the destinies of men
and judges their actions, is only proved and shown in
His having also directly revealed to him the truth.
But for revelation, the divine government of human
affairs could be but supposed and assumed.

And now, at the conclusion, we must revert to the
beginning. We have seen that Mosaism went forth
from God to the world, and to men. How did it
effect this ? Because the God of Mosaism is a re-
vealed God. The knowledge of God is not acquired
by means of speculation, for then it nmst have first
arisen in man, proceeded from him to the world, and
thence have reached to God, to be finally lost in the
phases of the religions and philosophcmes of paganism.
Mosaism knows God, and by means of this realized
God, it receives its knowledge of the world and of men.
Mosaism knows God, because God has made Himself
known to Mosaism. Mosaism demands that the Divine

ANTIQUITY AND MOSAISM. 49

Being be comprehended, not discovered, by the intellect ;
therefore do we repeatedly meet with the injunction to
"know God/' Human intelligence did not first find
Him, but received Him by means of revelation. The
whole truth of Mosaism thus demands a divine revelation,
which revelation is explained previously by the declara-
tion of the creation of man in the image of God, In
demanding that fact, revelation declares its possibility.

Were I here, my friends, to give not only a history,
but arguments in proof of Judaism, I should have to
answer a number of objections to which the so-called
rational view of the subject would at this point give
rise. But I have to adhere strictly to history, by which,
perhaps, in its course, these unsolved remaining ques-
tions will be best answered. In this place I desired
only to prove by means of Mosaism itself, the absolute
necessity of Revelation to Mosaism.

We have therefore clearly defined the doctrine of
God as declared in Mosaism, in contradistinction to the
dualistic systems of antiquity. Mosaism proclaimed : —

1. God is absolute Being.

2. The Avorld is His creation, in which the universal
by degrees becomes special.

3. God is superior to and beyond the world, one and
alone, incorporeal, holy, eternal, omnipresent and om-
nipotent.

4. Man is the unity of body and spirit ; his spirit
created in the image of God, with the destination of
ever nearer approximation to God, free and self- deter-
mining, with the possibility of sin.

5. God is in direct relation to man, in that He con-
ducts him towards perfection, is judge of his actions,
the consequences of which He permits to appear ; but

50 LECTURE II.

cancels the guilt of the penitent, and has revealed to
him the truth.

This is 'the religious idea/ as Mosaism introduced
it into the world, which, notwithstanding continued
antagonism, has ever since been extending its dominion
over mankind. The unity of God; the unity of the
world ; the unity of man : the indirect relation of
God to the world by virtue of nature's laws; His direct
relation to man, by providence, judgment, and reve-
lation.

LECTURE III.

ON THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM.

In our examination of the morality of the social con-
stitution of Mosaism, we must direct oiu* attention
especially to two points — 1st. It estabHshes that man,
in all his relations, is a unity^ and that each of his
component parts^ having one and the same point of
departure, is to he collaterally and equally developed.
Further, the ideal in Mosaism differs not from the real,
nor the doctrine from the life, nor the cultivation of
head and heart from the line of action. By firmly
establishing these first principles, Mosaism clears the
road, by which their realisation may be attempted and
achieved. Therefore all extremes, that would force hu-
man effort beyond the limit of human power and capa-
city, are foreign to, and unknown in, Mosaism. In it
rehgion is not a thing apart from life ' here,^ on earth,
an ideal world, into which man retires, and in which he
abstracts himself for an hour's brief space, and whence
he emerges, without substantial or direct guidance, to
re-enter the actual world of men, wherein all appears
to contradict that ideal world of religion.

On the contrary, in Mosaism the entire life is religion,
and religion is the entire life : ovit of it, a religious

E 2

52 LECTURE III.

'Here' is to issue ; therefore it does not merely treat
of, but actually develops out of itself, alike morality and
the law of society, alike virtue and right.

2. As Mosaism was addressed originally to one par-
ticular race, under particular circumstances, and at a
certain period of the world's history, it not only esta-
blishes general fixed principles, but invests them in
certain specific ordinances (a garb suited to the age and
people), forming a comprehensive code of national laws,
from Avhich we have to extract the essential general
thoughts and purport. For the attainment of this end,
we must now often depart from the ISIosaic letter, in
order to seize the Mosaic spirit. We should further
lay down two rules for our guidance in the performance
of our task, viz. — We must carefully deduce the general
design from the specific provisions ; and, secondly, time
and circumstances being duly weighed, we must discard
that, and that only, Avhich appertains exclusively to
them — we must faithfully adhere to, and retain that,
which appertains equally to all times and circumstances.

What, then, is the leading and highest principle of
morals in Mosaism ? It declares man to be created in
the image of God ; therefore is the deduction manifest,
that the command, " Ye shall be holy, for I the Lord
vour God am holy," * is the first and highest principle
of Mosaic morality. From this first principle three
conclusions may be drawn—

1. Mosaism places the ground-work of all good, not
in man, but in God. Hence what is good in God is
good in man also ; and man shall do good, because it is
good in the sight of God. By these axioms incalculably
much is achieved. In the first place, all human doubts
* 3 Mos. 19. 2.

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OP MOSAISM. 53

and uncertainty are dispelled. By these means alone,
in fact, we clearly perceive and know what is good, since
from God only all individuality is absent ; in Him alone
no egotism can exist. In tlie second nlace, the aim of
the good is fully determined, that aim being declared
to be, not contentment (after all, but a refined egotism),
but approximation to God.

2. Formal, external sanctification cannot here be the
matter in question, the holiness of man being referred
to the holiness of God. This sanctification is not to be
efifected by the ceremonial of religion : it is not an act
of di^^ne worship, but the life practical and spiritual,
since in the sight of God, in no forms, but in attributes
and deeds, consists "holiness." In accordance with
this principle, the sanctification of the life and the
spirit constitutes man's '' holiness."

3. This principle again comprehends that of the
unity of man. Religious morality and social life are
not presented to us in Mosaism, as distinct entities,
having an ideal, but not a real and intimate union ; on
the contrary, holiness includes them all, for this god-
like holiness admits not of religion without morality,
nor of morality without social virtue, but requires that
the same character prevail throughout all these phases
of life.

Let us now examine this Holiness in the minutest
details in which it has reference to the individual rela-
tions of every human being, and we shall perceive that
in Mosaism man is universally an independent self-
determining creature, a being endued with independent
natural powers and rights. Mosaism in no wa^^ requires
of man self-abnegation, the sacrifice of his individuality ;
on the contrary, it elevates that individuality to its

54 LECTURE III.

highest possible position. Throughout Mosaism conse-
quently, this Holiness is but another term for love, with
which it is identical ; for love is not self-sacrifice, love
is self-devotion. This self-devotion is the true manifest-
ation of the individuality of, as the bestowal of gifts
presupposes possession in, the giver. Of man subject to
the law of love, one undivided feehng pervades and
permeates the whole being, and inasmuch as he thereby
becomes entirely self-conscious of his own nature, inso-
much is that being exalted and refined. Mosaism
therefore declares the first and highest principle of
man^s relation to his God to be, — *'Thou shalt love the
Lord thy God with all thy heart, with all thy soul, and
with all thy might.'^^ The individuality of man under
all its conditions even in his relation to his God, is, in
this comprehensive enumeration, most emphatically
recognised, (with all thy heart, with all thy soul, and
with all thy might), while it at the same time demands
that such individuality should merge into seK-devotion
to that God.

Just so is it with the relation of man to his feUow-
men, — ^Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself; '-}-
here again the individuality of the individual man as
thyself, is asserted and fully justified, but the love
shall in like manner operate as self-devotion. Man
shall self-devote himself to his neighbour, as he does
natiirally to himself. Thus while all self-inflicted tor-
ments and all self-denying asceticism are opposed to the
spirit, and unknown in the letter of the Mosaic code,
Mosaism elevates its follower to the loftiest position in
which man is still man endowed with all the rights of
man, but in which man, for the attainment of the end

* 5 Mos. 6. 6. t 3 Mos. 19. 18 ; id. 34.

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM. 55

and aim of liis being, must practise not self-annihila-
tion, but self-devotion. At the option of the individual
therefore, are left the exercise of private devotion, and
attendance at public worship. This assertion may,
prima facie, appear strange, if not startling, since the
law of Moses contains the most minute and stringent
enactments for the order and regulation of divine
worship. But the Mosaic ordinances for the sacrifices
and the worship, referred to, and were intended for, not
the individual, but the whole people of Israel. There
was to be one general sanctuary for the whole nation,
(in a country 500 square miles in extent, one only) in
which sacrifices were to be offered in the name of all
the people. No sacrifice, no prayer, is prescribed to
the individual man. He c an hxin^ free-will oWexm^^*
he can vow vows, but he is not compelled so to do.
Thus the Mosaic worship is but the image or represen-
tation of the intimate general religious connection of
the whole people of Israel ; and the circumstances in
which the individual is commanded to bring a sacrifice
as a sin-offering, are in fact only those in which he has
committed some offence against the above-named gene-
ral national religious union, (its object not being to
generate by means of observances, a religious frame of
mind and spirit in the individual); or (as in the
instances of the Paschal lamb and the firstlings of the
flock) it is done as a public recognition by the indi-
vidual, of the religious connection that obtained through-
out the community.

A new light f is shed on the Mosaic worship when

* 3 Mos. 22. 17, 18.

t I here venture to submit to the reader an impression early
produced by a general view of the Mosaic sacrificial system, and

56 LECTURE III.

viewed from this point. On the individual it is impera-
tive only, to love God, reverence God, to serve Him and

subsequently wlaolly confirmed by close examination of its
numerous, ample, and detailed enactments. It is advanced,
that this system of sacrifices was in fact in Palestine, theore-
tically and practically, a comprehensive system of national
charity, a grand code of ' national poor laws,' if I may use the
term.

First. ' It was a provision for one-twelfth of the people,
among whose numbers were the priests, physicians, teachers, and
ministers of domestic devotion, who had ^no portion in Israel.
3 Secondly. The things sacrificed or devoted by the mass, were to
be apphed to the sujjport of the poor, the fatherless and the
widow, and the stranger within the gates. Thirdly. *A portion
was to be set apart, and the enjoyment of these gifts of God was
to be an especial act of grateful devotion on the part of their
possessor. These last- mentioned enactments make it self-evident
again, that with the 'word " sacrifice" is connected in modern
times and in living languages, an idea totally different from that
which Moses intended it should convey. Its recent and present
acceptation is the abandonment of something either physically
or mentally agreeable, of a pleasure or enjoyment for the sake of
some duty to God or man, to be fulfilled by that abandonment.
In the law contained in Deuteronomy, xvii. 11 and 13; also
xxvi. 10, 11, 12, 13, as in truth in the whole chapter, sacrifice
is synonymous with enjoyment for the sacrificer ; enjoyment
alike material and spiritual ; since with the enjoyment of
that which satisfies his material appetites and tastes, are asso-
ciated the two highest and purest of all spiritual or moral enjoy-
ments. It brings with it namely, approximation to God, as the
earthly agent and distributor of His rich gifts to men, and indi-
vidual gratitude to the givei- of all good, whose ex2)ression is, as
the ultimate act of worshij), not pain but joy. ^ "Ye shall rejoice
befoi'e your God."

In order to avoid if possible extending these remarks beyond
the limits of a foot-note, I have abstained from textuaUy quoting

1 3 Mos. 10. 14; 5 Mos. 18, 1.

2 4 Mos. 18. 20, 21 ; Ibid 30-32.

3 5 Mos. If). 11—14 , Ibid 2G. 11, 12, 13.

■• 5 Mos. 12. 6—12; Ibid 17—21 ; 5 Mos. 14. 22—29.
5 5 Mos. 26. 11, 12, 13.

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM. 57

to cling to Hinij in order to show forth holiness in the
life and in the spirit ; "^ but by what manner and mode of
worship and prayer^ each man is free to choose.

The falfilling of the command^ to love your fellow-
man, is to be accomplished in our two-fold relation ;
first, in that to the individual, and secondly, in that to
the aggregate of these individuals composing the com-
munity.

In the first relation, this love negatives its antago-
nisms, t Hatred and revenge must be banished, even
from the depths of the heart. True Mosaism eifects
this ; it tends also to counteract the influence exercised
by these passions on human actions, and gives as an
example thereof, that, " J If thou meetest thine enemy's

the passages alluded to. I bespeak tlie patience of the reader
for their verification and perusal. He will find that in no
instance has their teaching been inferred, or their purport
strained. I have farther to adduce as confirmatory, circum-
stantial historical evidence, the passage of the 1st book of Samuel,
chap. ii. from the 12th to the 17th ver. Among the sinful
dealings of the sons of Eli, there is set forth their appropriating
to themselves more than the priests' portion of the sacrifices.
This clearly shows that even in the time of the Judges, and
before the erection of the temple as the one depot for the
national offerings, adherence to the benevolent ordinances of the
Mosaic code in the partition of such offerings was enforced, and
their infringement by the officiating priest, regarded as a heavy
iniquity. I might further enlarge upon the mercy which coun-
teracted the possible action of selfishness and made it a condition
that not the worst but the best should be selected and set apart,
in common parlance sacrificed, — things wholly pure, and therefore
fit for edible purposes. — A. M. G.

* 5 Mos. 10. 12.

t 3 Mos. 19. 17, 18. — " Thou shaft not hate thy brother in thine
heart ; thou shalt in anywise rebuke thy neighbour and not
suffer sin upon him,'&c.

X 2 Mos. 23. 4, 5 ; 5 Mos. 22. 1, 2.

58 LECTURE III.

OX or his ass going astray^ thou shalt siu'ely bring it
back again to him, if thou seest the ass of him that
hateth thee lying under his burden, and wouldest for-
bear to help him, thou shalt surely help him/' Justice
and compassion are the positive expressions of this love.
Thus Mosaism not only strictly forbids any infringe-
ment of the former, but insists forcibly on an inflexible
and strenuous antagonism to all manner of injustice,
fraud, oppression, violence, bribery, false testimony,
respect of persons, perjury, false Aveights and measures,
and the like. Yet more, it does not merely counsel the
exercise of mercy and compassion in a set of well-turned,
poetically tender precepts, but by means the most prac-
tical and direct, it elevates charity into a binding legal
obligation. To this point, my hearers, permit me now
to call your attention.

The ultimate and direct relation, established by
Mosaism between God and man, which leads the latter
to perceive that the principle of all that is good dwells
in God, must also make it manifest that God is the
source of all justice ; and that by the fulfilment of the
command, "That which is wholly right and just shall
ye do,"* man maintains this intimate and direct con-
nexion with God. In His law, God has defined what is
just. God is ever the abstract and instrument of all
good, and of universal morality. Doing what is right
is therefore reverence to God ; transgression against the
right, transgression against God, of which God takes
cognizance, and Avhich He punishes. Mosaism also
establishes individual freedom and self-dependence, and
gives expression to their validity in love. God has also,
by means of His law, brought the knowledge of the
* f) Mos. 16. 20.

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM. 59

right clearly before the consciousness of mankind, so
that they know how to distinguish between good and
evil. The laws of Moses rest upon, and result from,
the conformity of these two propositions. Justice
dwells in God ; injustice is an infi'ingement of this
divine general morality. Man is called upon, as God's
agent, to enquire into and punish committed wrong —
"Ye shall remove evil from the midst of you, that the
whole land be not accursed."'^" In Mosaism, therefore,
human justice is administered in the name of God ; and
the judge, fully sensible of his self-dependence, is equally
self-conscious that he knows, and is bound to administer,
the justice of God. Proof must be obtained, by means
of human witnesses, in order that the judge may decide
between the innocent and the guilty. The chastise-
ment, of which the object is, not to produce terror, but
to re-establish infringed public morality, must corre-
spond with the offence. Therefore, Mosaism nowhere
permits appeals to so-called divine intervention, nor
admits into its code supernatural punishments and
ordeals. Divine judgments, such as are recorded in the
annals of antiquity and the middle ages, and are allowed
by the Koran, are unknown in Mosaism. The rack and
torture, that disgraced Europe till the middle of the last
century, and ransoms for the murderer, accepted among
the Greeks and Germans, and permitted by the Koran,
are equally forbidden. By it are expressly denied the
right of the parent over the life of the child, of the master
over that of the slave, the participation of the chil-
dren and relatives in the punishment of the culprit.f
The tribunals were open and public, the judicial pro-
ceedings were conducted verbally, in presence and under

* 5 Mos. 17. 7, 12. t 5 Mos. 24. 16.

60 LECTURE III.

the presidency of the elders of the community.'^ Ive-
gard for the dignity of man was a chief clement of
Mosaic justice. " The body of him who had been
hanged was not to hang until the morning."

In refemng to the laws respecting charity, compas-
sion, and benevolence, we find that Mosaism declares,
that the portion of the produce of the soil it adjudged
to the poor, belonged to them as a right. Man receives
the ground from God; through the blessing of that
God, his labour is crowned with an abundant harvest.
God transfers His claim to a portion of that harvest to
the poor. To them Mosaism distributes, as their due,
the spontaneous produce of every seventh year, — the
fallow or Sabbatical year, — the second tithe of every
third and sixth year, all that grew in the corners of the
field, all that fell from the hand of the reaper, all for-
gotten sheaves and shocks, the gleaning of the olive-
tree and vineyard.f This selection of alms, being all
of the " fruit of the ground," was entirely adapted to
the then constitution of the people of Israel, as a nation
of husbandmen. But according to the spirit of the law
of Moses, the form of those gifts must everywhere ac-
commodate itself to the altered circumstances of the
Israelites in other lands, and the laws apply equally to
the fruits of industry and commerce. It may be ob-
jected, that a charity, legally enacted, is, in fact, a
forced compuisory benevolence. In reply, the •\\ell-
known truth may be urged, that the tone and habit
of thought of a whole people are not unfrequently
influenced, if not, indeed, wholly generated, by the
tendencies of the laws by Avhich they are governed.
The legal regulation of the distribution of alms must

* 4 Mos. 35. 24. t 3 Mos. 25 ; 5 Mos. 24. 19, 20, 21.

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM. 61

have establislied the claim of the poor thereto, and
rendered it in the eyes of the people, not an abstract,
but a real and positive right, whose recognition must
have been far more permanently beneficial in effect,
than could have been any mere theoretical precepts of
charit3^

Besides, some only of these enactments fix the exact
measure of contribution, others leave it free to be de-
termined by the benevolent tendencies of iiidi\adual
character.

Finally, works of mercy and charity are not limited
by Mosaism to the above-named. It is made an especial
dut}^* to lend to the poor, even without prospects of its
restoration, all that he needs. Eor example, Mosaism
ordains that the garment of the poor shall not be kept
over night as a pledge, that the sun shall not go down
on the hire of the labourer and the like.

If we now proceed to examine the social constitution
of Mosaism, we shall at once perceive that it presents
clear general outlines, which outlines are filled in with
details immediately applicable to the people of Israel.
We must again remember, that Mosaism proceeds from
'' one only God," in whose image man is created, that
its first moral principle is, " Thou slialt be holy for the
Lord thy God is holy ;'^ and in man's relation to his
fellow-men, " Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself."
A necessary consequence is, that it establishes complete
equality among all members of the body -politic. This
equality is carried out, first, in equality of civil rights.
In Mosaism there exists no distinction of class, order,
rank, or property. Moses chose from among the
people, it is true, princes, heads of houses, chiefs of the

• 5 Mos. 24. 10—15.

62 LECTURE III.

tribes, captains over thousands, captains over hnndreds,
and over tens, elders and judges. But this was done
solely for the necessary regulation and execution of
public business. These appointments were strictly and
in all cases individual, and in no instance hereditary.
This is everywhere confirmed in the Mosaic annals.
No trace of the sons or the posterity of Moses is to be
found, their existence being lost amidst the records of
the tribes. " When Moses established a sanctuary^
he received from each one of the people half a shekel —
the rich shall not give more, the poor shall not give
less." It may be objected, that Moses established in
one tribe,t and in one family of that tribe, an hereditary
priesthood. Admitted ; but of ' political ' power they
were deprived. Their sole and distinct vocation was,
to be the executive of the national worship, the ex-
ponents of the doctrine of Moses ; and this was a late
enactment, adopted only when an attempt to commit
the fulfilment of these duties to the first-born in every
family had proved abortive. Therefore Moses provided
a counteraction to the acquisition by the priesthood, of
undue social and political influence, by depriving the
whole tribe of Levi, " of any portion in Israel," that is,
of any landed property, and thus making them to
depend for their very subsistencet on the favourable
disposition towards them of the mass of the people.
Mosaism extends the equality thus established among
the people themselves, to all who dwelt in the land.
The civil rights enjoyed by Israelites were shared by
all strangers who inhabited the country. The very
exceptions provided for in the cases of the eunuchs and
bastards (which grew out of the habits of the age) of

* 2 Mos. 30. 1.5. t 4 Mos. 18. 20 ; 5 Mos. 18. 1.

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM. 63

the Moabite and Ammonite, prove the otherwise uniform
application of the law.

This equality of civil rights, to be enjoyed alike by
the Israelites and the strangers* dwelling among them,
is again and again solemnly and emphatically declared
in the law of Moses. In no respect did a distinction
exist, or was any privilege permitted either between
Israelite and Israelite (even the priests were amenable
to the same laws as the laity, and no altar had a right
of sanctuary )t or between the Israelite and the stranger
or refugee — the latter being subjected to no restriction
or civil disabilities whatever. J This equality was
realized in the personal freedom of every member of the
state.

Mosaism again solemnly urges § "■ Ye shall be free,
ye shall not be bondsmen." At the head of the funda-
mental laws, the Ten Commandments, personal freedom
is especially declared, " who brought thee out of the
house of bondage." Doubtless, to the development of
this freedom, the slavery which was an institution
common to all antiquity, presented a powerful obstacle.
But Mosaism sought, by the introduction of laws whose
tendency is clearly perceptible to us, partly to mitigate
this system, and partly to remove it altogether. It
therefore transforms the slaves into hirelings, whose
servitude is to continue for a certain term of years, ||
as is expressly stated, the slave is to be manumitted at
the beginning of the seventh year from his purchase,
and likewise in the year of jubilee, without ransom.

* 3 Mos. 19. 34 ; 2 Mos. 12. 49 ; 4 Mos. 15. 15, 16, 29.
t2Mos.21. 14. It 3 Mos. 25. 47.

§ 3 Mos. 25, 54, 55. || 3 Mos. 25. 39, 40.

LECTURE III.

He is to go free and to be furnished liberally with
presents of sheep, of corn and of wine. The exercise
of severit}' towards the slave is strictly forbidden, and
his punishment prevented by law. Any corporeal
injury received by the slave entitled him to his immediate
freedom. Nor must we forget to state, that the restora-
tion of a runaway slave to his owner was not allowed ;
on the contrary, he was to dwell where it seemed unto
him good.* Whatever loss of personal freedom was
involved in a change of material circumstances, was
rendered temporary by the restitution 'in integrum,'
of the year of jubilee, when all were restored to freedom.
But Mosaism promotes this equality by its constant
tendency to produce equality of possessions. While
legislating only on the property of the community,
Mosaism was far removed from the erroneous notion
that individual possession was to be superseded. On
the contrary, the basis on which the structure of the
national life was erected, was the equal division of the
soil. It sought to counteract the inordinate accumula-
tion by individuals of wealth and landed property, to
check pauperism, in fine, to reach the ideal of securing
the rights of private property, of leaving its acquisition
free to all, and yet at the same time of protecting it
from degenerating into the two extremes — of riches and
poverty. The groundwork of this IMoses placed in the
national consciousness, that the people held possession
of the soil as a tenure from God. And by what means
did he endeavour to accomplish this ? He divided the

* It were well if those who seek, at the present day, to justify
their tenure of slaves by the sanction of Scripture, were to im-
plicitly obey that Scripture's enactments (see 5 Mos. 23. 15 — 16) :
slavery would virtually disappear, without the passing of an act for
its abolition. — A. M. G.

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM. 65

land by lot into inalienable hereditary portions, first
for each tribe, then into subdivisions, according to their
generations and to their families.* These last could
be alienatedf but only for a term of years. In the
year of jubilee all inheritances were gratuitously re-
stored and the hereditary claimant was to re-enter into
possession ; and, secondly, the seller, or one of his
kin, retained the right of redeeming the property at
any period, taking due account of the years yet to
elapse before the year of jubilee. Thus, as is re-
marked in the Bible itself, the sale was only a lease
granted for a specific term of years, and the year of
jubilee necessitated the restitution in integrum to the
original owners, so that the people in that year were
replaced in a condition of territorial equality of property.
But Mosaism did yet more, it ofl:ered the most strenuous
opposition to that greatest, that fundamental evil, in
all civil relationships, the system of debtor and creditor.
It started on the presumption that aU debt was occa-
sioned by need on the part of the borrower, by want of
some necessary of life, so that it was, in fact, a duty
enforced by the love of his fellow-men, that he who
possessed should give freely to the necessitous, unless
by so doing he should become equally impoverished.
The Bible expresses this almost in so many words.
But if the giver retains the right of demanding the
restoration of what he has given, so that it becomes not
a gift but a loan, it follows from the presumption above
referred to, that the lender is to derive no specific pecu-
niary advantage from the transaction. Thus Mosaism
forbids all kind of interest, whether in money or in kind.
(It is self-evident that this restriction could not be ex-

* 4 Mos.34. 13. t 3 Mos. 25. 50. 5i

66 LECTURE III.

tended to foreigners, for such extension would have
rendered impossible all commerce with other nations).

2. At the end of every seventh year all debts were
to be cancelled eo ipso, so that the creditor had no right
to restitution. It is manifest that this again prevented
any one incurring pecuniary obligations of vast magni-
tude, for which, moreover, Mosaism did not recognise
the necessity.* It was consequently impossible that
one individual should inherit enormous landed posses-
sions to be his for ever, or that a family should finally
lose its patrimonial estates. It was impossible that any
one should enrich himself with borrowed money; or
should, by an accumulation of debt, by interest and
dowry, involve himself in wholesale and entire ruin.
Thus pauperism and overgrown wealth were ahke
entirely obviated. Let it not be objected, that the
Israelites themselves failed to obey these laws. As in
respect of the doctrine of the unity of God, they were
not ripe either to understand or to fulfil them. Mosaism
confided to the Israelites, a doctrine and a law, the com-
prehension of which in all their purity was reserved for
later times, as is their entire fulfilment in practice, for
ages yet more remote. The Israelites were to be their
preservers for this ' Future', and have faithfully per-
formed this mission at the price of unspeakable sacrifices.
The perplexities and confusion that at present prevail
throughout human society, w ere actually generated by a
system directly opposed in principle to Mosaism, They,
therefore, offer no standard whatever by which Mosaic
law may be measured. That they, on the contrary, may
be duly understood, we must keep the fact in view, that
they proceed from the present necessities of mankind,
* 5 Mos. 1 5.

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAIslM. 07

and can be remedied only by a process of gradual slow
development and improvement. To demonstrate tins is
not our present task. It is enough for us to sliow, that
Mosaism originates the principles of a truly religious
municipal society, and that its realisation in practice is
the appointed task of a remote future.

You will be desirous of ascertaining what form of
government was established by Mosaism. It here again
remained true to its leading principle of freedom, and
dictated no specific form. It correctly distinguishes
between civil society as the essence, and the constitution
as the form, which latter must vary, not only according
to the requirements of different nations, but according
to the varying exigencies of different ages, in the exist-
ence of one and the same nation. In the Mosaic
writings we seek in vain for a specific ' form of govern-
ment ' — a constitution for the state. Certainly, its
governmental and social principles tend rather to the
production of a republican government than of any other,
of which Mosaism recognises a necessary head in the
person, indifferently of a judge or a general, or a high
priest, without pronouncing definitively on the matter,
since it places the priest* andthe judge in juxta-position,
and scarcely adverts to their mutual relation.

It even predicts the demand arising for a monarchical
form of government, thus — f " When thou art come unto
the land which the Lord thy God givetli thee, and shalt
dwell therein, and shalt say, I will set a king over me,
like as all the nations that are about me ; thou shalt in
any wise set him king over thee wdiom the Lord thy
God shall choose : one from among thy brethren shalt
thou set king over thee : thou mayest not set a stranger
• 5Mos. 17. 9. t Ibid, 17. 14,].0.

F 2

68 LECTURE III.

over thee, which is not thy brother,"* etc. As Mosaism
so repeatedly proscribes the laws and customs of the
nations " that are around thee " in all other matters,
this one exception is worthy of all note. Moses proceeds
here on the idea that the people either live in strict ac-
cordance with the doctrine and the law that have
been revealed to them, or else forsake them. In the
first case, no constitution would be productive to them
of injury; in the second, none could benefit them. A
fixed form of government would, therefore, have been a
useless restriction, which might have become, subse-
quently, highly prejudicial in its operation. We must
here clearly distinguish the circumstances obtaining in
the time of Moses, and those prevaihng in that of
Samuel, and not attribute to the former, the opinions of
the latter. In short, Mosaism places society, by means
of its system of morals, on a firm basis, and leaves the
form of government free, while presupposing that form
to be republican. It divides the people into tribes,
generations, families; further, into sections of 10, 100,
and 1000. It assumes that the elders and priests are
to be the judges and rulers ; but it bestows the right to
these offices, the supremacy over the people, on no one
family, or generation, or race. The best qualified for
the performance of these public duties was to be chosen
'^ out of the midst of the people,^' as the one called to
the superior rule or presidency over the people, whether
as judge or king. Nothing more specific is to be found.

* If all the, crowned kings took to heart the simple teaching
of the king's duty, as set forth in the closing verses of the
chapter, would not the conflicts between nation and nation, and
between sovereigns and their people, which up to this hour make
the world's history a blood-stained record, be among the things
of the past ?— A. M. G.

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM. 69

It need scarcely be observed, tliat the true direction of
the national destinies of the people of Israel is uniformly
regarded by Moses as vested in God alone, — as all cir-
cumstances relating to the people are referable solely
to Him. A theocracy which should form a part of the
state, or executive government, was the ideal creation
of Samuel, and was not instituted by Moses. Nothing,
be it here remarked, more clearly demonstrates the au-
thenticity of the Pentateuch than this apparent omission,
since it thereby pro'vdded for the mutations, which all
subsequent changes of material and political circum-
stances were sure to induce.

If we further call to mind that Mosaism especially
regards 'the family' as the basis of its society, out of
which it springs, and on which it is to flourish, a new
and peculiar light is cast over our entire previous state-
ment. Mosaism urges repeatedly on the attention of
the people, that all its members spring from one an-
cestor. 7{<'n2J''* '>^'2 is ^^6 national appellation. It
carefully preserves the division into tribes, and thus
provides against the passing of the real property of one,
into the possession of any other tribe. It maintains
the sub-divisions within these tribes into generations
and families. The above fundamental laws become the
more intelligible, when the soil on which they are
planted is remembered, the consciousness of the people
naturally producing equality and brotherly aflfection. Nor
shall we be surprised to find that Mosaism zealously
promotes family love. It regards the filial and conjugal
relations as its ground-work. Both are sanctified in
the Decalogue. An infringement of the obedience and
reverence due to parents, is a capital crime ; to scoff at
and blaspheme them, is to scofi" at and blaspheme God.

LKCTUUE in.

Moses teaches that marriage is an institutiou appointed
directly by God : Adam received his wife as a creation
direct from God. The merging of all individual into
one common interest in marriage^, is exquisitely ex-
pressed.* The inviolability of marriage begins from
the moment of betrothal, and its violation is a capital
crime. Marriages, it is true, can be annulled, if they
do not fulfil their higher design ; but divorce requires a
legal procedure, while the marriage promise requires
none, to render it binding.

Mosaism, therefore, protected the marriage relation
Avith laws requiring the strictest and purest chastity.
It opposed the moral depravity of the Asiatic and
African nations with ardent zeal. It strictly forbade
all intercourse without the pale of marriage, and un-
compromisingly excluded prostitution from among the
people. It re-asserted the deep and significant natural
character of the conjugal tie, by prohibiting marriage
between persons who spring, whether contemporaneously
or successively, from the same stock. It promoted fra-
ternal and family ties of afl'ection, and enforced the
duty of redeeming from sale both the persons and the
property of kindi'ed.

In a system that considered the entire nation as a
unity, and human morality as a whole, it was impos-
sible that the relation of man to the animal creation
could he left undefined. While granting to man ' the
rule over all the creatures of the earth,' Mosaism at the
same time considers the relation of man to the animal,
nay, even to the vegetable kingdom, to have a deep
significance, and limits his dominion over them by cer-
tain legal restrictions. That growth of recent times,
* 1 Mos. 2. 24.

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM. 71

the laws against cruelty to animals, Avas thus early (if
not SO materially and circumstantially expressed) a
peculiarity of the code of Moses.

The law of nature, as the work of God, is sacred in
Mosaism, and everything opposed to nature is a dese-
cration of God's work. Thus to sow the same field
with different kinds of grain, to mutilate animals, and
to permit the crossing of different species, are forbidden.
Mosaism prohibits, therefore, seething the kid in the
milk of the mother, as in the material destined to sup-
port its life by the Creator, killing the mother and her
young on the same day, taking the parent bird and
the eggs at the same time from the nest. Therefore
Mosaism ordains that the beast of the field shall share
man's sabbath of rest, and that the ox shall not be
muzzled when he treads out the corn, etc. From all
these, and many other similar special enactments, we
have to deduce the general principle, that it is an in-
fringement of the law of God to do that which is
opposed to nature, and that the exercise of mercy
towards the brute is the duty of man. The manner
in which these ordinances are expressed, and sometimes
reiterated, proves that they were considered by Moses
as an important portion of the law, and that their
object was to ensure and to develop, in this respect, the
morality of the human race.

Having thus considered man in his relation to God,
to his fellow-men, and to the animal and vegetable
kingdom, we resume the subject of the individuality or
personality of man. It is manifest, that to it the first
principle, " Be thou holy, as the Lord thy God is holy,"
is especially applicable.

How does Mosaism understand this sanctification ?

VJi LECTURE III.

It is self-evident that Mosaism does not consider duty
and right to be something external^ but to consist in the
spiritual resemblance of man to God ; that it refers all
man's relations to God, to the world, and his fellow
being, to his inward individual nature ; and as signifi-
cant as it is sublime, is the concluding and crowning
command of the Decalogue, of which the object is the
purification of the very recesses of the human heart.
'Thou shalt not covet the wife of thy neighbour, the
house of thy neighbour,' etc.

If, therefore, to acknowledge God, to be filled with
that knowledge, to love God, to confide in Him, to love
your neighbour, and to put all these high motives and
feelings into action by strictly fulfilling the revealed
law, constitute this sanctification in general (and that
these do constitute it, the Mosaic writings repeatedly
and emphatically declare), if, as the fifth book of the
Pentateuch earnestly urges on the hearts of men, these
general conditions form the true life whioh blesses
and renders man happy here below, certain it is that
the special fundamental idea of Mosaism is this — ' To
sublimate the moral consciousness of man above all
things sensual and temporal, and to secure by these
means the dominion of mankind over things sensual and
temporal.' Thence it follows, that Mosaism, regarding
man as a unity, cannot stop short at hohness of spirit,
but must secure a like holiness in the life material
and of the senses. Let us examine, first, what refers
to these senses. Though Mosaism recognises the dis-
tinction between mind and body, it considers man to
be the union of the tv\o. The body is the bearer of the
spirit — the body, according to Mosaism, is elevated to
such a position as alone fits it to be the vehicle of the

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM. 73

god-like, self-sanctifyiug spirit. Therefore anything
that tends to corporeal degradation or depravity, or to
give the body predominance over the mind, is opposed
to Mosaism, because it disturbs the moral consciousness
of man and subtracts from his holiness. Spiritual
holiness is expressed in Mosaism, also by corporeal
cleanliness and purity. Where any physical causes
render the contrary unavoidable, it is to be succeeded
by a purification partly real and partly symbolical.
Sexual life giving a certain ascendency to the sensual
portion of our nature, is subjected to fixed regulations
and necessitates subsequent purification, as we before
observed, when treating of the laws that refer to mar-
riage.

Further, Mosaism restricts,* or whoUy forbids, the

* Modem medical science confirms these hygeian principles of
the code of Moses, and indicates them to be further evidence of
his inspiration. As man advances to civilisation in aU nations, he
discovers the laws necessary to health, and as he so advances, an
approximation, and only an approximation, to the hygiene octroy ee
of the Pentateuch is everywhere manifest. Ignorance of sanitary
princijjles, even at this day generates too commonly a belief, that
the Mosaic dietetic ordinances were induced by the climate of
the East, and were not the inspiration of that divine wisdom
which prompted his other utterances. While it must be at once
admitted, that to the inhabitant of more temperate climates their
infringement is less injurious, in them must yet be recognised,
the uuiveisality of that law, divinely inspired for all ages, and
for all countries inhabited by man. The general value of this
physical code finds full confirmation in the works of many
writers on medical science, especially in those of one who, by his
professional brethren, is regarded as one of the most profoundly
learned of modern pathologists. His kindness aft'ords me the
opportunity of citing his opinion succinctly stated (in a note
which I textually quote) on the

' Dietetic and SANiTARy Code op Moses.

'Madam, — I have great pleasure in complying with your
request, that I would furnish you with some references to my

74 LECTURE III.

employment as articles of food^ of thiugs calculated to
vitiate that body, whose office is to be the vessel of the

work on practical medicine,* indicating my opinion as to th
injurious influences of several articles of food which are forbidden
to be used in the admirable institutions of your lawgiver
Moses, and which are too generally employed in Christian and
other countries. I have stated, in various parts of my work, that
these kinds of food are the causes of several diseases, have
enumerated the articles in question, in connection with the dis-
orders of which they are often the exciting and concurring
causes, and have remarked, that they are still more productive
of disease in warm and inter-tropical countries. In the first
volume of the work above-mentioned, at p. 566, I have, when
treating of the numerous causes of disease, mentioned amongst
others of those causes, the use as food of pork, and pork meats,
of the blood and viscera of animals, and of shell-fish, as being not
merely predisposing causes in many instances, but often also
exciting or concurring agents.

' Under the heads, Dysentery (vol. i.p.695) and Diarrhoea, I have
stated that in the east these diseases have been rendered almost
epidemic by the use of the articles in question. The late Sir James
Annesley mentioned to me that fresh pork was served out to a
regiment in India, and that dysentery and diarrhoea were the
consequences in two-thirds of those who had partaken of it ;
these diseases subsiding after the cause was relinquished.

" In the several parts of my work where erysipelas and other
diseases of the shin are treated of, the use of shell-Jish has been
assigned as one of the chief causes of these numerous and often
dangerous forms of disease. When describing also the effects of
various articles of animal food, which often become poisonous,
owing either to their respective natures, or to diseases of which
these articles may have been the seats, I have particularly
indicated /resAjoor^ and pork meats in any form, the viscera and
blood of animals, and shell-fish (see vol. iii. 385 — 389). What I
have stated respecting the nature and treatment of the poisonous
effects of these substances is too detailed to admit of tran-
scription, as it would fill many pages even of print. But I may
quote the following passage : — 'Fresh pork is often injurious,
and gives rise to various symptoms according to the idiosyncrasy
of the individual, and to the manner in which the animal has

* A Dictionary of Practical Medicine, etc. By James Copland, M.D.,
F.R.S., etc.

THE SOCIAL MOKALITY OF MOSAISM. 75

god-like soul. The physical constitution is liable to
be animalised by the inordinate enjoyment, not of
vegetable but of animal diet. 1st. It is forbidden, that
such parts of the bodies of animals as are especially
imbued with the vital principle^ such as the blood (by
Scripture said to contain the life) should pass into the bo-
dies of men, because they would render them too animal.
2ndly. It is enjoined that no animals be eaten which sub-
sist on carrion or fleshy such as all beasts of prey. 3rdly .
All such creatures as are imperfectly organised of their
kind — (such as those that chew the cud, but do not part
the hoof, or vice versa, and those fishes that have not both
fins and scales) : and 4thly, all animals in general that
form the inferior orders of organised beings, such as in-
sects, worms, and amphibia, are declared unfit for human
food, in order to prevent the vitiation of the body by the

been fed. In tlie East, especially in warm climates, pork is
often productive of diarrhoea and dysentery, effects which I have
seen caused by it in this country. The Mosaic law forbade the
use of it ; and there can be no doubt of the wisdom of this law
as respects warm countries, and Zbeheve as regards all countries^
(vol. iii. art. Poisons, p. 387). I afterwards go on to describe the
.symptoms and the treatment of the poisonous effects of pork.

' When treating of Scrofulous and Tubercidar Maladies (vol. iii .
p. 736), I have noticed the influence of the articles in question,
in producing gout, and scrofulous and tuber^r-ular affections in
the offspring of persons who use these articles.

' I have the honour to remain,
'Madam,

' Yours respectfully,
' 5, Old Burlington Street. 'James Copland.'

By such of my brethren and sisters as desire not only to read
and accept, but to comprehend, the code given by their Creator
for the well-being physical, mental, and moral of His creatures,
many portions of my learned correspondent's valuable work
(particularly those referred to) will be found to be as useful to
the general, as to the scientifio reader. — A. M. G.

76 LECTURE III.

introduction into it of imperfectly organised matter.
Assuredly all this is based on a profound knowledge of
the laws of nature.

The same tendency prevails in the regulation of
temporal as of sensual life. Mosaism estimates the
professional and industrial life of man at its just value,
and recognises it to be the vocation appointed to him
by God. But it also duly perceives and appreciates the
danger likely to result to men in their intellectual and
spiritual life, from the exclusive devotion of the faculties
of the spirit created in the image of God, to that profes-
sional or industrial calling.

It therefore provides specially for the periodical sus-
pension of industrial exertions, fixed times, at which
man shall wholly cease from his labour, and living the
life of the spirit, devote himself to the advancement of
his intellectual and religious being. To this end was
the sabbath ordained, a Mosaic institution that has won
the adherence of the whole civilised world.

" Six days shalt thou labour and do all thy work, but
thou shalt rest on the seventh day." The very spirit of
Mosaism rendered the limitation of this institution to
its outward form impossible, but imparted to it a defi-
nite relation to religion itself. Mosaism therefore
combines it with the knowledge of God as the Creator
and ruler of the Universe, thus making it the medium
by which the idea and the acknowledgment of God are
manifested, the basis of the whole of the Mosaic system.
An intentional violation of the sabbath is a violation
and abandonment of the whole of Mosaism. It was
quite consistent with its design, that Mosaism should
include, besides the sabbath, the appointment of certain
times at which the religious dependence of man on

THE SOCIAL MORALITY OF MOSAISM. 77

God^ should be especially recalled to his consciousnes ;
— festivals of which the idea sprang partly from the
nationality or history of the people of Israel, such as
Passover and Tabernacles ; partly from the operations
and gifts of nature, such as the harvest festivals,
Schevang and Tabernacles ; and partly from the general
spiritual requirements of mankind, as the day of Atone-
ment, for which the day of the blowing of the trumpet
or of memorial, was a preparation.

The Day of Atonement being of general importance
for mankind, must detain us for a brief space. We
have perceived that Mosaism pronounces sin to be the
antagonism of holiness ; that it considers it to be a dis-
turbance of the due relation existing between the
god-like soul and the Divinity, but that it declares it
annulled by a return to holiness, as sinfulness is
effaced by means of repentance, and through the mercy
of God. Further, it is consistent with the design of
Mosaism that this return and this consequent blotting
out of sin, were not to be purely abstract, but that Mosaism
sought to lead man to this course and to help him on
his amended path. This was the indwelling thought
of the Day of Atonement, a thought which has partially
disseminated itself through human society. A recur-
rent period, at which this idea of the abandonment of
sin, the return to God's ways by means of repentance
and self-examination, should be permitted and brought
specifically to the consciousness of man, was a want, a
benefit, and a powerfiil aid to self-sanctification.

Mosaism formed a complete contrast to antiquity and
the middle ages, in this great consistent and uniform
system, social and moral. We perceive clearly that
Mosaism propounded a system of ethics and of society

78 LECTURE III.

wholly new, wholly different to any other produced by
antiquity. The conditions of these differences are the
following — Mosaism declares the attributes of the
Supreme Being to be love, justice, and purity, Avhile
antiquity bases its most refined code of morals on
egotism.

While the 'Beautiful and good' of Plato, the 'Middle
Course ' of Aristotle, the ' Abstinence ' of the Cynic, the
* Pleasure ' of the Epicurean, and the ' Indifference ' to
pain of the Stoic, are but variations of one and the same
principle of egotism, Mosaism adopts personal fi'eedom,
equahty of right and justice, and possible equality of
possession, as the basis of its society. Antiquity, on
the contrary, has, for the natural elements of its society,
castes, the predominance of certain races, the freedom of
certain races, and slavery. Like circumstances obtain in
the feudal system of the middle ages. You must in-
deed, my hearers, have perceived that much which has
been attained to in the most recent times, is declared
in Mosaism ; much more which Mosaism enforces, can
be achieved only in ages yet to come.

All this Mosaism pronounced to be, thousands of
years ago, not the consequence, but the basis, of the
development of the human race.

LECTURE IV.

PROPHETISM.

MosAisM had furnished the doctrine of a unique, essen-
tially one, supermundane, and holy God ; of the world,
as the work of God, which He causes to continue by
means of the laws of nature ; and of man as the unity
of a spirit in the image of God, and the most highly
organized body, to whom God stands in the immediate
relation of Providence, Judge, the Fountain of atone-
ment and of revelation. In a word, Mosaism had fur-
nished the religious idea — and moreover the realization
of the idea through the sanctification of man, manifesting
itself in the individual, under the form of justice and
mercy, of love to God and man ; in society, in equality
of rights, and all practicable equality of possession.
This mosaic holiness demands further, the dominion of
moral consciousness over the sensuous and the worldly ;
in one word it demands religious life.

The essential object of the following lectures, can
only be, to shew in how far this doctrine took a firm
root in mankind, and is progressively taking a still
stronger hold ; and lastly, what have been its peculiar
effects within Judaism itself. For it must be remem-
bered, that in man there exist instincts, directly
opposed in their tendency, to these teachings. Man^s
natural standard being himself, his instincts are for the
most part egotistical. According to that standard, he
seeks to comprehend, to measure and to judge, God

80 LECTURE IV.

and the universe. He must thus ever come to con-
clusions opposite to those produced by Mosaism, since
God and the world merge into one, and since egotism
and its coarse or more refined gratification, would
appear to him to be the law of actual existence.

Nor should it be forgotten, that according to the
teachings of Moses, man is unfettered — a free agent;
and that the first condition of this free agency is the
creation of the spirit of man in the image of God.
That, therefore, the law could not consistently with its
own teachings, in any way arrogate to itself, like a
deus ex mnchina, the immediate subjugation of the
spiritual world, but that it presupposed and set forth
the gradual development of mankind. The principle
of egotism, which is inherent in man, and antagonistic
to the Mosaic doctrine, was allowed to develop and
exhaust itself throughout antiquity, until mankind
arrived at the conviction of the comfortlessuess of this
system; when at the fitting period Christianity and
Islamism, emanating from Mosaism, were commissioned
to propagate the Mosaic view. And to this subject we
shall hereafter return.

All the history of man's spiritual development, when
considered from two points of view, becomes clear and
consistent with itself. The first point is the adoption
by mankind of the religious idea as presented by
Moses, on the one hand ; and, on the other, the free de-
velopment of mankind in general, and in them of the
principles antagonistic to that idea.

The first condition was, that the religious idea should
exist and be preserved, in a fit receptacle ; and that at
the due time it should issue forth, act upon, and in-
fluence the whole world of man. This receptacle was

PROPHKTISM. 81

the Hebrew race. For the reception of the religious or
Divine idea, as the reverse of the human idea, or Hea-
thenism, no establislied people could be found, whose
mental soil was ready tilled and prepared. For in all
such human vessels, the seeds of its antagonistic
principle — Idolatry, had been sown and had taken
root. It was necessary, that in its national infancy,
a race should be appointed and trained to this, their
sacred mission; and that to be the depositaries, pre-
servers, and disseminators of the religious idea,
should be their whole vocation, their sole destiny,
then and evermore.

The second condition was, that also in that infant
race, some of these natural instincts and heathen
principles should be inherent. That, consequently,
the religious idea was to overcome the tendencies foreign
to itself, in its depositaries, the Jewish race, in order
to render them wholly devoted to their appointed voca-
tion. Thus was this conflict of the religious idea with
its opposite principle, to be fought to its close within
the Jewish race ; and the champion in this combat is
Prophetism.

Permit me, my hearers, to define this proposition
more closely.

In the wide circle of the family of man, every more
highly endowed nation has its individual task to accom-
plish; each people has its peculiar mission — its special
destiny, growing out of, and dependent on, its natural
capacities, its inherited characteristics, modified or
developed by the varying incidents of locality and
climate, and by the course of external events. If this
fact is everywhere observable even in the present time,
notwithstanding the close and constant intercourse sub-

82 LECTUKE IV.

sisting between nation and nation ; notwitlistaading the
almost immediate participation by one people in the
new intellectual acquirements of another; if even in
our day, the respective vocations of the English, French,
German, North American, etc., admit at once of clear
definition — how much more manifest must have been
their several national characters, in more remote ages,
when each people dwelt isolated ; and when the specific
individuality of each, being unacted upon from without,
must have assumed and retained more marked and
indelible forms? Thus the vocation of the Hebrew
race was, to make the religious idea victorious within
Judaism, over its antagonist the heathen idea ; and sub-
sequently to transplant that religious idea into the
midst of the family of man, there to take root, and to
extend its branches unto all. That such was its mis-
sion, Ave deduce from the fact that it has effected nought
else, and that in it alone it has found being and con-
sistence. All the writings — all the works of the Jewish
mind, have a religious import and tendency. If in
recent times the Israelites have tilled other fields of
literature, we must not forget that these intellectual
efforts have been made by them, not specifically, in
their character as Jews, but because they, in their
altered social condition, have availed themselves of the
general extended cultivation of mankind.

In order to prepare fitting soil for the reception and
propagation of the germ of the religious idea, it was
necessary that Divine Providence should pre-ordain the
training and development of the Jewish people for this,
their mission. Such progressive training we clearly
recognise in the patriarchal history of the Hebrew race ;
which, beginning with the man Abraham, grew from

PROPHETISM. 83

him into the family of Jacob, and from them into the
twelve tribes ; and they, nnder the leadership of Moses
became a distinct people. This history further relates,
how Abraham was called to a distant and strange land ;
how Jacob, by reason of his many wanderings, became
again a stranger in the land of his birth, and was trans-
planted with his family into a foreign country; and
how, even in the midst thereof, his posterity found
space to increase, so that they became an unmixed
nation. Hoav again this people was conducted to the
peninsula of Sinai, in order that there, in those unin-
habited regions, its natural tendencies of organization
should be developed ; and that as a nation, it should
there receive the religious idea. Then, and then only,
was it permitted to return to the land, in which, until
the conflict within itself was fought out, it was destined
to dwell. Thus this race was ever kept isolated, in
order to preserve it from the contamination of heathen-
ism, and to render it a fitting instrument for the dis-
semination of the religious idea. From that time
forward, the Jewish race appeared on the great theatre
of the world in its entire character ; as a people carry-
ing Mosaism in its heart and hand.

There can be no rational doubt respecting this ; for
wherever we may begin our examination, even in the
later writings of the Hebrews, these point back to
something previously existing, as the root from which
they have sprung, and this is— Mosaism. Wherever in
the history of the Jews we commence, it always exhibits
a struggle for something already extant, and that is —
Mosaism.

Hence, a marked peculiarity of the Jewish race also
springs; one, indeed, which distinguishes it from all

G 2

84 LECTURE IV.

other peoples. This race, at its very birth, had its ap-
jiointed mission given it; while other peoples, on the
contrary, have progressively developed their missions,
and come to the knowledge of what these missions are,
when they are well-nigh fulfilled. Thus the Jewish
race possesses a history from its very commencement ;
at a period when other nations have scarcely myths.
That race knew from its origin what it was Lo
perform, and why it existed. It knew itself from the
earliest moment to be the people of God ; that is, the
depositary of the religious idea. It was not chance,
however, that caused the Hebrew people to relapse
again and again during its infancy, into heathenism.
To generate idolatry, is inherent in man's nature, and
the Israelites were men. Consequently, heathenism
came into being, and shewed itself among them. It is
true, that (their life being Mosaic,) they borrowed their
heathenism from the surrounding nations. But had
this not been at hand, they would, doubtlessly, have
originated a heathenism of their own. This shews it-
self during the period even of their Mosaic development.
Not the popular classes only, but likewise princes, kings
and priests, re-introduced and promoted heathenism.
Thus all preventive measures availed nothing; and
Moses died in the full consciousness that his people
were going forth to this battle.

While all the rest of mankind, therefore, pursued
their unshackled course of development in the direction
of the Human idea, it was reserved for the children of
Israel, " the smallest of the peoples of the earth," to
fight out within themselves the combat of the Religious
idea. Though the generations of Moses and Joshua
had, it is true, permitted Mosaism to take deep root

PUOPUETISM. 85

among tlie people ; yet is it equally true that the first
national period, the days of the Judges, was their real
state of nature, in Avhich antagonisms co-existed side by
side, without coming into active collision. The masses
yielded first to one impulse and then to another, and
the people was still unconscious of its own unity. The
influence and authority of each judge did not extend
respectively, beyond one tribe or more.

It was necessary to fight, in self defence, against
the hostile surrounding nations.* Mosaism as well as
heathenism was the afl'air of the individual; a state
of things graphically portrayed in the closing passage
of the Book of Judges. f " In those days every
man did that which was right in his OAvn eyes."
But the Judges in inciting and leading the people
against the heathen nations, had ranged themselves
on the side of Mosaism, and in its name and spirit
were they compelled to appear in the field. And
the last Judges, Eli and Samuel, being men of superior
intellect, insisted on the ascendancy of Mosaism, and
endeavoured to render it the inherent characteristic of
their people.

By the adoption of the monarchical form of govern-
ment, a decisive and critical step was taken. I do not
mean that it was j^er se, an anti-mosaic institution, or
that it carried with it into the Hebrew popular life a
directly heathen element. J But the people became, by
its means a unity, and received as a concrete body a tem-
poral head, that exercised a preponderating sway over
them ; so that in the future it might depend on the per-
sonal bias of the king, whether Mosaism or heathenism
should be the dominant principle of action in Israel.

* Jud. 2. 11—19. t Ibid. 21— 25. % See Lecture III.

86 LECTURE IV.

It was easy to foresee that kings, in the interest of their
unfettered rule, would soon become prone to favour
heathenism, and to supplant Mosaism. For the latter
demands and ensures freedom and equality ; securing
to the people the superior influence in the state govern-
ment. According to Mosaism, the king is only 'one
taken from the midst of his brethren.'* Samuel, there-
fore, clearing foreseeing all these results, is opposed to
the establishment of a monarchy, and seeks to impress
upon the national mind, the theocratic idea ; for the
Bible tells us that God deputes Samuel to fulfil the
desires of the people. f In other words, by this state of
vacillation between heathenism and Mosaism, nothing
could be gained. It was absolutely necessary that the
conflict between the two principles should be fought out
to the last ; and kingly rule furnished the most direct
means to that end. Though, on the whole, the mo-
narchical period was decidedly Mosaic in its bias and
character, even the first king, Saul, betrayed much un-
steadiness. This indecision was in itself a crime, and
through it he fell. David was true to Mosaism ; but
he was a warrior, a conqueror; he was subjective, for
egotism (though of a higher order perchance) was his
incentive to action. He sought to identify Mosaism
with his own and his family's sovereign rule. There
lies deep meaning, therefore, in the prohibition pro-
nounced against David's building a ' temple unto the
Lord.' In it was heard the echo of Samuel's warning
voice. With Solomon, heathenism ascended the throne
of Israel. Solomon's ideal theory was doubtlessly
Mosaic. He built the temple, and prayed there in all
sincerity of heart ; but his nature was heathen. The
* 5Mos. 17. 15. t 1 Sam. 8. 7.

PKOPllETISM. 87

tone of his philosophical estimate of life and of society,
aud his views of government^ were all essentially hea-
then. His habits, manners, and morals, were therefore
heathen. It was consequently an easy matter for him,
in order to please his strange wives, to sanction the
presence of heathenism, by the side of Mosaism. Thus,
towards the close of Solomon's long reign, heathenism
had again invaded Israel, and gained a party in the
state. The national unity was destroyed, and that
disunion, which for some time had existed internally,
now manifested itself externally. The nation broke up
into two kingdoms, hostile to each other. The very
existence of the people was thus impaired, aud their
political downfall rendered inevitable. The only ques-
tion then was, would Mosaism issue triumphantly from
the ruin of the nation, or not ?

Policy compelled the kings of the ten tribes of Israel,
to establish and maintain heathenism as the state
religion, in order to keep their subjects away from
Jerusalem, and to alienate them from Judaism : since
for them Mosaism and self-destruction would have been
identical. In Judea, indeed, it was far otherwise.
There stood the sanctuary consecrated to Mosaic wor-
ship. It would undoubtedly have been for the best and
highest interests of the royal house of David, to have
remained its faithful adherents. But the majority of
these kings mistook their course, and favoured hea-
thenism in order to render their personal authority
absolute. They did not cause the Mosaic temple service
to be actually discontinued, bvit they conferred equal
rights on the heathen worship, the former being degraded
to a matter of form, to a hypocritical act of material
devotion.

88 LECTURE IV.

But the more strenuous the opposition of the kings,
the more determined became the adherence of the people
to Mosaism. Not the masses of the people, but the
men of the people, those who had appreciated and
vindicated the popular interest, despite the kings; those
who had recognised that Mosaism constituted the very
vital principle of the Jewish race, and that consequently
the Jewish people could not but forfeit its existence,
sooner or later, whenever it should abandon Mosaism :
those who had become convinced, that as in heathenism
were involved the degradation and the servitude, so
in Mosaism lay the exaltation and the freedom of
the people ; — these inspired and master-minds zea-
lously sought to keep alive Mosaism, and by it, to
counteract the undue influence exercised by the monarch
over his subjects. The masses of the people watched
this conflict in a state of perpetual fluctuation, and the
prophet Elijah calls on them in these remarkable words,
' How long will ye halt between two opinions ? If
Baal is God follow him, if the Lord is God, follow
Him.'^

In the kingdom of Israel this struggle was speedily
decided. Mosaism succumbed; heathenism encouraged
by the sovereign, overcame the people, previously
alienated from Mosaism. Their downfall was immi-
nent. All trace of these ten tribes, with the exception
of a few fragments that attached themselves to the king-
dom of Judea, was irrecoverably lost. All search after
them was and is vain, for they had been their own
destroyers.

In the kingdom of Judah, events took the opposite
course : Mosaism obtained the victory. But in what
* 1 Kings 18. 21.

PKOPHETISM. 89

manner was this effected ? Not by the conquest of the
heathen kings by the Mosaic people; for not the people,
but the men of the people, were the combatants. The
people, as a political body, were annihilated. From
their ruins, ruins permeated with the very spirit of
Mosaism, a new people arose, devoted from their cradle
to Mosaism, and developing with their own growth, a
new Jewish popular life. The kingdom was destroyed
by Nebuchadnezzar, the people were carried away cap-
tive into Babylon; after some time the fragmentary
tribes returned to Palestine, never more to relapse into
heathenism, but faithfully to preserve the religious idea
in the bosom of the Hebrew race. By means of the
fall of the Jewish people, Mosaism triumphed, and by
means of Mosaism, the Jewish race has been preserved.
Let us now endeavour to become better acquainted
with the combat and the combatants. Contempora-
neously with the establishment of the kingdom, a
popular party had arisen in the state, whose aim was, to
uphold Mosaism in the presence of monarchy. How
was this popular party composed? We have stated
above that it consisted, not of the masses of the popula-
tion, but of men from among the people, men of the
people, pleaders and defenders of the popular cause.
Who then were these men ? Moses had intended this
vocation for the priests and Levites, as the organs of
public worship, and as a body of national instructors.
But the priests, attracted by the glare of the crown,
soon became the mere tools of their sovereigns and
princes. The priests, then, were not these men of the
people. These men of the people were — the prophets.
Who and what are the prophets ? Let us examine into
their history more closely.

90 LECTURE IV.

Moses was the first X'^^J prophet^ that is_, he to whom
first, from amidst all the people, a divine revelation was
vouchsafed, on whom the ' Spirit of the Lord rested.'
He promised the perpetuation of prophetism in Israel,
the appearance of men, in whose mouth the ' Lord woidd
put His words',* in order to secure to the divine or
religious idea, the victory over the human idea or
heathenism.

Although so early as the days of the Judges, Deboralif
was designated a prophetess, and allusion besides made
to a prophet whose name is not mentioned ; the virtual
father of the prophets (after Moses) was Samuel.

This grand, penetrating character was resolved to
create, in opposition to the royal dignity, and for the
protection of the religious idea, a second power in the
state, a spiritual power, the power of the word, of con-
viction. He, therefore, established schools of prophets,
and consequently a prophetic order, simultaneously Avith
royalty. In these schools men were instructed in
impassioned eloquence, consonant with the spirit of
Mosaism ; also in the art of sacred song, which excited
them to sublime, prophetic oratory, and solemn poesy.

The disciples, termed Sons of the Prophets, lived in
community,! in houses built by themselves — ate in com-
mon their frugal repasts — adopted a general costume,

* Deut. 18. 15—18.

t Let those who ascribe to Judaism a tendency to degrade the
social position, — the vocation of woman, remember, that in its
society she was called to exercise the loftiest, the most ennobling
function vouchsafed to a human being — that of prophecy. Let
them also remember the inspired strains of a Deborah and a
Miriam, as well as the fact that the prophetess Huldah % ' dwelt in
the house of the i^rophets,' and that J ' the word of the Lord' was
asked at her mouth by the sovereign. A. M. G.

X 2 Kings 22. 13—20. 2 Chron. 34. 22.

PROPHETISM. 91

and fixed habits and manners — and had at their head a
father of the prophets, as Elijah and EKsha are termed.
Thus the order of the prophets as an institution, be-
came the fountain whence the more highly-gifted and
inspired seers drew the material resources for the
achievement of their mission. We find, therefore, sub-
sequently to the age of Samuel, frequent allusions made
to numerous companies of prophets. When Jezebel
sought to exterminate them, a certain Obadiah alone,
found means to save one hundred ; and soon after, men-
tion is made, first of a party of one hundred, and then of
fifty, while eight hundred and fifty prophets of Baal
appear on the scene. By these means, a regular order
of the prophets was founded ; and this expanded into a
class of popular orators. Two results thence ensued.
On the one hand, all these Sons of the Prophets could
not attain to that liigher position, in which they might
have achieved universal appreciation and influence.
Prophetism in itself was not confined to the prophetic
schools. (Amos).

From the collective body of these prophets we must
accordingly select those, who thus highly endowed with
the gifts of the soul and the intellect, stand forth the
directly-chosen ones, filled and inspired with the ' Spirit
of the Lord.'

On the other hand, that the ever-growing corruption
should at length invade these prophet-ranks, and that
the prevailing party should employ them as tools by
which to delude the people, and alienate their allegiance
from the true prophets, was wholly inevitable. There-
fore in the latest centuries, a countless multitude of
false prophets arise, against whom and their deceptions,
the true prophets, such as Micah, Isaiah, Jeremiah,

92 LECTURE IV.

Ezekiel, spoke in words of flame, and never wearied of
uttering warning denunciations. The false, were easily
to be distinguished fi'om the true prophets. The first
were ever contented with existing circumstances, in
accordance with the powers that were. They encouraged
the moral and religious degeneracy of the people, fos-
tered their depravity, and predicted to them power,
duration, and victory. The true prophets held a
diametrically opposite course. These prophets, having
nought on their side save a weak, vacillating, and
demoralized population, had to contend against the
temporal sovereign, a debased and hypocritical priest-
hood, and against their perfidious colleagues, invested
as these were, with like dignity with themselves. In
this conflict they displayed a mental strength, a spirit
of devotion, of resignation, of self-sacrifice and of fear-
lessness, wdiich have been seldom reached, and never
surpassed by man, and which well entitle some of them to
be numbered among the noblest heroes of human kind.
Hence the many traditions existing of the violent deaths
of several of these prophets, which traditions are in
some instances confirmed by history.

The means employed by these prophets were ha-
rangues, in which they addressed the people, and
occasionally the monarchs, and in which, while
referring to general or special circumstances, they
strenuously urged on them, the adoration and worship
of the Supreme and the obligations of morality. They
condemned idolatry and immorality, and indicated the
true course by Avhich, both religiously and politically,
the people could secure to themselves national dm'ation
and prosperity. They took their stations wherever the
people were assembled; in the temple, the mai'ket-

PROPHETISM. 93

place, and at the gates of the city. They spoke ; and

their bohl and inspired flights of eloquence transported

the audience, as it were, to other and higher spheres,

to which the actual world around them presented so

dire a contrast, and which nevertheless was to be

the world of Israel's race. They often repaired to the

palace of the king, often gathered around them the

elders of the people, analyzed their crimes, and depicted

to them the future that awaited them, with unsparing

energy. Sometimes also they reduced their speeches

to writing, and spread them abroad, and tried to extend

their influence by causing them to be read and copied.

In short, they sought and employed every means by

which to act beneficially on their brethren.

While the prophets, as a body, are thus presented to

us, as exerting so powerful an influence on the political

condition of their countrymen, they divide themselves

into two classes, the one consisting of those, of whose

career history alone informs us; the other of those

whose prophetic writings (containing a portion of their

spoken addresses), have descended to us. The most

distinguished among the first-named, are Samuel,

Elijah, and Elisha. The second class* is composed of

* Science lias now irrevocably determined that aU tlie chap-
ters of Isaiah from the 40th to the 66th are the work of another
prophet, who lived towards the end of the Babylonian captivity.
The order in which the sacred writings have come down to us,
gives proof of this, otherwise the historical appendix of the
book of Isaiah would have been placed not from the 36th to the
39 th chapters, but after the 66th chapter.

As frequent mention will be made in the course of these
lectures of a 'first' Isaiah and a 'second' Isaiah, it may be well
here to furnish a statement of what is advanced by the advo-
cates of the theory, viz: that the book of Isaiah is the work of two
separate authors who flourished in different ages, as well as the

LECTURE IV.

the four major and twelve minor prophets^ thus dis-
tinguished in reference only, to the comparative extent
of their writings. Samuel, the second founder of
Mosaism in Israel, must have plainly foreseen, as

answers put forth, and, as the writer ventures to think,
successfully, in refutation of that theory.

Towards the close of the last century, Koppe was the first
biblical critic to cast doubts on the authenticity of that part of
Isaiah which extends from the 40th chapter to the close of
the book. His views were afterwards adopted by a multitude
of writers, such as Doderlein, Juste, Eichhorn, Rosenmiiller,
Paukis, Bauer, Bertholdt, De Wette, and Gesenius, the last men-
tioned of whom may be regarded as the most authoritative
exponent of the negative system. Among the Jews the book
was received entire, and no doubt was ever entertained by them
of the authenticity of any part. It is recorded in the Talmud
(Baba Bathva) that the associates of King Hezekiah collected
the i)rophecies of Isaiah ; and in the preface to Isaiah, in what
is called 'Mendelssohn's Bible,' there is a quotation from
'Medrash Rabba,' shewing that the father of Hosea left two
prophecies which have been incorporated with the writings of
Isaiah. Again, Sjiinoza (Tract. Polit. Theol.) casts a suspicion
on the completeness of the prophecies of Isaiah, as we now
possess them. But all these doubts are very different from the
results aimed at by the modern critics of Germany. De Wette,
in his Introduction to the Scriptures (German 5th Edition,
section 208), has collected all the reasons advanced by the
German critics in support of their theory ; but a much fuller
account is given in Francis Maurer's Latin Commentary on
Isaiah (Leipsic, 1836), chap. 40 ; and of which the substance is
as follows : — The last twenty-six chapters are the work of some
unknown prophet who lived about the close of the Babylonian
captivity. This portion of the book contains discourses written
by different men, but worked up into one book by one hand, as
is proved by the uniformity of style. The time at which the
author, or rather the editor lived, is inferred from the following
data.

1. The Jews are represented as lying under the displeasure of
God, and in the power of their enemies, who are subjecting them
to harsh treatment (xlii. 22, 24 ; lii. 2, 3, 5) : their land is deso-
late, their temple overthrown, and their city destroyed (xliv. 26, 28 ;

PROPHETISM. 95

did Moses, the grand struggle into which his people
were about inevitably to be drawn. He conceived the
idea of a theocratic republic* within Mosaism. The
succeeding prophets modified this conception. With

li. 3 ; lii. 9 ; Iviii. 12 ; Ixii. 4; Ixiv. 9-11) : all their sacred insti-
tutions have passed away except the Sabbaths and the Fasts
(Ivi. 2 ; Iviii. 2) : but very shortly relief is to come to them
(xl. 1, 2) : an<l their former state is to be restored (xliv. 28 ;
Iviii. 12 ; Ix. 10 ; Ixi. 4). The kingdom of the Chaldees greatly
flourishes (xlvii. 7. 8.), but it is hastening towards the heavy judg-
ments to be inflicted upon it by God through the hand of His
servant Cyrus (xli. 2 ; xlv. 1-4), who, after he has conquered
Babylon, will allow the Jews to return and restore their com-
monwealth (xliv. 28). All these things the author A'iews as
immediately before him, not like a prophet divinely instructed
of things future as though they were present, but as one who
lives and moves in the circle of these events. In proportion as
the exactness of the prophet's statements in reference to the
period that intervenes from the destruction of the Temple to
the elevation of Cyrus agree vsdth historical facts, so is the
vagueness with which all these promises of the glorious restora-
tion are intimated : they by no means agree historically with
the description of those times, as furnished by Ezra, Nehemiah,
Zachariah, Haggai, and Malachi. How did it happen that a
writer who could foresee so plainly the ruin of Babylon, and the
return of the Jews to Palestine, before the event, should be
prevented from looking a little farther with the same steadiness
of vision ? Simply because he was contemporaneous with the
decay of the Babylonian state, of which one of the natural
consequences would be the emancipation of the Jews. * * *
Moreover, the author appeals to ancient prophecies, already ful-
filled, relating to the retiirn from captivity ; and to these he
now adds some new ones (xlii. 9 ; xlv. 19, 21 ; xlvi. 10; xlviii. 16).

2. The many peculiarities of the real Isaiah's style do not
appear in the writings of the imitator. The only expressions
common to both are T'XT^*'' ^'Hp and S"]|5n for ^I^^ : in this there

* Would not the realization of the enactments municipal and
governmental laid down by Moses have, in fact, formed this
theocratic republic 1 A. M. G.

96 LECTURE IV.

them, it became a theocratic monarchy. Neither of
these designs was realized. What Samuel did achieve
for his brethren was, that for the vacillating Saul, he
substituted as heir to the throne, the faithful follower
of Mosaism, David.

is nothing surprising, if it be admitted that the later writer

had diligently studied the writings of his predecessor. There are,

however, many peculiarities belonging to the second part : as

■iri^X^t^ an Aramaic form for ^ri?X^n (Ixiii. 6)

■"ril^O „ „ „ '•riX'? (liv. 15)

nnix"' „ „ „ Drix (lix. 21)

>n an Aramaism „ (xliv. 19)

"in2 ' to prove' or ' to try' an Aramaism (xlviii. 10)
"Qn ' A thing' also an Aramaism (xliv. 28.)

and many more.

3. Had this latter part of Isaiah existed before the destruction
of Jerusalem, Jeremiah, who incurred great odium, and had to
bear the most severe treatment for prophesying these melan-
choly events, would have readily appealed to the clear prediction
of the same catastrophe, and of its happy termination, by so
renowned a prophet as Isaiah.

The foregoing objections to the genuineness of the latter part
of the book of Isaiah have been met by Hensler, Jahn, Brentano,
Hengstenbei-g, MoUer, and others. In reference to the above
points, they argue thus : —

1. None but the old prophet Isaiah, and not one living near
the period of the return from Babylon, could say (xlviii. 7, 8),
that no one befoi^e him had predicted the ruin of Babylon, since
it is spoken of at considerable length by Jeremiah in the 50th
and 51st chapters of his book. No prophet living at Babylon
could possibly omit the Chaldeans from the catalogue of Israel's
oppressors (lii. 4. 5) ; but the prophet Isaiah could do so, as he
lived and wrote a considerable i^eriod anterior to the Babylonian
captivity. Again, a writer of the age attributed to the second
Isaiah could have had no conceivable motive for charging the
Jews with idolatry, and even with sacrificing their children
(Ivii. 1,4-13), as, it is generally admitted, that these sins were
not committed by them in their exile. Besides which, the cities
of Judah and Jerusalem itself are addressed by the prophet in
tlie 40th chapter, 9th verse. This could of course be done by

I'llOPHETISM. 97

We have observed above, that Mosaism having no
external support in the kingdom of the ten tribes, its
struggle with Heathenism was there much more feeble
in its character. The principal combatants were Elijah
and Elisha. Among the prophetic zvriters, Hosea and
Amos only, worked in the kingdom of Israel; the
former two against the hostile royal family of Achab —
the two latter against that of Jehu. Elijah is the un-
surpassed, the fiery adversary of Heathenism. His
whole soul is fire; his whole being fire. But he bears

the real Isaiah, but assuredly not by the later author, if he be
supposed to have lived when Jerusalem was destroyed, and the
cities of Judah were laid waste.

2. The language in the second part of Isaiah is as elegant as
in the first part, and in some instances even more so. The
few minor diflerences in point of style are readily accounted
for by the difierence in Isaiah's age at the respective dates when
the two were composed. The Aramaisms offer no difficulty at
all, since for a long period the Aramaic language had been known
to the Hebrews ; and a striking instance of this is evident in the
first part of Isaiah (xxxvi. 11).

3. In the 44th chapter, 27th verse, there is a direct announce-
ment of the manner in which Babylon should be captured, viz.,
by the diverting of the course of the Euphrates, and Herodotus
relates (i. 185, 190), that this was historically fulfilled. Now if
the author lived before the taking of Babylon, as the critics
admit, this properly must be held to be as sure a proof of his
inspiration as any that could possibly be required.

4. The name of Cyrus which occurs in Isaiah (xliv. 28, and
xlv. 1) is generally regarded as an evidence against the authenti-
city of the book; because, it is contended, prophets do not pre-
dict proper names, nor do they enter into details. But who is
to prescribe to a prophet what he is to reveal ? Besides which,
the name of Koresh is not a proper name, but the common term
for King in the ancient Persian language (Jahn, Introduction).

[To the kindness of the Rev. D. W. Marks, I am indebted for the
above lucid statement of the arguments employed by tiKjss who
support, and by those who deny the theory, that the book of
Isaiah is the work of two authors. — A. M. G.]

98 LECTURE IV.

witliin him the full consciousness, that this fire — pure
and holy as it is — consumes him in vain ; and that this
is the will of the Lord,'^ who dwells in the still small
voice. This fire could not alter the course of events on
earthj and therefore causes him to ascend to heaven.
Elisha, his disciple and successor, no longer seeks to
stem the torrent ; he collects around him whom he can,
and guides and sustains as many as he can.

Matters are otherwise in the kingdom of Judah.
There the Prophet's conflict does not cease. The nearer
the kingdom approaches to its fall, the hotter becomes
the fight. It holds oh, even when the Chaldeans had
fired the walls of Jerusalem. It takes its stand on the
smouldering ashes of the ruined city. It flies for refuge
with its champions into Egypt, and is transported with
the sons of the captivity to Babylon. It seeks even
there, to restore the spiritual stronghold ;t it gathers
together the remnant still faithful to Mosaism, from
amidst the collected ruins of the population; it re-
conducts them to the Holy Land. And it ceases only
after the erection of the Second Temple, when the des-
tined task of Prophetism had been accomplished — to fix
immoveably and for ever, the Religious Idea in the men-
tal being of the Jewish people. The foremost combat-
ants in this battle were Isaiah and Jeremiah, in Jeru-
salem; Ezekiel and the second Isaiah, J in Babylon;
Haggai and Zechariah, during the building of the
second temple; Malachi, at the period of national re-
generation of the people of Israel.

Of all the prophetic writers, Isaiah is indisputably
the one whose style is the most lofty, nervous, and
sublime. His utterances are replete with striking
* 1 Kings, 19. 9—13. f Ezekiel 40. 48. J See note p. 93.

PROPHETISM. 99

metaphors, strong antitheses, and graphic paronomasia.
He pours forth a gushing tide of inspired eloquence,
breathing* earnest morality, deep faith in the good,
glowing enthusiasm for the God-like, unshaken fidelity
to the Deity, and burning indignation against apostasy,
pride and unrighteousness. Isaiah, as he is doubtlessly
the grandest, was also the most favoured of the pro-
phets. He lived at a period when it still appeared
possible, that by means of a passing chastisement, the
purification, regeneration, and deliverance of the people
might be effected. He not only survived two periods
of general alarm that were happily overcome by Judah
— the first, that of the war carried on successfully by
the Syrian monarch in alliance with Israel, against the
kingdom of Judah, until he was vanquished by the
king of Assyria; the second, when the latter, Senna-
cherib, turned his great armies against Judah, and when
his career of victory was arrested by the sudden visit-
ation of a desolating pestilence, that annihilated his
hosts at the very gates of Jerusalem. But after the
death of the thoroughly heathen king Ahaz, who
had, by sacrificing to Moloch, polluted the sanctuary
itself, and who contemptuously repelled the prophet,
Isaiah still lived to witness the accession of the pious
Hezekiah. This king restored Mosaism, and re-estab-
lished the Mosaic temple-worship in its pristine
splendour; reverentially listened to the admonitions
of the prophet, and, by following his counsel, stead-
fastly and successfully withstood the might of Assyria.
Jeremiah experienced a totally opposite destiny. His

* Characteristics whiich are equally those of the latter portion
of this prophet's writings, termed by our author the second
Isaiah. — A. M. G.

H '2

100 LECTURE IV.

personal qualities were the loftiest, as his career was
the most adverse and calamitous. In his youth, and in
the earliest years of his public activity, he was the
cotcmporary of King Josiah, through whose instru-
mentality Mosaism, for the last time, exercised a brief
sway in Israel. It shone with but meteoric light. Af-
ter the death of this king, in the battle of Megiddo,
the Egyptian party hostile to JNIosaism became, at the
accession of Jehoiakim, dominant in the state. At this
juncture, the king of Babylon appeared as victor on the
battle-field. But the arrogance of the Jewish mo-
narchs led them obstinately to choose, and treacherously
to pursue, their alliance with Egypt, and to join in a
conspiracy against Babylon. The fall of Judah was
easily to be foreseen. Jeremiah predicted the coming
destruction, sometimes in gushes of fervid eloquence,
sometimes in striking parables. But his warning voice
was raised in vain, and his only reward was the inflic-
tion of stripes. Again the prophet boldly enters the
palace of the king, and rebukes him for his injustice
and covetousness. Boldly he presents himself before
the priests, who 'seek to take his life, and succeed in
banishing him from the ' Temple of the Lord.' Then
he causes his addresses to be read to the king, in whose
presence the roll is cut in pieces and burnt. He finds
it necessary therefore, to remain in concealment. The
succeeding king, Zedekiah, a Aveak sovereign, sought
the prophet's counsel in many secret interviews, and
would willingly have obeyed his admonitions. But the
Egyptian party was all-powerful and overcame aL
opponents by force. The Chaldeans surrounded Jeru-
salem— Jeremiah again urged the inhabitants to sur-
render, by which the city might have been saved ; but

PROPHETISM. 101

the prophet was maltreated and imprisoned * In the
midst of his prison^ he, a captive, within a captive city,
prophesies the overthrow and the subsequent restoration
of Judah. For this the princes threw him into a miry
pit,t where he was like to die. The king secretly
causes him to be drawn up with cords. The city is
taken, and the prophet liberated by Nebuchadnezzar,
by whom the choice of his place of abode is given him.
He desires to remain in Judea with the poorer portion
of the inhabitants, who had not been carried away
captive into Babylon.

A body of these, however, who refused to listen to
his voice, fly into Egypt, whither they drag him with
them. There they make him an eye-witness of their
idolatrous practices, and disregard his words of warn-
ing and menace. Still he desists not. — As he had sat
on the ruins of Jerusalem, so he sat mentally on the
ruins of Babylon, his spirit soaring above them and
beholding that resuscitated Judah which was to rise out
of Babylon's ashes. This was his dying strain — the
song of the swan. While Jeremiah thus witnessed and
shared the suflFering and misery attendant on the
overthrow of his people, Ezekiel had been carried away
captive to Babylon, eleven years previous to the taking
of Jerusalem, and there inhabited a remote city. To
preserve his fellow-exiles from the contamination of
Babylonian idolatry, and to keep alive their attachment
to IVIosaism in the spirit, were thus the only objects,
to which the solitary prophet could devote his energy.
Ezekiel's mission, thei'efore, was to account for the fresh
events step by step, shewing that they were the conse-
quence of the abandonment of Mosaism in doctrine and

* Jer. 37. 16. t Jer. 38. 9—28.

102 LECTURE IV,

in practice; that stilly the fall of the religious idea
was not identical with the fall of Judah ; that^ on the
contrary, the faithfnl and the penitent portion of Israel,
might confidently look forward to a restoration. Thus
he was impelled to go over the whole of the Mosaic
work, in his own manner and from his own point of view ;
and consequently he laid down, on one hand, a theory
of the creation, on the other, in a magnificent vision, a
plan for a new constitution of the future Israelite state,
in which the Mosaic ideas were to be realised, though
through modified ordinances.

As Ezekiel belongs to the earlier, the second Isaiah^
belongs to the later period of the Babylonian captivity.
While Cyrus, king of Persia, was hurrying on in a
career of victory closed by his conquest of Babylon,
the prophet arose, and declared this triumph of the
Persian monarch to be the condition of Israel's pre-
dicted deliverance. When Babylon fell, his appeals
awakened in the faithful few, the desire to return to
their native land. When Cyrus had granted their re-
quest, and yet the sympathy evinced was but lukewarm,
Isaiah speaks again and seeks to fan the zeal of the
faithful into flame ; and by warnings addressed to those,
who forgot alike Zion and their God, to increase the
number of the band of pilgrims. This second Isaiah
is the one among the prophets, who clothes the strongest
emotion in the loftiest and fullest streams of eloquence.
His addresses are replete with brilliant imagery — with
strains now of impassioned joy, now of deep pathos.
If the other projihets depict to our mental vision the

* Here it may be pei'mitted to ask, where, in the records of
that era, the propounders of the Second-Isaiah theory, find traces
of his having lived and worked? — A. M. G.

PROPHETISM. 103

fall of the mighty, he shews us how those who fail are
upheld and raised again .'^ We shall elsewhere resume
the thread of our narrative^ relating the efforts made
by Haggai and Zechariah to promote the rebuilding of
the temple ; and by Malachi to remove unmosaic ele-
ments from out of the peoples' life.

I have thus, respected friends, endeavoured to place
clearly before you the outward plan of the development
of the religious idea in the Jewish people, and also in
prophetism, externally considered. It has been shown
that the religious idea had first to overcome heathenism
in its recipients ; that this was to be effected only by
means of a long struggle, in which prophetism fur-
nished the weapons ; that the national independence of
the Jewish people was necessarily sacrificed to this ob-
ject, in order that out of its ruins, new and devoted
adherents should arise, by whose instrumentality, the
religious idea should carry on the conflict with the
whole world of man. It was the self-conquest of the
Jewish race that obtained the victory. This self-con-
quest was undertaken with entire self-consciousness.
For the prophets declare at all times, though with deep

* I would also bespeak attention to a fact whicli in itself may
be deemed evidence conclusive and incontrovertible, that the
book called ' Isaiah,' is the utterance of one and the same pro-
phetic and master spirit. That fact is the total absence, from
the books and records written at the time of the captivity and
the restoration, of all mention of the name, of all trace of the
influence and efforts, of the prophet designated by German
rationalists, the second Isaiah.

It seems almost superfluous to ask, whether it is possible
such a spirit should have lived at such a time, without having
marked his age by his deeds ; without having summoned his
brethren around him, to listen to the outpovirings of living
words, which, as written utterances even, have won, for him the
title of ' the Sublimest of the seers of old ! ' — A. M. G.

104 LECTURE IV.

sorrow, that it must be unflinchingly achieved : that
the people must fall, in order that from their ashes the
religious idea, phoenix-like, should arise.

The argument of the Avhole of this first period, is
consequently the subjugation of heathenism, within the
Jewish people, by the religious idea — and the prophets
arc the instruments of the conflict and of the triumph.

The position and the task of prophetism has thus
been recognised; its true signification now remains to
he considered.

i05

LECTURE V.

THE TEACHINGS OF THE PROPHETS AND THE
HAGIOGRAPHA.

Among tlie many peculiarities which distinguish the
history of the Jewisli race from that of all other peoples,
(which peculiarities in truth resulted from the idiosyn-
crasy of the national existence) we may adduce as one
perhaps of the most remarkable, the fact, that the
genius of this people took its boldest flights, and pro-
duced its loftiest creations, at a period of national
decline, when the people themselves, fast sinking into
moral and religious degradation, had well nigh aban-
doned their sublime mission. The greatest produc-
tions of other nations, have been coeval with their
attainment of the zenith of their glory, and the noon
of their national existence. Not so with the race of
Israel. The lower it fell, the higher soared the latent
national genius. This phenomenon, recurring again
and again in their history, is not only easy of explana-
tion, but is necessary to this people, since the spiritual
essence of the Jewish race, is the eternal never-dying
' Religious Idea,' which, just when the disorganization
of its appointed material vessel is apparently impending,
must manifest itself with redoubled activity by indi-
vidual effort, and thus render itself superior to the
mutabihty of all earthly things. Then the prophets
arise at a period when Heathenism sits on the throne of
Israel, when it had obtained general sway over the
people, had insinuated itself into the popular life, and

106 LECTURE V,

had thus paved the way to its natural consequence —
the overthrow of the people of Israel. For the nation
had not only lost that which constituted its true power
and strength, that by means of which it had been
enabled to stand in array against a world — the Eeligious
Idea; but had likewise become enervated by Heathenism,
in whose train had followed luxury, debauchery, im-
morality, injustice, oppression, and violence. The
prophets repeatedly paint this condition of things in
terms of unmitigated disgust and aversion.

Thus had the life of the Jewish people become
wholly opposed in its character to Judaism. The only
fragments of Judaism then stiU remembered and prac-
tised, viz., the sacrificial service and some few ordinances
of the law, had degenerated into mere formal and
insignificant observances. The prophets deemed it
vain, amid this un-Mosaic life, this wholesale infringe-
ment of Judaism, to enforce the Mosaic law. In the
first place, they could not have overcome the obstacles
which the actual life of the people presented, inasmuch
as the idea was wholly lost among them; in the
second, the prophets could not fail to perceive that,
even in the event of the people's acceptance of a por-
tion of the Mosaic code, that portion would have been
but empty ceremonial, since the idea no longer existed
in the national mind.

The prophets, therefore, recognized the necessity of
even combating so much of the practice of the Mosaic
law as had survived, it being opposed to the idea, since
it consisted of empty rites, involving mockery and
hypocrisy. And this course they, in fact, adopted.
Isaiah exclaims in the name of God : ' Of what avail
to me is the multitude of your sacrifices? saith the

THE TEACHINGS OF THE PROPHETS. 107

Lord. I am cloyed with the burnt offerings of rams
and the fat of fed beasts, and I delight not in the
blood of bullocks, or of lambs, or of he-goats. When
ye come to appear before me, who hath required this
at yom- hands, to tread my courts? Bring no more
vain oblations ; incense is an abomination unto me :
the new moons and sabbaths, the assembly proclaimed,
I cannot support. What ! Impiety blended with a
solemn rite? Your new moons and your appointed
feasts my soid hateth.^"^ Jeremiah even declares the
sacrificial worship to form no integral part of Mosaism.f
Thef second Isaiah says : ' Is it such a fast that I
have chosen a day for a man to afflict his soul ? Is it
to bow down his head as a bulrush, and sit upon sack-
cloth and ashes? Wilt thou call this a fast and an
acceptable day to the Lord ? Is not this the fast that
I have chosen — to loose the bonds of wickedness, to
undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go
go free, and that ye break every yoke ? Is it not to
deal thy bread to the hungry, and that thou bring the
poor that are cast out of thy house ? When thou
seest the naked, that thou cover him; and that thou
hide not thyself from thine own flesh. '§ The Jewish
people having thus lost the Mosaic Idea and adopted
Heathenism, it necessarily ensued that the life became
un-Mosaic, and that what remained in it of Mosaism,
had degenerated into empty form. It was, conse-
quently indispensable, that the prophets should strive
above all things to reinstate the religious idea among
the people, in order that their life, which had in fact,
Avholly severed itself from that idea, might again be

* Is. 1. 11. t Jer. 7. 22 and 23.

% Vide ante note, page 93. § Is. 58. 55.

108 LECTURE V.

made to accord with it. This severance rendered it
imperative on the prophets, to seek to save the idea,
and to imbue with it the heart of the people ; and this
compelled them to seize upon the religious idea only
to aim to develop it and re-establish its sway. But it
again thence resulted, that the idea was more general-
ized, and assumed an appearance of being opposed to,
and independent of, material life. While in Mosaism
the idea and the life are one and the same, the idea
now appeared as self-existent, and severed from the
life.*

This separation between the life and the idea was,
doubtless, essentially un-Mosaic. It was likewise a
great evil ; for the union of the idea and the life, alone
forms religious truth. It was, nevertheless, a condition
of its development, and was in so far necessary ; as by
its means only, could be effected the dissemination of
the religious idea throughout the whole world of.
man. The idea solely, could win mankind to itself.
When, in the due course of its development, it shall
have thoroughly permeated the mental being of man, it

* For example : Mosaism had said, ' Love thy neighbour as
thyself; consider thy neighbour's rights to be as thine own :
every man shall be free ; thou slialt not have thy neighbour for
a slave, therefore give him his freedom in the seventh year, and
let him go free, and furnish him liberally from thy corn, thy
herds, and thy wine.' The people had lost this idea of personal
freedom on their return to Heathenism, which brought with it
castes — slavery : so they did not liberate slaves, nor observe the
year of release. The prophets could not, therefore, insist on the
observance of the year of release, but were obliged to enforce in
general terms, the principle of the equality of rights among
mankind, without expressly applying it to actual life. It would
have been fruitless to address the people thus : ' The gleanings
of the field belong to the jioor ; the second tithe of the third
and sixth year.' So they gave general exhortation, ' Break thy
bread,' etc.

THE TEACHINGS OP THE PROPHETS. 109

will and must come into active existence, and regulate
and mould material life.

We shall thus perceive, that the severance of the idea
and the life is complete in Christianity ; that in the mid-
dle ages, the idea was powerless in respect of the life ;
and that it is but in the most recent times, that it is again
beginning to exert any influence on daily existence.

What we here deduce from history, at the close of a
period of development of two thousand, five hundred
years' duration, the prophets clearly foresaw and rm-
equivocally predicted, at its commencement. Mosaism
presents the union of the life and the idea, and could
in the first instance be addressed to the Jewish race
only. To disseminate the religious idea is Israel's
mission; to live out the religious life, is Israel's
appointed task. But the prophets, inasmuch as they
especially set forth the religious idea — inasmuch as they
elaborate it in its universality, and omit to insist on its
special application, have the pre-consciousness that the
religious idea is not Israel's portion only, but that of all
mankind.^ The acknowledgment of one God in His
entire unity — of one God, supreme and holy, who is,
in this indirect relation to man created in his image —
Man's Providence, the sole source of judgment and
revelation — the difl'usiou of universal love, by means of
universal justice, freedom, and peace — and the universal
acceptance of these by mankind, who will thereby be
united and wlioUy influenced ; — such are the chief points
of development, which the prophets imparted to the
Mosaic idea.

Each of these prophets, from the first to the last,

* Moses, the first of the prophets, also declares this great
truth again and again.— Deut. 4. 6 ; Judges 32. 1. — ^A. M. G.

110 LECTURE V.

inculcates this doctrine ; and from eacli in succession, it
receives additional development. Nay: this doctrine is
even anterior to the prophets whose writings we now
possess, and is in fact the very mother of prophecy.
It is, viz., worthy of all remark, that, in Micah iv. 1 — 4,
and in Isaiah, at the opening of a prophetic address,
ii. 2 — 4, we find exactly parallel passages expressing
this idea, with but this difference — that in Micah, the
composition is more careful, and that there is one
additional and very beautiful verse. There has been
much controversy as to the original authorship of these
verses. Closer investigation proves, however, that to
neither of these two writers does it belong; but that
they are but the transcript of an older prophetic decla-
ration which both prophets cite,"^ and place, for a spe-
cific object, at the head of their respective paragraphs.
The verses run thus : — " But in the last days, it shall
come to pass, that the mountain of the house of the
Lord shall be estabhshed in the top of the mountain ;
and it shall be exalted above the hills; and people shall
flow unto it. And many nations shall come and say.
Come, and let us go up to the mountain of the
Lord, and to the house of the God of Jacob. He
will teach us of His ways, and we shall walk in His
paths; for the law shall go forth out of Zion, and
the word of the Lord from Jerusalem ; and He shall
judge among many people, and rebuke strong nations
afar off: and they shall beat their swords into plough-
shares, and their spears into pruning-hooks ; nation
shall not lift up a sword against nation, neither shall

* It is well known, that the prophets contain numerous quo-
tations, the names of the writers of which are frequently not
given.

THE TEACHINGS OF THE PROPHETS. Ill

they learn war any more. But they shall sit every
man under his own vine^ and his own fig tree, and
none shall make them afraid; for the mouth of the
Lord of Hosts hath spoken it."

It is herein declared — 1st. That all nations of the
earth will acknowledge the truth of the Religious idea.
2ndly. That they will consider themselves bound by it ;
and 3rdly. Peace, the cessation of war and strife,
general security and happiness will, by means of that
religious idea, come universally to prevail. We see
this general acceptance of the religious idea meta-
phorically portrayed in " the going up of the nations
to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God
of Jacob ;" its fulfilment in the life, in ' ' the walking in
his paths ;" its result, in the cessation of war, and in
dwelling peacefully every one "^ under his own vine and
his own fig-tree." Every prophet depicts, in accordance
with his own character and in his own individual style,
this great future of the human race, in the most vivid
colours, and at length transfers into the brute creation,
and into all nature, the spirit of heavenly peace."^ " The
wolf also shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard
shall lie down with the kid, and the calf and the young
lion and the fatling together, and a little child shall
lead them. And the cow and the bear shall feed their
young ones, shall lie down together, and the lion shall
eat straw like the ox. And the sucking child shall play
on the hole of the asp, and the weaned child shall put
his hand on the cockatrice's den. They shall not hurt
nor destroy in all my holy mountain ; for the earth
shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters
cover the sea."

* Isaiah 11. 6—9.

112 LECTURE V.

As soon as the prophets had attained to the con-
scioxisnrss that INIosaism was not destined to limit its
influenee to the Jewish race, but tliat its ultimate end
was the dissemination of the religions idea among the
whole of mankind, the question — How was that design
to he accomplished ? naturally suggested itself to them.
Their first necessary deduction was, that Israel was hut
the instrument of God.* To he the depositaries of
the religions idea, for the whole human race, they recog-
nised to he the mission of the w^hole posterity of Abra-
ham.-}- Their second deduction was, that in its fulfilment
no thought of victory by force of arms, or by coercive
means, or by the exercise of political power, was to be
entertained. The idea could only prevail by Adrtue of
its power as an idea ; freedom cannot be attained through
slavery ; it can be won by fi-ee development alone. The
views set forth in the writings of the prophets may be
summed up as follows: — Israel is contaminated — God's
chastisement is therefore necessary. By this chastise-
ment Israel shall be sanctified and purified. Israel will
be re-established. This chastisement, regeneration, and
restoration will serve as examples and proofs of the
truth of the religious idea ever existent in Israel, and
therefore lead to its recognition by all people. There-

• ' And now saith the Lord that formed me from the
womb to be his servant, to bring Jacob again unto him,' etc. —
Isaiah 49. 1.

t ' Behold my servant whom I uphold, mine elect in whom my
soul delighteth. I have put my spirit upon him. He shall In-ing
forth judgment to the Gentiles. He shall not cry, nor lift up,
nor cause his voice to be heard in the street. A bruised reed
shall he not break, and the smoking flax he shall not quench.
He shall bring forth judgment unto truth. He shall not fail nor
be discouraged, till he have set judgment in the earth. And the
isles shall wait for his law.' — Isaiah 42. 1 — 4.

THE TEACHINGS OF THE PROPHETS. 113

fore Israel endui'es his punishment for the sake of all
nations, his degradation and their coutumelyj for that of
all mankind. Israel is the martyr for the human race,
of the religious idea, as Isaiah in the well-known 33rd
chapter represents him to be. The reference which
these successive propositions bear to the actual condition
of the Jewish people, (the latter furnishing in fact
their connecting links) is clearly perceptible. The
more palpable this condition of things became, as the
fall of the kingdom approached and the captivity of the
Jews ensued, and as their restoration appeared more
imminent, the clearer were the predictions of prophecy.
We shall, therefore, not be surprised to find, that the
second Isaiah* puts forth these statements with the
greatest precision.

The third deduction from the same view, is the ampli-
fication by the Prophets of the doctrine of the divine
government of the universe, and of God's appearing to
them, for the express purpose of leading, by means of
justice and truth, all mankind to moral perfection; they
declare that God ordains the destinies of all nations,
in accordance with His universal wisdom. It is God
who calleth upon people and princesf for specific objects,
who granteth them the victory, in order to chastise the
iniquity of the conquered, and to humble the pride of
man; but who prepareth likewise the downfall of the
conqueror, if he misuse the success vouchsafed unto
him.

The judgments of God, the pm-ification of man by
their means, and the re-acceptance of the purified man,
are thus the chief subject-matter of the writings

* Vide ante note, p. 93,

t Nebuchadnezzar, as likewise Cyrus, are " called of the Lord."

114 LECTURE V.

of the prophets ; the theme of which they treat in end-
less modifications. With unflinching courage do they
inveigh against all immorality ; they denounce it in all
its forms and phases ; and brand its votaries, whether
found among the people, the priests, or the princes,
whether Israelite, Assyrian, Egyptian, Babylonian, or
Tyrian. With imwearied hand do they portray their
fall, their utter destruction. Then they turn to paint
in glowing colours, how God is found of them who seek
Him, how He hath compassion on the penitent, and
blotteth out his transgression. But with deepest inspi-
ration do they address themselves to the oppressed and
downcast, and declare how the Lord, throned in un-
speakable majesty, is nighest unto the broken in heart,
and turneth his sorrow into joy, his aspirations into
fulfilment ; and is his Saviour and Redeemer.

What renders the Prophets so valuable is, that while
Mosaism inculcates the right in fixed doctrine and spe-
cific rules of life, the Prophets bring general morality to
be accepted, set it forth as the universal guide of
human action, and insist upon the truth, that by means
of it alone, can nations continue to exist, and that with-
out it they must eventually decline and fall; that
neither force of arms, nor diplomacy, is of power to
sustain them, if moraUty has ceased to be active in the
midst of them. The Prophets are the book of the
peoples; the mirror in which they may see their des-
tinies clearly reflected.

If we hastily review the utterances of each prophet
individually, we shall perceive that Isaiah especially
enlarges on the Holiness of the Deity. At his sanc-
tification for his^ prophetic mission, the loftiest accent
that greets his ear, is the three times " Holy,"^ from the
* Isaiuli 6.3.

THE TEACHINGS OP THE PROPHETS. 115

lips of the seraphim. " Holy Lord" is the epithet, with
which he most frequently apostrophises his God. This
Holy God is sanctified by justice ', he who accepts His
judgments, sanctifies Him. Hence the Almighty's
displeasure at crime and injustice, His condemnation of
fraud and hypocrisy. Therefore lie executeth judgment,
causeth the proud to fall, and visiteth the froward, but
purifieth by chastisement. * " When Thy law came to
earth, the inhabitants of the world learnt righteous-
ness." If He be angry, he returneth from His anger,
and hath compassion, and guilt is expiated. Isaiah
says, t" God teareth asunder the veil that hideth^ the
nations; raiseth the covering that covereth all peoples;
annihilateth death, and wipeth the tear from every eye."

The characteristic of Ezekiel is his enforcement of
the doctrine of God's unconditional justice. The
judgment of God is pronounced on all souls. % Each
soul will be judged individually ; the sinful soul will
be visited with death, i. e., annihilation ; the just with
life, i. e. salvation. If the just soul depart from justice,
and tm-n to evil, it will be punished. If the wicked
turn from transgression and pursue the path of right-
eousness, it will receive forgiveness, and attain to
immortality. God is therefore prompt to forgive ;
hath pleasure in the return of the repentant sinner.
As with individual so it is with national existence.

But the second Isaiah is peculiarly the prophet of
the unfortunate, of the oppressed and sorrowing. In
every accent of tender love, he calls them to God,
§He will feed his flock like a shepherd; He will gather

* Isaiah 11. 9. + Isaiah 25. 7, 8.

X So also Moses. — 5 Mos. 24. 16. ; again, ibid, 30. 6, 15, 19.—
A. M. G.

§ Isaiah 40. 11.

IK) LECTUllE y.

the lambs with His arm and cany them in His bosom;
^He giveth power to the faint ; and to them who have
no might He increaseth strength. He says t " Ho every
one that thirsteth^ come to the waters ; and he that
hath no money, come ye, buy and eat : yea, buy wine
and milk without money and without price." He con-
siderS it his especial vocation to preach good tidings
unto the meek. J " He hath sent me to bind up the bro-
ken-hearted ; to proclaim liberty to the captives, and
the opening of the prison to them that are bound."

The thought of most frequent recurrence to him is,
§ " Thus saith the Lord, The heaven is my throne and
the earth my footstool, but to that man will I look,
even to him that is poor and of a contrite spirit, and
trembleth at my word." But all the glory of the earth
is as nought in His sight, forl| ''Behold the nations are
as a drop of a bucket, and are counted as the small
dust of the balance."

The transition hence to the so-called Hagiographa, is
easily perceived. They form the third division of the
Old Testament, and a specific and necessary phase of the
development of the religious Idea. We select for ex-
amination the Psalms, the Book of Job, and the Pro-
verbs of Solomon. Doubtless a part of these writings
preceded the prophets whose works we possess. Some
of the Psalms were composed by David and his contem-
poraries; of many of the Proverbs, Solomon is the
author ; and, according to my view, (founded upon the
style and the description of manners it contains), the
Book of Job dates from the times of the Judges.
These productions are, for the most part, unconnected
with the march of events historically considered, and

* Isaiah 40. 29. t 55. 1. J Gl. 1. § 66. 1, 2. |1 40. 15.

THE HAGIOGRAPIIA. 117

appertain to tlie individual. But we must recollect
also, that the indi\ddual lives amid, and is influenced
by, the circumstances of his age and its prevailing
mental tendencies, and that the mass is but composed
of the aggregate of individual existences.

The characteristic of these writings, and one which
renders them an integral and essential portion of the
whole edifice of the religious Idea, is that they express
subjective religion, i. e., the religion and piety of the
individual. Mosaism and Prophetism declare the ob-
jective doctrines of God, the world, and mankind.
The Hagiograplia enlarge on the relation of God to
the individual, and of the individual to his God. Mo-
saism in teaching the direct connection of the Deity
with mankind by means of His Providence, of judg-
ment, and revelation, places God and man in direct
relation to each other. The necessary consequence
was, that man perceived this relation to be not only
objective, (i. e. existing in the social man) but he felt
himself also to be, in his strict individuality, in inti-
mate connection with his Maker ; and thus is evolved
subjective religion, i. e., man in his individual destiny,
his individual position, in fine, in his every relation;
and in his conformation, physical, intellectual, and
moral. And this view is perfectly consistent; for the
all-embracing, all-seeing God, who hath divided this
universe into its manifold parts and sections, must have
regard, not alone to the species, but to the individual.
The 'Writings' thus portray the various emotions expe-
rienced by the individual in his relation to his God, in
the ever-changing scenes of life ; and the conceptions
of the Deity induced by these emotions. As the
writings of Moses, notwithstanding their nationality

118 LECTURE V.

of costume, are emphatically tlic book of mankind,
the Prophets the book of the nations,, so are the
^Writings' the book of the individual man. In all
ageSj therefore^ and under all climes^ have they ever
found their way to the hearts of all God-loving men.

The subject-matter of these Hagiographa, is the
suffering and struggling human being. In the vortex
of actual life, amid the friction, the contending and
selfish efforts of mankind, is he destined to battle.
He feels his own strength to be insufficient, and seeks
a higher support, an immovable stay, in God. He
falls, the power of his adversaries overcomes him.
He seeks more efficient help, firmer support, protec-
tion, and safety, in God. This it is of which
these writings treat; in this consists subjective re-
ligion. The richest in these treasures are the Psalms.
They are a collection of devotional lyrics, uttering in
accents the most touching, in forms and modes of
language the most varied, the thoughts, sensations,
and emotions of suffering, struggling man. The ma-
jority of these Psalms are prayers for deliverance from
enemies, for punishment of the godless, who oppress
the innocent. Thus the judgment of God is sometimes
invoked, sometimes pronounced; for He judges the
people, the rulers, and the universe, with inflexible
justice. He who trieth the heart and the reins, who
knoweth the secrets of all spirits, the all- seeing Lord,
He annihilateth the wicked, is unto them who trust
in Him, help, shield, banner, saviour, shepherd, refuge,
and light. Let every one therefore trust in the Lord,
for He is his help and his shield. Unto Him shall
men turn in every peril, for He is faithful and full of
compassion. Men's unhappiness is often caused by

THE HAGIOGRAPHA. 119

sin, for the foi'givcness of which we must pray. But
God's mercy is without limit. He remembereth that we
are but dust. He is the protector of the oppressed.
He chastisethj but deUvereth not unto death. He is
nigh unto the poor and wretched, and granteth victory.

Then again the delivered pours forth his song of
thanksgiving, for the salvation and help that God hath
vouchsafed unto him in the hour of his sorest peril.
And with this is connected the universal song of praise,
in which God is addressed as the Creator of the
Universe, Almighty Ruler of the Earth, the Revealer
of the truth which leadeth man to the right path, the
Providence, whose counsels are unsearchable. Unto
Him must man submit. Him must he fear, love, and
worship. In Him must he rejoice and be glad. Him
must he acknowledge as the Eternal God, for ever and
ever.

The Psalms must doubtlessly be understood from
the subjective point of view. They are not intended
to present us with objective doctrine. They express
the conceptions, which man, in the various phases of
life, forms of the Deity. The pictures are often highly
coloured. But every chord of human feeling and
aspiration is touched, and the ever-present unfailing
conviction of God's existence and government, pours
forth into the trembling heart of man, peace, security,
and consolation. No writings are more instructive and
interesting than these Psalms, the lyric utterances of the
Jewish race. They may be compared with the hymns and
odes of Pindar, or the chorusses of the Greek tragedy.
In the latter, we have the cold marble, wrought by the
hand of art into the most perfect forms, and the
highest plastic beauty ; in the former, the warm palpi-

120 LECTURE V.

tating human heart, whence the fresh rapid stream
of life gushes freely forth. In these creations we at
once clearly perceive the contrast presented, and the
missions to be respectively fulfilled, by these, the two
most important nations of antiquity, Hellas and Israel.
Both have exercised a powerful influence on mankind;
the one on temporal or human things, the other on
things imperishable, eternal, on the inmost being of
man.

The Book of Job treats the same question in all its
bearings more exclusively and more extensively, viz. : —
the actual life of suffering man, in his relation to the
Deity. But what is matter of feeling and impulse only
in the Psalms, is elevated in Job into a matter of con-
sciousness, artistically elaborated to a definite proposi-
tion. The question itself, in its various solutions,
assumes a dramatic form. Job himself opens the in-
quiry — ■ ' Why does God permit so much evil to visit
man, in this, his brief pilgrimage on earth V The
friends of Job undertake to reply to this query, after
the old accepted manner. ' God is just •' every affliction
is punishment for transgression. Job refutes this, partly
from general, and partly from personal experience.
Then every sufferer would be indicated to be criminal,
every prosperous man to be a hero of virtue. The con-
trary is endlessly manifest, since many known sinners
enjoy immunity from suffering, and many sufferers are
unconscious of guilt, comparable with their sufferings
in intensity. A higher solution must be sought, which
God in fact Himself declares, viz : everything in nature
has its fixed purpose assigned to it by God. Tliis pur-
pose is achieved by the most appropriate means. By
virtue of the co-operation ^and arrangement of these

THE HAGIOGRAPHA. 121

several purposes, nature exists. These designs are
proofs in themselves of the wisdom of the designer.
The inevitable deduction, left by the artistic handling
of the argument, for the reader himself to make,
although prepared in the introduction and conclusion,
is this : — an allwise purpose is contained in the vicissi-
tudes and sorrows of human life ; these last tend to the
continued endurance of the race of man, to the develop-
ment of the mental power by the exercise of piety and
resignation : thus is man led by suffering to a higher
goal.

The Book of Job presents a grand picture of human
life. As to style, religious depth, and artistic per-
fection, it has been, and still remains, unequalled.
What it contains and sets forth, is yet as true, as un-
changed, as though this very day it had first been
uttered. The'same lamentations over the innumerable
ills of life, the same condemnatory judgment upon the
fallen, are still heard from the lips of selfish dogmatists.
But the consolatory inferences we draw at the present
moment from this argument, are not more striking nor
sublime, than those furnished by this glorious poem.
With all this, a spirit of humanity pervades the book,
a deep sympathy for human sorrow, a knowledge of
human weakness, touches of a morality the most re-
fined, and homage rendered to wisdom ; all these mark
it as the utterance of the purest of human hearts, a
pearl in the bright coronet formed of the creations of
Israel's genius.

While the Book of Job rises to the loftiest sphere of
reliffious meditation, the Proverbs descend to the con-
sideration of practical daily life. The Proverbs are, as
a whole, intended to demonstrate the applicability of

122 LECTURE V.

the law of God to every-day life, and its operation on
material existence. " The fear of the Lord is the be-
ginning of wisdom/' is one of the opening declarations
of the book, and the enforcement of this teaching its
unwearied aim. With this fear we stumble not — we
keep far removed from e\dl — we fall into no snares — and
we lengthen our days. Unshaken trust in God, firm as
the rock, is om^ shield and our fortress, the surest weapon
of defence in life. For God, who abhorreth deception, but
who hath pleasure in him who walks in innocence,
blesseth the upright, and permitteth him not to fall.
True it is, that He leaveth not the righteous unproved;
but him whom He loveth the Lord chasteneth, as a
father his child; and He ordereth for fixed objects,
in wisdom and mercy, all things aright.

We would here subjoin the following brief remarks : —
1st. In the Psalms and in the Book of Job we meet with
repeated allusions to nature. The Psalms, (especially
the 19th and the 104th) place Nature and Revelation in
juxta-position, and refer frequently to the works of God
in nature, as proofs of the Divine Existence. The Book
of Job recurs again and again to nature, and deduces
from her operations, the solution of his argument.
How different is all within the realms of heathenism.
Considering nature as the starting point, it evolved,
from the conflict of the various elements in nature, two
or more gods; — failing to perceive the unity of nature
herself. But the religious idea went forth from God,
through Him recognises nature to be one, a uniform
single work of the Creator, and perceives in nature,
thus understood, its own verification. 2nd. Since the
main theme of these Writings is the individual and his
idiosyncrasy, they naturally revert more frequently and

THE HAGIOGRAPHA. 123

more explicitly to the doctrine of the immortality of
the soul. On the whole, however, in them^ as in the
books of Moses and the Prophets, this doctrine is rather
set forth as a pre-acknowledged, pre-accepted truth,^
than insisted on as the basis of all religion, on which the
superstructure is to be reared^ and which should be the
aim and end of religious teaching. Moses and the prophets
were alike incomprehensible without the pre-conception
of the immortality of the soul ; they include it, in truth,
in the doctrine of man's creation in the image of his
Creator. But their aim and scope is the 'here/ to
mould and form this into an independent and religious
unity. The Hagiographa are^ in this matter, conceived
wholly in the Mosaic spirit. And these two characteristics
testify that these Writings^ are but offshoots from Mo-
saism their great root, in Avhich are to be found their
firm groundwork and significance. But they are, in
themselves, the unfolding of the religious Idea in the
individual.

Here then we have reached the close of the first
period of the existence of the religious Idea, and of its de-
positaries and bearers, the Hebrew people. That period
comprehends two phases,— the founding of the religious
idea in Mosaism, and its conquest over heathenism in
the midst of the Jewish race, by Prophetism. In this
victory it suflFered, it is true, the severance of the idea
and the life ; but by that severance it effected a general
diffusion of the religious idea, in its destination for all
the human race ; and further, it prepared its development
in the individual. From this juncture we behold the
rehgious idea stepping forth into a larger arena, into the

* Besides being clearly expressed in passages too numerous
for citation. — A. M. G.

124 LECTURE V,

whole world of man. At tlie same time, the Jewish
race quits the narrow houndarics of Palestine, to spread
itself, in its wide dispersions, over the earth. We pause
here. I shall in my next lectures, proceed to the ex-
amination of the important subjects of Talmudisra, on
the one hand, and of Christianity and Moslemism on
the other.

125

LECTURE VI.

THE SECOND TEMPLE — THE ORIGIN OF TALMUDISM.

The first small colonies of Jews (whose numbers were
subsequently augmented by other bodies) that returned
from the Babylonian captivity to Palestine, Avere neces-
sarily composed of those exiles, who, faithful to the
standard of the Prophets, had kept themselves aloof from
the habits and manners and the Idolatry of Babylon,
and held fast to Mosaism, though perhaps regarding it
merely as a peculiarity of the Jewish race.

Their total alienation from Heathenism was further
confirmed by the erection of the Second Temple, by the
influence of the three last prophets, and by the efforts
of the two upright but somewhat stem legislators, Ezra
and Nehemiah. Holding official situations at the Per-
sian Court, and being thereby invested with something
of a judicial character, they enforced the observance of
many municipal regulations in popular life, and intro-
duced many ordinances for the re-establishment and re-
organization of divine worship.

Erom that moment, all admixture of heathen elements
will be found to have wholly and finally disappeared
from amid the Jewish race. Happily, under the mild and
tolerant sway of the Persian monarchs, centuries of
tranquillity passed over the heads of that race — centu-

126 LECTURE VI.

ries of iaternal and external growth, during wliicli they
acquired organic consistency and firmness. Of these
years of peace and progress, nothing can be observed,
since nothing is known of them, nor did anything occur
in them worthy to be recorded. Even the overthrow of
the Persian monarchy by Alexander the Great, caused
but a brief interruption to this halcyon interval of calm.
This small and no longer independent nation could but '
bend reed-like beneath the world's mighty events, but
could not be crushed by their pressure. So that the dis-
sensions and conflicts among Alexander's generals passed
over the land, like a summer shower, the Jews yielding
homage now to the Egyptian Ptolemies, now to the
Syrian SeleucidcC. The struggle in which the Jcavs them-
selves were destined to engage, began when the rest of
the world had almost regained tranquillity, and has con-
tinued, with but small interruption, from that moment
up to the present day. The more firmly the Jews esta-
blished themselves on the broad basis of Mosaism, the
more evident did it become that it presented, not an
ideal, but a real contrast to Heathenism, a contrast in-
herent in the very being, physical and mental, of the
Jewish race. The heathen world, restored to peace,
awoke to the consciousness that this antagonism existed;
it took up arms and combatted it, as for life and death.
After Heathenism had thus opposed the Religious Idea
within the Hebrew race, and had succumbed to that
idea within Judaism itself, foreign heathenism turned
to bay, to do battle with it in the persons of the Jews,
then and evermore its bearers.

The first champion of Heathenism in the fight against
the Eeligious Idea, was the Seleucide, Antiochus Epipha-
nes. He sought to exterminate, not the Jews, but Judaism.

THE SECOND TEMPLE — THE ORIGIN OF TALMUDISM. 127

He used every means to compel the Jews to bend the
knee before his idols. Then arose a small band of
Jews, to do glorious battle in a glorious cause. Then it
was again shown what a handful of people, when bound
together by one intense and animating principle, may
achieve, even though the power of a world be arrayed
against them. As the Greeks fought against the Per-
sian Colossus, the Swiss against the Biu"gundians and
and Austria, so fought the little band of the Maccabees
against the host of the Syrian, ten against a thousand.
Hurrying from victory to victory, they ere long restored,
not only the religious idea, but also freedom and inde-
pendence to their people and country. Bearing on high
the trophies of this triumph, the Jews regained for a
time their historical position as a nation among the
nations, governed by native rulers, who soon exchanged
the priest's mitre for the king's diadem.

But it was the struggle which had quickened into pul-
sation the life-current in the hearts of the Jews. Tran-
quillity once restored, the ruling families exhausted them-
selves by mutual dissensions, splitting the people into
parties, that attacked each other with all the virulence
of fraternal animosity. Morality and religion were thus
undermined. The opposing factions themselves sum-
moned the second champion of Heathenism, the Roman,
into Judea, which country he would doubtless soon have
visited unbidden, since it lay in his path of conquest.

The people having thus lost their internal self-de-
pendence, by means of the disunion and conflicts of
their leaders, submitted almost without resistance to the
yoke of Rome. But her rule degenerated soon into
unheard-of oppression on the part of the exacting go-
vernors, who transplanted the despotism then prevailing

128 LECTURE VI.

in tlie imperial court of Rome^ to the soil of the pro-
vinces. In the Jewish race there yet dwelt a fimcl of
strength, which had long disappeared from the other de-
pendent states of the empire. So soon as discontent
and hatred came to prevail between the governors and
the governed, it was impossible but that religious strife
should speedily ensue. Everything heathen was ob-
noxious to the Jew, as everything Jewish was ludicrous
and contemptible in the eyes of the Roman. To render
idolatrous worship to the statues of the Csesara in the
temple, was repugnant and impossible to the Jew, while
his incomprehensible refusal was regarded by the Roman
as being prompted by a spirit of resistance only. The
igniting spark was not long ere it fell on this inflam-
mable heap.

The Jews rose en masse with desperate fury against th6
Romans, and soon freed their land from the presence of
an enemy, whose sway at that very time extended from
the Euphrates, over the lands watered by the Danube,
thQ Weser, and the Tweed, to the shores of the Atlantic
Ocean, and from the Atlas Mountains to the sources of
the Nile. Two distinct but equally dangerous circum-
stances co-operated to render a war of extermination
inevitable — its fatal issue certain. The first of these
was the invasion of Judaea by countless legions,
flushed with a long course of conquest under the vete-
ran generalship of Vespasian and Titus. The second
and more fatal condition of this impending ruin, was
the internal dismemberment of the people, who, lacking
one ruling spirit, were torn into factions by their several
contending leaders. During the continuance of the war
with the Romans, these rival chiefs, some of them ani-
mated by the fiercest zeal, others advocating submission

THE SECOND TEMPLE — THE ORIGIN 0¥ TALMUDISM. 12-)

to the invading forces, had even availed themselves of
every brief suspension of arms granted by the foreign
foe, to renew their T)loody and suicidal domestic strug-
gles. In the final conflict, brilliant was the courage, in-
flexible the firmness, undaunted the perseverance, and
heroic the spirit of self-sacrifice, displayed by the Jews.
They rushed into the burning temple, snatched the
golden seats of the priests from the flames, to cast them
on the heads of the besiegers. More than a million
Jews fell in this war; 97,000 were taken prisoners.
Some of these were put to death, others sold as slaves,
others sent to work in the mines; and others reserved to
be carried captives to Rome, and there torn in pieces by
wild beasts in the public games. The existence of the
Jews as a people was annihilated. But did all this involve
the annihilation of Judaism ? No ! in truth. Though
in many a page of history the designs of Providence are
legible, surely they are nowhere so clearly to be read, so
deeply to be revered as in this one. All other nations of
antiquity were to perish. The Hebrew Race alone was
etei'nally to endure. And the conditions necessary to
its preservation had been long prepared.

A large portion of the Jews of the captivity had
remained behind, in the countries washed by the Tigris
and the Euphrates. After the re-establishment of their
brethren in Palestine, they had there formed themselves
into communities. Their several conquerors, from the
time of Alexander doAvnwards, had caused large colonies
of Jews to be transplanted to the cities they respectively
built. The internal dissensions prevailing during the
closing years of their national existence, had induced
many Jews to emigrate to other countries, long before
the destruction of Jerusalem. Thus a wide net of

130 LECTURE VI.

Jewish communities had been gradually spread over the
then known world. Numerous bands of Jews had ga-
thered themselves into communities in various parts
throughout the eastern countries of Asia, throughout
the whole of Sja'ia, Egypt, and Cyrene, Italy and
Greece. Some had wandered into Spain and Gaul, and
some had advanced even beyond the Danube and the
Rhine. The endurance of Jewdom had thus been long
ensured. The fugitives from Palestine found every-
where cities of refuge well prepared to receive them,
and from them they conld again, in their tm*n, secure
others. The Jews had besides their identity of race,
a characteristic Avhich imbued their lives with a purport
peculiar to themselves, and wholly distinct from that
of the rest of the world, a religious purport. They
could not therefore, after the loss of their nationality,
be amalgamated with their conquerors, as other nations
had been, but were forced universally to keep themselves
apart and self-dependent. Thus a second time did the
religious idea become the salvation of its bearers ; that
by means of which the Jews achieved their own preser-
vation.

Although the dreadful catastrophe in Asia could not,
it is true, at first remain inoperative on the destinies of
the dispersed Jewish communities, yet the Jews in
Africa and Asia rose again and again in active revolt
against the Roman dominion.

After these convulsive and expiring efforts of the
love for freedom, in which the lives of hundreds of
thousands of Jews were sacrificed, they necessarily lived
through a period of peace and security. For Heathen-
ism being itself in a state of progressive dissolution, had
no longer the strength requisite to oppose this antago-

THE SECOND TEMPLE THE ORIGIN OF TALMUDISM. 131

nistic principle of Judaism. At lengtli the Jews re-
ceived^ as did all other conquered nations, the right of
Roman citizenship, and began by degrees to participate
in public life. The struggle was not renewed until
Christianity ascended the throne of Rome. It termi-
nated in the entire isolation of the Jews, and their
expulsion from civil and municipal society.

A passing glance must now be bestowed on the inner
life of Judaism during the second period of Jewish na-
tional existence. Judging from external manifestations,
we at once perceive the absence of all creative intellec-
tual power. Of this, all the writings that have come
down to us from that period, give evidence. They con-
sist, partly of the remnants"^ of the past, such as the three
last prophets, the book of Esther, and the Chronicles ;
partly of imitations devoid of all originality, and there-
fore preserved to us by means of translations only, like
the Apocr3^pha ; and partly of un-Jewish off-shoots,
grafted on a Jewish stem, like Daniel of the Asiatic,
Philo of the Egypto-Greek, character, or of a mixtm-e
of Greek and Roman, like Josephus. But within this
apparent stagnation of Jewish intellect, there was latent
and preparing to work itself out, a new and comprehen-
sive growth which had struck root and shot forth its
branches, in the last century before the fall of Jerusalem,
although its matured fruit was first revealed to the sight
of man many centuries after that event.

It has been seen, that early in the annals of Judaism
there was introduced the severance of the Idea from the

* SpdtUnge der Vergangenheit. Surely this term cau scarcely
be applied to Malaclii, whose mission was all-important, since his
closing exhortation, " Remember ye the law of Moses my
servant," iv. 4, joins indissolubly the very last with the very first
link of the great chain of divine revelation.

132 LLCTURE VI.

Life, which in Mosaism fonii a Unity. It has been seen
also that Prophetism, in fulfilment of its purpose, had,
when the popular life had become un-Mosaic, directed its
efforts to the development of the Idea. Now that the
Jewish race had again devoted itself to Mosaism, it was
sought above all things to impart to the life a Mosaic
character. The intellectual power of the national mind
being at that period exhausted and insignificant, the
Mosaic Idea was thrust in the back ground, and the
Mosaic life forced prominently forward. But this con-
dition of things was, ere long, disturbed by two circum-
stances. In the first place, human life can never be
raised to a high standard, unless it is animated by that
which is, in the abstract, truth. If not so inspired, it
must become more or less conventional and soulless. In
the second, there existed then so great a diversity in the
historical positions of the people, that a national ob-
servance of the whole of Mosaism could not be even
contemplated. The result of the first circumstance was
the strictest adherence to the letter of the Mosaic law,
while the Mosaic idea was neither realized nor under-
stood. The consequence of the second was, that the
popular every-day life came to require numberless regula-
tions, nowhere contained even in the letter of the Mosaic
writings.* Besides, national life had itself produced
national customs and national views, which, though not
actually un-Mosaic, have no real place and foundation in
the writings of Moses. Finally, what further operated
in this direction is this, that the law of Moses indicates
so much, for the observance of which in practice much
detail is required. Allow me to examine these propo-
sitions somewhat more closely.

* Their introduction was, in fact, an infringement both of the
letter and the spirit, 5 Mos. 4. 2. — A. M. G.

THE SECOND TEMPLE THE OKIOIN Ol'' TALMUDISM. 133

The unfavourable circumstauces under which the
Israelites entered into possession of the land of Canaan,
such as their small numerical strength, and the vicinity
of so many hostile nations, by whom their possession of
every hand's breadth of territory was disputed, and
lastly, their being subservient to a foreign power, were
all so many obstacles to the establishment of their polity
on the true Mosaic basis, viz., the equal division of the
soil. Though the principles of entire personal fi*eedom
and equality of civil rights were carried as far as possible
into practice, yet by the partial neglect of the Mosaic
territorial enactments, an un-lNIosaic tendency was im-
parted to the constitution. This soon became manifest
in the non-observance of the Sabbatical Year and of the
Jubilee in their true spirit and signification, their cere-
monial ordinances being at the same time fulfilled. The
Mosaic temple-service was strictly performed, long after
its true life had become extinct, under the pressure of a
political condition that had suggested other requirements.
Family worship, assemblages for devotional purposes
in all parts of the country and without the walls of the
temple, meetings for instruction and prelections : all
these were institutions for which the Pentateuch fur-
nishes no enactment, or for which, (for example, the
reading of the law)"^ Moses provided after a wholly
different manner. Either these arrangements were
made irrespectively of the Mosaic code, as in the instance
just quoted, or it was sought to establish customs ana-

* The Pentateuch fixes reading of the whole law once in every
seven years ;t now, a portion is read every Sabbath.

t True ; that is, for the assembled nation ; but its individual
study was enjoined on every human being day by day and hour
by hour : need I quote ' Hear 0 Israel !' etc. (5 Mos. 6. 4 — 10.
Compare also Joshua 1. 8). — A. M. G.

134 LECTURE VI.

logous to the Mosaic institutions. Thus^ instead of
sacrifices^ the offering up of certain prayers was enjoined.
But this arrangement was so far opposed to the Mosaic
ideal conception of sacrifices, that while they were for
the most part voluntary, the prayer was offered by the
whole community, and was fixed and obligatory.

What were the inevitable consequences of these varying,
and in some respects, mutually counteracting circum-
stances? One was, the imconditional authority of the Mo-
saic code; the other, its interpretation by uninspu'ed
organs. Of what nature Avas this interpretation or com-
mentary? It was in part narrowly restricted to the very
letter of the laAv, and yet it was a free interpretation, since
it included much foreign matter, which had by its means
to be referred to the letter of the law, much extraneous
element, whose origin had to be sought and found in
that code. This appears to be paradoxical, and yet it is
not so : a rational interpretation is directed to the dis-
covery of the true purport and spirit of the text;
these once ascertained, they are admitted to be un-
changeable. An interpretation of the letter only, has no
regard to the rational signification ; the commentator's
efforts are directed to the search of something prede-
termined upon as discoverable in the letter. TiU this
is found, the letter even is freely handled.''^

* I select one from mauy examples. The Talmudists were
desirous of finding in the Scriptures the principle of deciding in
court and council, according to the majority of votes. For this
purpose they select from Exodus 23. 2, " Follow not the multi-
tude for evil; testify not in a matter of right by complying
with the multitude, forcing (blending) right." In this text, the
Talmudists separated DOn? C3''3") """inS (after the multitude,
forcing right) from the preceding portion of the verse, and they
interpret these words by " the majority must be hoiued to,''' where-
by they deduce the principle of deciding by the majority from a
passage which rather conveys a contrary pi-ecept. It ought.

THE SECOND TEMPLE THE ORIGIN OF TALMUDISM. 135

Such then was the nature of that, which then and
thenceforward was to form and fill the intellectual life
of the Jew, and which imparted to the third phase of
Judaism — Talmudism — its distinctive and inalienable
characteristic. That characteristic was the peculiar in-
terpretation of Holy Writ. This interpretation, Midrasch,
was at one and the same time literal in respect of the
letter, and free as regards the spirit and meaning. It was
also divided into two distinct branches of inquiry ; the
one was that of the law, the other that of the doctrinal,
moral, and historical contents of Scripture. In the
latter division, it was necessary that the interpretation
should be especially free and unfettered ; this mode of
explanation gave rise to a huge growth of moral ramifi-
cations. Thus was accumulated an inexhaustible store
of parables, metaphors, fables, anecdotes, aphorisms

before all, to be remarked, that the supposition of a pious fraud
is, in this case, completely out of the question, such being im-
possible in the presence of the great number of scholars to be
found in an entire nation ; this reasoning is the simple product
of the method followed by the Talmudists in their consideration
of the subject. Just as unreasonable would it be to decry as an
intentional fraud the mji^hical interpretation adopted in the
Christian church, according to which the whole institution of
sacrifices was mei-ely typical of the Christian dispensation, al-
though the verbal meaning of the text is subjected by this mode
of interpreting to no less violence than by the Talmudists. In
like manner, the Talmudists employ frequently a different read-
ing altogether, notwithstanding the authority of the letter, nay,
just because of the letter in the passage cited ; for instance,
31 hv is substituted for 3") by, with the view of gi\'ing a reason
for the formality (observed in courts) of requiring the vote of
the younger assessors before the question was put to the more
aged. (On this passage vide Rashi, who frankly says, "The
Talmudists have many commentaries on this passage, but not
one agreeable to the sense of the text, not one based on the
words therein contained.")

136 LECTURE Vi.

and proverbsj which^ under tlie name of Agada, con-
tributed to the diffusion of worldly pnidence and moral
wisdom^ and to their circulation as current coin among
the people. In the first of these divisions, the Law, it
was indispensable that perfect consistency with its
letter should exist in the interpretation. Certain rules
were therefore adopted, and according to them, the cases
were determined, in which, if expedient, the explanation
might be limited, and the others in which, if the rela-
tive cu'cumstances demanded it, it might be extended.
By these rules it was also permitted to reach the
desired conclusion by a long series of deductions and
inferences. This set of rules, in their collective form,
was called the Halacha.

This system was productive of two direct results, of
which the one, affecting the material life of the Jews,
may be thus defined. The development of this intel-
lectual phase must have been free, as the tendency
must have been natural to the people. It induced the
formation of an independent body of literati from
among the people, who gradually forced the old orders
of the priest and the Levite into the back gTOund.
This intellectual movement produced more mental
equality among the mass, or, to use a recent phrase,
the preponderating power of intelligence. The field of
inquiry embraced by the second division referred to the
inner life. Its first condition was the fulfilment of the
Mosaic life, in so far as its practice was possible, and
the amalgamation of all that had grown out of the
popular habits and manners with ^material existence.
The smaller the portion of the Mosaic life of which the
then circumstances allowed^ the observance, according
to its true spirit and extent, the more rigid was the

THE SECOND TEMPLE THE ORIGIN OF TALMUDISM. 137

adherence to the remnant of ordinances still observed.
This gave rise to the three following consequences :
1st. All that could be obeyed in the ceremonial
law was held to be religion^ its infringement to be
sin against God. 2ndly. The law, as presented to the
Jew in the code of Moses, was no longer considered
binding ; but it was binding according to its subsequent
interpretation by the commentators. 3rdly. In order
to ensure the observance of the Mosaic law, it was
superincumbered with restrictions : the fulfilment of
these restrictions was held to be the fulfilment of the
Mosaic code :'^ a hedge, it was said, was planted around
the laAv. It will be at once perceived, that the laws
were thus multipled a hundredfold, and a direction was
imparted to them foreign to Mosaism. 4thly. The
popular mind received and adopted the impression,
that everything in human existence, from the most
insignificant trifle in material life to the most important
action involving a first moral principle, was equally to
be determined by the law, was to be found specifically
provided for in the law. This gave birth to casuistry,
or the regulation by the law of every possible indivi-
dual contingency.

I have thus attempted to place before you the origin
and tendencies of Talmudism. Its commencement
dates from the last century before the fall of Jerusalem
— its development and consohdation from the third — its '
close from the sixth, century of the vulgar era. I shall
therefore consider its contents and purport in a future
lecture.

If we would view the subject from a higher point,

• Instead, I repeat, of an imperative command being thus
broken, " Tiiou shall not add," etc.— A. M. G.

138 LECTURE VI.

however^ we must enquire what was the real influence of
this second phase of Jewish existence, and of the ten-
dency of tlie Tahnud, on the development of the Reli-
gious Idea.

The solution of this question is not difficult; for it
has been shown that the E-eligious Idea had overcome its
antagonism, the Heathen idea, mthin the Hebrew race ;
and further, that when the internal principle of decay
within Heathenism had prepared its dissolution in the
then civilized world, the Eehgious Idea was destined to
step forth into the general world of man. The Divine
Idea, as will be presently seen, could in the first ages
of its promulgation, take but partial hold of the mental
soil of the human race. It was necessary therefore
that it should be preserved in its integrity within
Judaism, until such time as mankind, prepared by in-
creased civilization for its reception, should be fitted to
accept it, and be imbued with it, entirely and universally.
The two-fold mission was thus imparted to the Religious
Idea ; first, to be partially disseminated among mankind
generally — secondly, to be preserved inviolate in the
very heart of Judaism. Its preparation for both these
conditions formed the second phase of the popular exist-
ence of the Jewish race. During this second phase
antiquity witnessed the final extinction of Heathenism.
The Religious Idea had meantime gathered up the
strength and the means by which to endure, in the midst
of Judaism, for thousands of coming years. The disse-
mination of the Religious Idea throughout the world
has been eflbctcd by means of Christianity, at a later
period by Mahomedanism, and by the dispersion of the
Israelites over the whole ea»th. The preservation of the
Religious Idea within Judaism, was secured by Talmud-

THE SECOND TEMPLE — THE ORIGIN OF TALMUDISM. 139

ism ; for Talmudism is but its transformatiou into the
chrysalis, the enveloping it in the cocoon, formed of a
web of enactments for material life. Within that web the
Religious Idea lay pure and unscathed,^ distinct alike
from the semi-divine ideas comprised in Christianity and
Mahomedanism, and from the remains of Heathenism^
then still lingering among mankind.

Whoever recognises in the history of man,t not an
entangled skein of accidental circumstances, but in
truth a series of cause and effect yet in actual opera-
tion, according to the pre-ordained plan of an allwise
and divine Providence, must at once perceive that the
simultaneous occurrence of the two great events, the
rise of Christianity, and the dispersion of the Jews, was
not a fortuitous coincidence. He must, on the contrary,
be impressed with the marked unity of purpose evident
in both these occurrences, a unity, not in their origin
and their action, (for Jerusg-lem was not destroyed by
Christianity, nor Christianity diffused by Judaism) but
in their aim and result. If, according to the clear and
unequivocal declaration of the Prophets, it is ordained
that the whole human race is to be subdued by the
Religious Idea, it is manifestly necessary that the deve-
lopment of mankind should ever be left free and un-
shackled, in order that the universal dissemination of the
Religious Idea may be the ultimate fruit of that free
development. This result could not at once be achieved.
The acceptance of the religious idea must be gradual, as the

» And like a graceful myttiological emblem, destined one day
to emerge into light and life, and bear all spirits aloft on its
pinions, to the realms of eternal day. — A.M. G.

t Or, who is not, in the words of the poet, ' The dark idolater
of chance.' — A. M. G.

140 LECTURK VI.

development of man is progressive ; the ultimate stage
of that progress being its universal acceptance, in the
eutireness and purity in which it has been preserved for
mankind. The first condition necessitated its partial
introduction, under the forms of Christianity and Ma-
homedanism ; the second, the preservation of Judaism
and of the Jewish race. This destined preservation of
the Jewish race and the Religious Idea, not on one spot
of earth only, but throughout the world, equally de-
manded the dispersion of the Israelites over the habit-
able globe. By the eye of Christianity, this dispersion
was long viewed as a curse ; and verily a curse it
was for the individual outcasts of the Jewish race,
who by its means suffered unutterable torments,
a martyrdom both of body and spirit. Yet for the
Hebrew race, as its children have long known, this very
dispersion was a blessing. Abarbanel, even he, who in
his troubled pilgrimage, had to fly from Spain to Por-
tugal, from Portugal to Italy, from Italy to Corfu,
himself observes, — 'By means of the dispersion only
were we saved ; for when oppressed by the rulers of one
country, we have raised our heads, and have been
preserved in another.' Nay more ! this dispersion has
been fraught with blessing for all humanity. As depo-
sitaries of the Religious Idea, the Jews were and are
everywhere its irrefutable visible witnesses.* In respect
and on behalf of the Religious Idea, (and this our fur-
ther investigation into the existing conditions of man
will prove to demonstration) they will evermore exercise
fresh and ever-increasing influence over mankind, until
that idea shall have acquired universal and undisputed
sway over, the mental being of the human race. Amid

* Ye are my witnesses, saith the Lord. — Isaiah 44. 3.

THE SECOND TEMPLE THE ORIGIN OF TALMUDISM. 141

the vast revolutions and transmutations tliat were im-
pending over the whole civilized world, when the migra-
tions of the various peoples and races changed the
entire face of the known habitable globe, when the
senile and expiring nations of antiquitj^ were fast sink-
ing into their long-prepared grave, and when a youthful
and vigorous race were destined to subdue the earth, it
would have been impossible for the Israelites to have
maintained and defended their independent national
existence in Palestine. The Jewish people, as a people,
had also passed away. But they did not disappear, as
other races have disappeared, from among men. The
Almighty had provided for them a wholly new and
peculiar phase of being. His providence decreed that
the race of Israel should arise in the midst of all nations
to new life, endowed with inexhaustible strength and
unconquerable perseverance. For this new life, the
second phase of the national existence had been, both in
its internal and external relations, an indispensable
preparation. The wider the difference between the
Assyrian and Babylonian captivities, (in which the Jews
Avere transported collectively to one fixed place of exile)
and their second and final removal and dispersion, the
clearer is it made, that during the second national
period the preservation of the Religious Idea was pre-
pared and ensured; — within, by means of a concrete
system of material enactments derived from the Mosaic
law — without, by the dispersion of the Jews before the
destruction of Jerusalem.

Here then it becomes necessary to consider Chris-
tianity in its relation to Judaism. But as Christianity
is the ground on which the Jewish and the Heathen
world first came into spiritual contact, it is desirable

142 LECTURE vr.

tliat we should inform ourselves somewhat more pre-
cisely as to the state of the Heathen world at that mo-
ment. With a few brief remarks on this subject, I
will, with your permission, close this day's lecture.

In what direction soever we turn our inquiry, we shall
at once clearly discern that at this juncture all hitherto
existing forms were in a state of decay or of entire decom-
position, and that no means of resuscitation or reformation
were at hand. The political existence of all nations that
had once played an important and independent part in
the world's drama, had been annihilated by the arms of
Rome. Egypt, Asia-Minor, Northern Africa, Spain, Gaul,
and Britain had been reduced to the insignificant con-
dition of Roman provinces ; only there, where a youthful
and vigorous race— the Parthians and Germans — poured
down from the north and east, had the arms of Rome
received a check. The power of Rome, the mistress of
the world, began to decline. The republic had been
transformed into an empire. To the despotism of the
Caesars, had again succeeded the uncurbed personal
authority of the procurator. Justice had been displaced
by arbitrary rule, in which dwelt combined the insatia-
ble avarice of individuals, and the senseless and profane
deification of the emperor.

Heathenism had known but two classes — rulers and
slaves; even the mucli vaunted freedom of the Athen-
ians and Spartans was but the freedom of the dominant
families ; and of these, the masses of the population
were the bond-men. The propitious moment at which
the Roman plebeian succeeded in curbing the absolute
rule of the patricians, laid a subject world prostrate at
the feet of the citizen of Rome. This degeneracy
reached its extreme point during the imperial rule of

THE SECOND TEMPLE THE ORIGIN OF TALMUDISM. 143

the Caesars. Save emperors and slaves, nought re-
mained.

The political world was transformed into a multitude
of disconnected particles, an assemblage of men devoid
of freedom, of organization, and wholly governed (as
may be seen from the elections and depositions of the
Emperors by the Praetorian Guard) by unbridled passion
and brute force. Such was the ultimate result of the
social experiment, in that antiquity which had so
variously operated on man in his political relations.
That a boundless immorality would, in such a condition
of things, gain entire ascendancy over society, is evident.
The pleasures of the senses, and the possession of the
means by which to ensure their enjoyment, were the
sole incentives to action. Sensual excess, an indulgence
of the appetites bordering on insanity, and such as the
world has never since beheld, covetousuess, extortion,
legacy-hunting denunciations ; these comprised the
whole range of social activity. The moral sense of man
was dead.

There stood Heathenism sunken and depraved, an
object of ridicule and contempt in the sight of its own
sons, a senseless drama, played by soulless actors. Who-
ever reads the coarse but biting satires of Lucian, and
at the same time calls to mind the worship offered to
the degenerate, yet deified emperors, as though they
had indeed become Gods, will at once discern in such
things the decomposed elements of a decayed organism.
Philosophy had a like fate; for the philosophic con-
sciousness of mankind must truly have fallen to the
lowest ebb, when so-called philosophers were the most
cringing, the most fawning and abject flatterers, who

144 LECTURE VI.

clothed in flowery and figurative phrases their advocacy
of the most shameless scepticism, the lowest morality.

What, save utter despair, could result from such a
state of being ? When sensual indulgence has reached
the point of exhaustion and satiety, a higher yearning
makes itself felt ; the more keenly and bitterly, the
smaller the power left in the bm-nt-out embers of the
sold, to satisfy her own aspirations after light and life.
Doubt fills the spirit with deepest sadness, with bitter-
est anguish at the sense of its own nothingness. Then
the slave desires enlargement. If earthly freedom be
denied him, he stretches forth his hand to Heaven, and
seeks an imagined spiritual liberty on High. Even the
most shameless parasite despises him before whom he
bends, gnashing his teeth and muttering to himself,
' Had I but your possessions, thus should you render
obeisance unto me.' For all these longings, all these
aspirations, antiquity could offer nought, no — nought;
could yield no satisfaction. For under the dominion of
Rome, and. the degeneracy of the other nations, Art
even she that had been the peculiar creation and attri-
bute of antiquity, had wholly declined.

One only nation still existed, in whom there yet lay
a vigorous germ, a strong element of life and being —
the Jews, Avitli the Religious Idea. This idea passed
from Judaism into Christianity ; and, arrayed in this
garb, entered the general world of man. She thus
received the worn-out old world in her maternal em-
brace, mitigated the death-struggle for antiquity; and
though doubtless no longer wearing her previous aspect,
arose with the fresh morning dawn, in the midst of the
new races of the earth.

LECTURE VII.

THE EELATION OF CHRISTIANITT TO JUDAISM.

It is not without some hesitation that I have undertaken
to investigate the subject of which it is this day my
duty to treat, viz._, the relation of Christianity to Ju-
daism. By every earnest thinker, the passing judgment
on that held by the professors of creeds different from
his own to be the holiest and the highest, must ever
be a matter involving seriousness and deliberation,
amounting almost to reluctance. That Christianity
cannot be viewed by a Jew in the light in which it is
viewed by a Christian, is self-evident. That he should
so vievi it will not, I am sure, be expected ; since if
he could, he woidd not be a Jew. To omit this
branch of our enquiry is impossible. The method we
have adopted in tracing the course of development
taken by the religious idea, renders it indispensable that
its entrance into the wide arena of the world of man
under the form of Christianity should be clearly eluci-
dated; or this very matter, — the development of the re-
ligious idea, — would be but imperfectly understood.

Every candid seeker after the truth within the range
of our present enquiry, cannot abstain, if a Jew, from
closely examining into Christianity ; and cannot fail, if
a Christian, to desire acquaintance with the estimate

146 LECTURE VII.

formed of the Cliristian system by the Jewisla mind
according to the Jewish standard. While therefore
strictly adhering to the plan hitherto pursued in these
Lectures, and examining Christianity according to the
premises I liaA'e laid down_, I can rest in the confident
assurance that my respected hearers must have already
become convinced of the earnest desire by which I have
been actuated, to judge impartially, and according to
the historical and objective standard only. The en-
lightened members of all religious denominations have
assuredly in this era gone so far as to have attained to
the con\iction, that by free and general enquiry only
can a knowledge of truth be acquired ; and that to
suppress utterances and enforce silence, in order to
uphold any system, can have but the effect of precipi-
tating its ruin.

Much however depends on the mode in which
judgment is pronounced. Whenever opinions are
formed in a spirit of animosity, malignity, exclusion,
and depreciation, they should be received with distrust,
or rejected with firmness. Such defects are in them-
selves evidences of immature judgment; for truth,
invested with her highest attributes, cannot hate and
condemn, she can but correct and instruct. Christi-
anity could never be hated by a true Jew, who knows
it to be a great off-shoot of his own stem.

You must now permit me in the first place cursorily
to review the ground already traversed ; to re-examine
the foundations already laid, on which the superstruc-
ture is to be reared. It has been seen, that ever since
the promulgation of Mosaism up to the period at which
we have arrived, the religious idea and the human idea
had been continuously and mutually antagonistic. The

THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO JUDAISM. 147

human idea, starting from the ego, or principle of self,
had thence proceeded to nature and her operations, in
order to ascertain their action on man. Thus a dual-
istic principle was soon declared to prevail in her, by
the human idea 5 — existence and non-existence, — growth
and decay. Then a third and modifying power was sought,
and the conception formed of the Godhead was that of
powers held by three or more divinities. Such are the
Sanzai of the Chinese ; the Brama, Vischnu, and Siwen
of the Indians ; the Ormuzd, Ahriman, and Zeruane-
Akrene of the Persians. Finally, the human idea came
itself to detect the utter nothingness of these concep-
tions, and thus prepared its own dissolution. Such
was the process all antiquity passed through, from the
Indians down to the Romans.

In the opposite principle, the religious idea as set
forth in Mosaism predicates a God before known by
revelation. This God is an absolute existence, a holy,
perfect, eternal and supermundane being, the Creator of
the world, as the unity of all specialities. This one and
only God formed man, as the chief of those specialities,
to be a unity composed of body and spirit^ endowed
with a soul created in the image of God. God sustains
the universe ; indirectly^ by means of the great laws of
nature, on which He has set it forth ; directly, in His
relation to the God-like human spirit, as man's Provi-
dencCj Judge, Pardoner, and Revealer. The highest
principle of morals is declared by Mosaism to be, ' Man
shall be holy, as the Lord his God is holy.' This holi-
ness is to be manifested in love to God, love to his
neighbour, and in the control exercised by man's
moral consciousness over his physical and temporal
desires. Mosaism makes imperative on man the

148 LECTURE VII.

practice of justice and charity, aud renders tlie claim to
the latter the inalienable right of the poor. Human
society was established by Mosaism on the basis of
personal freedom, equality of right, and all possible
equality of possession. The unity of the life and of the
idea was set forth by Mosaism, which determined the
conditions of a life imbued with the religious idea, of a
truly religious ' here' below, complete and entire. Yet
that in the Jewish people, as in all peoples, the human
and natural should become active, was inevitable.
Prophetism was therefore compelled by stern reality, to
sever the life from the Idea, in order, from out the
midst of the heathen life of the Jewish race, to conduct
the Idea to safety and victory. By this severance, Pro-
phetism further prepared the religious idea for its
destined dissemination throughout mankind. After the
religious idea had overcome the heathenism within the
Jewish race, it was necessary, in order to its obtaining
a like victory over the heathenism prevailing among
mankind generally, that it should introduce itself into
that general world of man. This introduction could
be effected only according to the measure and degree
of free development attained by the human race.
Though antiquity had been prepared by its previous
process of dissolution, for the acceptance of the religious
idea, since its vitality was wholly exhausted, yet that
acceptance could be but partial. For the develop-
ment of man's being was yet too imperfect, to fit him
to be the recipient of the religious idea, whole, pure,
and entire. Christianity is virtually the entrance of
this semi-religious idea into the Western, as Moslemism
is its introduction into the Eastern, world. To make
good this assertion is our present task.

THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO JUDAISM. 149

In its execution, we sliall have especially to direct our
attention to the two first, yet distinct stages of Christi-
anity: the first, its birth within Judaism itself; the
second, its introduction into the disorganised world of
Heathenism. The first point to be considered is — How
and in what manner did Christianity take its rise in
Judaism? For the mode of its origin must have
mainly determined its whole subsequent character. It
has been shown, that at the period at which Christi-
anity took its rise, the mental activity of Judaism had
assumed a direction contrary to that previously imparted
to it by prophetism. The development of the re-
ligious idea had been the achievement of prophetism.
The course now pursued was the elaboration of a
vast code of material laws, in which was to be em-
bedded the religious idea, in order to preserve it
unscathed for a distant future, and to protect it from
the vicissitudes attendant on the impending dispersions
of Jewdom.^ All important as we at once admit this
material code to have been, for the historical progress
and preservation of the religious idea, it is nevertheless
evident, that a life so replete with the observance of
rites and ordinances, when deriving no aliment from
the inward and natural piety of its followers, must have
degenerated into a course of forms and ceremonies, of
assumed sanctity and hypocritical fanaticism.

Such a course do the prophets indicate, in their
denunciations against the empty, soulless and degraded
sacrificial worship. Amid the depravity that prevailed
among the Jewish people at the fall of Jerusalem,

* No one can here, it appears to me, form a post-factum
judgment of what would have been the result of adherence to
the Mosaic code. — A. M. G.

150 LECTURE VII.

amid a moral degeneracy to which the Talmudic writers
allude, this fact must have become doubly manifest.
The Pharisees of that period, a body openly condemned
by the Talmud also, were the organs of this exaggerated
and caricatured ritual.

That this excessive and preponderating share in
human life, yielded to the forms of religion, that their
abuse and not their use, should bring about their re-
jection and the renewed enforcement of the idea only,
was natural. In obedience to the law of our nature,
according to which one extreme is made to generate
another and opposite extreme, the wholesale abrogation
of the ritual, and the re-establishment of the undivided
sway of the idea and the idea only, became the mental
striving of the period under review. And in truth, in
this alternate production by one extreme of its contrary
extreme are involved the necessary conditions of all
human progress. The rise of Christianity in the midst
of Judaism may therefore simply and justly be defined
to be the effort of the human mind to restore validity
to the Idea, as opposed to the form.^

Prophetism had placed the Idea in opposition to
Heathen life, and had abstained from insisting on the
duty of a religious life, only by reason of the want, in
the prophetic age, of a due field for its exercise. But
at the period we arc now occupied in considering,
idealism, going beyond just limits, had become opposed
in its tendencies to that religious life even, of which
the internal essence was the religious idea, and which,

» I adduce as illustrative of this, the repeated allusions made
in the first Gospel to the principal commandments (those of the
decalogue) as containing the essence of i-eligion.

THE RELATION OF CHttlSTIANlTY TO JUDAISM. 151

in its external development only, threatened to de-
generate into empty rites.

This produced a two-fold effect. First, Christianity
remained inoperative within Judaism ; because all that
Christianity had to offer in the dominion of the spiritual,
Judaism possessed. All that Christianity opposed — the
Law — was so interwoven with the mental constitution of
the Judaism of that age, as to be a necessity of its
nature, and the condition of its future existence. Again,
Christianity, in its effort to render the Idea alone valid
and influential, being repelled by Jewish life, withdrew
further and further from actual life, and laid hold of
and pursued the Idea exclusively.

The separation between the Idea and the life, which
in Prophetism developed the former at the cost of the
latter, and in Talmudism developed the latter at the
price of the former, achieved in Christianity its final
and entire result. This final result was, that it deter-
mined the whole character of Christianity; and it
likewise determined the issuing forth of Christianity
out of Judaism. This proposition will be fully con-
firmed by a close observation of Christianity, in the
early stages of its growth and progress. In its first
utterances, Christianity betrays no opposition to the
law of Moses,* but insists on a spiritual acceptation.t
Later, it renounces allegiance to the law, and limits
adherence to the belief J Finally, it avows itself opposed
to the law and combats it.§ From the point of view to

* ' Think not I am come to destroy the law or the prophets . . .
I am not come to destroy but to fulfil. For verily I say unto you,
Till heaven and earth pass one jot or one tittle shall in no wise
pass from the law tiU all be fulfilled.'

t As in relation to the Sabbath.

+ The synod of the apostles in Jerusalem.

§ Particularly in the history of the apostles and in the Epistles.

153 LECTURE vir.

which we in our age have attained, it is easy for us to
perceive the necessity of this course of events. For by
means only of its total severance of the Idea from
Jewish life, was the entrance of the Idea into the
Heathen world rendered possible.

This however did not prevent Christianity from being
compelled, in its subsequent course of development, to
elaborate the idea only, and to cast actual life wholly
on one side. Christianity, in fact, denied all independent
existence to our earthly phase of being, took refuge in
the world to come, and considered the * here ' in its
terrestrial relations, as inherently depraved.

Life on earth, according to the Christian system, is a
condition of bondage of the immortal spirit, that waits
and longs for its enlargement after death. It trans-
mutes finite life out of itself, to a sphere beyond — to
a life Hereafter. It places the standard of human
action in the world to come, and measures human action
in this world after that ideal standard. Secondly, ac-
cording to the Christian system, all things actual were
of necessity self- condemned, and their place in human
aspiration filled by an ideal, which, transcending the
sphere of humanity, carried man beyond and out of
himself It followed, that for active exercise of the
right and active resistance to wrong, Christian morality
substituted passive endurance ; for control exercised by
the moral consciousness of man, humility ; for reason-
able enjoyment, self-denial and renunciation. Christi-
anity was thus forced to admit, that the religion of the
individual, and not of society, was its especial concern.
It treats only of the individual man's conduct, in re-
lation to his fellow-man individually. It is the religion of
the individual, the highest form of subjective religion.

THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO JUDAISM. 153

and closely related to the Hagiographa."^ Human
society, as such, exists not for Christianity. Of this
principle, the precepts, ' Give unto Csesar that which is
Csesar's,' and ' My kingdom is not of this world,' offer
the indirect — as the doctrine of unconditional submission
to all the powers that be, repeatedly to be met with in
the Epistles, offers the direct exemplification. To this,
history furnishes sufficient testimony. For when Christi-
anity existed in all its pristine vigour, it called into being
the numerous companies of anchorites, hermits, and de-
votees, who during life and after death, were revered as
saints; it produced conventual and monastic institutions;
and the spirit it breathed made the perfect Christian's
life, ever to consist in withdrawal from the world of man,
in a sublimating devoteeism that removed him out of
and above the world of man, and in the renunciation of
temporal things. On human society again, as such,
Christianity then exerted no marked influence. For
even when she ascended the imperial thrones of Rome
in the persons of the emperors of the East and West,
notwithstanding their reputed devotion to the new faith,
their sovereign rule exhibited, as before, alternations
of abject weakness and the most unscrupulous despotism.
Feudalism also developed itself in Germany, after the
introduction of Christianity into that state, previously
the home of freedom ; and Feudalism is of all institu-
tions, the one most thoroughly opposed to every funda-
mental principle which Mosaism had advanced as the
basis of human society. Finally, the later mutations
in the world have sprung from elements equally inimical,
in their nature and action, to Christian dogma.

But Christianity had thus come to present a complete
contrast to Mosaism. The dominant principles of action
* See Lecture V.

154 LECTURE VII.

in Mosaism were, the unity of the idea and the life ; a
religious life on earth, lived by man, fully endowed with
all his rights as an independent human being. Moses,
and also the Prophets and Writings in his spirit,
presupposed the immortality of a soul created in the
image of God, to be an accepted truth, but did not
make it the sole lever of human action, the sole end and
aim of human existence. Mosaism declared human
life to have its own definite and independent object ;
it considered man as man, as a member of the great
national family ; while Christianity regarded him only
as a nursling for futurity. Mosaism further sought to
give to societ}^ the basis of religion, and therefore
insisted upon equality of rights, personal freedom, and
all possible equality of possession, as positive and im-
mutable obligations of religion. The spirit of these
enactments was of such power, that notwithstanding
the mutations and hardships of later ages, the equality
of every member of the Jewish polity remains still an
active principle of Judaism."^ Christianity regarded all
municipal concerns as irrelevant to religion. Although
the Mosaic theory of the equality of all members of
the human family had been retained, nothing had been
done to accomplish its realisation, because Christianity
had transferred the centre around which its activity
was to radiate, to a celestial existence.

It was doubtless this attribute of Christianity, which
imparted to it its especial fitness for transplantation
into the exhausted soil of Heathenism. It met the
requirements of the Heathen world, whose depressed

* Even in an age when wealth was all important to a Jew, it
was deemed honourable for the richest Jew to unite his daughter
in marriage with a poor but learned man.

THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO JUDAISM. 155

condition rendered nouglit more welcome to tlie op-
pressed and despairing race of man^ than translation to
a sphere^ in which earth would be forgotten amid the
celestial joys displayed to the longing gaze of faith.
Nought could be more welcome, amidst the prevailing
sla\dsh subjection and degeneracy, than a ' Kingdom of
Heaven/ a bright realm, Avhere all that was crooked on
earth would be made straight, where as compensation
forthe fleeting joys renounced here below, the spirit would
reap a rich harvest of eternal bliss. Pohtically to effect
this change presented no difficulty, as the whole state
could be made to pass in a night from Heathenism to
Christianity. Christianity having been thus evolved
from Judaism, the second point to be considered is —
' What form did Christianity assume within Heathen-
ism?' Primary Christianity while retaining its close
affinity to Mosaism, must here be dismissed from
our thoughts, and our attention directed to historical
Christianity. Beginning Avith the Gospel of St. John
and the Epistles, we must mark its growth into a
Christian Church, its assumption of the fixed dogma of
its several successive forms of Roman Catholic, Greek
Catholic, and finally of the orthodox Protestant Chm*ch.*
The more clearly defined our conception of the
acceptance by the religious idea of the principle of the
freedom of human development, the more natural will it
appear to us, that Christianity, wliile introducing that
idea into the heathen world, was so acted upon by
Heathenism, as to cause it to amalgamate with itself

* One important phase, a product of modern times, our author
omits to mention, ' The Unitarian.' Is not the Christian vessel
following the same course as that of Judaism, ascending the
stream, till it reaches the fountain of its birth ? — A. M. G.

156 LECTURE VII.

some elements of the human idea. New forms cannot
displace old forms of thought^ without in some respects
being assimilated with the old forms. Man, in accept-
ing into his mental constitution the new^ does not
wholly and at once cast out the old. The new enters
into combination with the old. This is the process of
transformation, as carried on by and in individual man.
Can that of a whole age be less progressive ? Let us
examine this matter somewhat more narrowly. Chris-
tianity carries with it out of Mosaism the knowledge of
the unity of the Godhead, the omniscient Creator of a
universe upheld by Him, by means of the great laws of
nature on which He set it forth. This general view
was preserved in Christianity as the groundwork of its
system. In so far then, it was the means by which
the diffusion from out of Judaism, of the religious idea
among mankind, and its victory over heathenism, were
achieved. But the human notion of disunion and of a
third and mediating power, was too firmly fixed in the
minds of men, not to re-act upon the rehgious idea. In
the midst therefore of the conception of the existeuce
of the One only God, as a Unity, soon came to light in
combination with it, that of a threefold divine existence,
a Trinity. Between the Christian dogma and heathenism,
there existed, it is true, a clear and substantial difference.
The trinitarian Godhead of Christianity, was exclusively
and wholly good ; whereas in Heathenism one of the
three diAinc powers was conceived to be opposed to the
other two — the principle of evil. Thus far therefore
Christianity again remained true to the religious idea.
Yet it could not wholly emancipate itself from the
heathen conception of the principle of Evil. And this
re-appeared in Christianity, albeit under the form of a

THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO JUDAISM. 157

being inferior and subject to tlie Divinity ^ though ever
present and eternal. Satan^ the Devil^ a power to be
eventually overcome by the power divine, or God, In
this again, Christianity had become the antagonism of
Mosaism — for Mosaism : 1st emphatically declares the
unconditional unity of God, and the perfection of God's
works; and 2ndly, gives a general refutation to the
principle that evil universally exists, by regarding evil
to be a relative condition of the individual. Since
Christianity thus set forth evil as an absolute existence,
it necessarily declared man to be subjected to its
dominion. Christianity carried with it out of Judaism,
and subsequently preserved, the idea of the creation of
man's soul in the image of God. But while Mo-
saism admitted the possibility of sin in man, by
means of sensuality, Christianity transmuted this possi-
bility into an actuality, and established this as the
originnl sin which man since Adam ever brings with
him into the world. God created the first man of a
sinless nature ; but man, from the beginning, rendered
his own nature sinful. Sin therefore is not a fortuitous
and relative condition of the individual, but thus becomes
an inherent and universal attribute of the human soul.
This theory engendered another complete antagonism
to Mosaism. Mosaism declared the dii^ect relation of
God to man. God judges the actions of men, permits
evil consequences to follow evil deeds ; but pardons the
guilt of the penitent, and restores his soul to purity.
According to the Christian dogma, on the contrary, the
soul in consequence of original sin, being born in sin,
all direct connection between God and man was inter-
rupted. God can no longer be in direct relation with a
soul inherently sinful. This state of sinfulness renders

158 LECTURE VII.

some mediation requisite between God and the sinful
soul. As by Adam's act, sin was made eternally pre-
sent in tlie human soul, so was some other act called
for, by virtue of which man's spirit should be freed
from its presence. This act was the martyr's death of
the founder of Christianity; and herein was abstract
speculation reconducted to its earliest form. The death
of one man in his character only of man, having,
as was evident, no power to work out atonement for
other men, the necessity arose for an impersonation
of a portion of the divine nature, for an incarnation of
the Godhead, and for his appearance on earth in human
form, as the instrument of the redemption of mankind.
Christianity once more in this exhibits a total contrast
to Mosaism. Mosaism emphatically denounces any im-
personation of the Deity.*

The development of these first elements had yet fm'-
ther results. The purification of man's soul from original
and inherited sin, by means solely of the vicarious
sacrifice of God, in His assumed human form, could not
be held to be an accomplished fact. It attained efl&cacy,
by virtue only of man's faith in its truth and sufficiency.
That soul alone is saved, by whom this death is accepted
as the fount whence salvation fiows. Hence follows :
1st. That as this consequence of the death of Jesus, viz.,
the salvation of the sinful soul after dissolution, could
neither be affirmed historically, nor attested by the
understanding ;t that as on the contrary human reason
would suggest its denial, the attainment of the object

•5f See the Snd article of the Decalogue ; also 5th Book of
Moses, 4. 15. 'Thou sawest no similitude on the day when the
Lord spake in Horeb.'

t Even if the death of Jesus was susceptible of historical
proof, this purport could not be proved.

THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO JUDAISM. 159

was declared to be effected only by the acceptance of
the unproved fact into the belief. 2ndly. The whole
Christian doctrine must therefore be regarded as a
mystery, an act not to be comprehend ed^ but to be
accepted unconditionally and appealing to the belief
alone. 3rdly. As only the believing soul could be
saved, any non-believer was excluded from salvation.
This exclusion was thus engrafted on the Christian doc-
trine, and a difference established between the believing
and non-believing sections of the world of man.^ On all
these points likewise, the contrast between Mosaism
and Christianity is everywhere apparent. f Mosaism es-
tablishes and prophetism confirms the principle, that by
his own repentance alone can man be justified; but
that God in His mercy pardons every repentant sinner.
Mosaism further requires that man shall know God and
His Law. It especially declares that God and His Law
was not discovered by man, but was given to him by
revelation. This revealed law shall be acknowledged
and understood by man. J It is no mystery which is to
be accepted and believed. The law was confided by God
to the consciousness of man, which by its entire compre-
hension will be imbued with its truth. Lastly, Moses
and the prophets never make man's acceptableness in
the eyes of God, to be dependant on his confession of
certain articles of belief, but on true reverence for the
one and only God, to be shown in good works. The
Talmudists expressly say — 'The just of all nations are
sharers in eternal life.'

I resume : Christianity carried the Religious Idea out

* St. John, 3. 18. Also 36 v.
t 5MOS.24. 16. Ezek.18. 20.
T 5Mos. 30. 11—14.

160 LECTURE VII.

of Judaism iuto the general world of man, by diffusing
among and implanting in mankind the conception^ that
there is only one God ; that the universe is His creation ;
that the human being is endowed by God with a soul
created in God's image ; that God is in direct relation
to man as Providence, Judge, Pardoner, and Revealer;
and that love to God and love to our fellow-man are the
highest principles of morality. But Christianity within
the world of men could not defend itself against the
action on it of the human idea ; as is seen in its amal-
gamating with the conception and being of the one and
only God, that of a three-fold divine existence, one of
these divine beings appearing on earth in human form;
again, in its ascribing original sin to a soul created in
God's image, from which sin it was cleansed by the
vicarious death of that Divine Being; and lastly, in
declaring this deliverance from sin, to be attainable only
through faith in its instrument.

In consequence of its historical origin, Christianity
entirely abstracted the religious idea from life on earth,
by transferring the motive principle to a life to come ;
by making Religion the educator of mankind for that
future world, and thus indicating social and political
life to be unworthy and independent of religion, and
without the pale of its direct influence. In this,
Christianity had become, in its essence, the opposite of
Judaism in general, and of the Judaism of that period
in particular ; the latter being then occupied in combin-
ing and arranging a widely-extended system of material
enactments, for the specific object of protecting the
religious idea from the deteriorating influence of external
friction .

Not only in its internal properties, but also in its

THE RELATION OK CHRISTIAMTY TO JUDAISM. 161

external form, had Christianity succumbed beneath the
reaction of the general world of man. Christianity
had at its origin entered the lists against the vicious
employment of the Jewish ceremonial, and only by
resting on this basis as its special mission, could it
win a successful entrance into the general world
of man. But scarcely had it acquired some sway, ere
it surrounded itself with a form far from simple in its
accessories; and allowed its original characteristic of
external simplicity to disappear amid the pomp of a
worship that addresses itself to the senses, a gorgeous
ceremonial that fascinates the eye. Yet more : passing
rapidly through the successive phases which led from
Mosaism to Talmudism, Christianity produced an
exegesis of the written word, declared it binding,
and stigmatised every one who deviated from this
interpretation, as heretical and unworthy of salvation.
Assuming to have drawn this exposition from a divine
source, from the Holy Ghost, it invested it with a
plastic form as a Church, and ensured its future propa-
gation by ordained organs or priests. Precisely at the
same period at which the priesthood was wholly sup-
planted in Judaism under its phase of Talmudism, by
a numerous body of literati and teachers, the Christian
church instituted an order of priests, whose claim to
the sacerdotal dignity was determined, not by birth, but
by a special consecration. To this priestly order were
secured the most important privileges, and a position
wholly independent of the laity and the state. Lastly,
after primary Christianity had theoretically withdrawn
itself from the political arena, so that its influence
in the state was null; in asserting its independence
of the civil power, it elevated the Church and

162 LECTURE vn.

the hierarchy above the state ; thus rendering the
highest civil authority, inferior and subject to the
highest spiritual authority. For the unity predicated
by Mosaism to exist between religion and society,
Christianity substituted a division between church and
state, by which the most fearful conflicts were subse-
quently occasioned.

My respected hearers will have ere this discovered,
that I distinguish primary or original Christianity from
historical Christianity, and from the recent mutations
in the Christian church. I consider primary Clu"isti-
anity to be the endeavour to render valid the idea as op-
posed to the form of Judaism ; but I regard it to have
been a direct antagonism to Mosaism, in the dogma I
here recapitulate. It withdrew the idea wholly from the
life. It placed religion and social life far asunder. It
repudiated all participation in the life on earth ;
and placed man's true sphere of existence, in a life to
come. It thus took man out of himself. Mosaism, on
the contrary, assumed the immortality of a spirit
created in the Divine image, to be an accepted truth,
but taught that true human life was a life on earth, a
' here ' below, permeated and governed by the religious
idea.

The historical Christianity of the Church I con-
sider to have been the means, by which the fun-
damental thoughts of the religious idea, were carried
out of Judaism into the wide world of man. These
general views I enumerate, with a brief summary
of the modifications produced and the influence
exerted by the human idea, as exhibited in the con-
ditions of the historical development of Christianity.
The unity of God, who is super-mundane, and the

THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO JUDAISM. lf>3

Creator of the universe; — this unity transmuted into
a threefold Deity or Trinity, in opposition to which
was a principle of evil, as an absolute existence : a
god-like human soul, — yet inherently polluted since
Adam, by the presence of original sin : the direct
relation of God to man, as Providence, Judge, and
Pardoner — yet that relation destroyed by original sin, and
renewed by virtue of the death of the Divine Founder of
Christianity : these modifications of the religious by
the human idea, had for their ultimate result — the
binding authority of canonical interpretations, exclu-
sion, priestly domination, the ascendancy of the church
over the state, etc.

Of the recent movements in Christianity, I Avill treat
in a future lecture. A rapid glance at the result of our
examination of Christianity from the general point of
view, and in its historical bearings shows, that Christi-
anity brought the religious idea, out of Judaism into
the general world of man ; that it overcame the human
idea, or heathenism, but that it effected this, only by
sacrificing a portion of the religious idea, by adapting
itself to the degree of development previously attained
by mankind, and by itself entering into combination,
with important elements of the human idea. However
indispensable this process may have been for the intro-
duction of the religious idea among mankind, and how
clear soever the evidence thus afforded of the principle of
the freedom of human development within the dominion
of the religious idea, yet precisely these conditions it
was, which rendered the preservation of the reH-
gious idea within Judaism, and the combined ex-
istence of Judaism side-by-side with Christianity, an
imperative and eternal necessity. For Christianity

M 2

164 LECTURE VII.

in its first elements only, had been the bearer of the
religious idea. The whole historical completion of its
edifice, formed a new and entire contrast to that idea.
Within mankind, Christianity was a ray emitted by
the religious idea, whose effulgence, in its action on the
collective mind, and in its consolatory influence on
countless hearts of men, was and is still, fraught with
untold blessing. Christianity bestowed on mankind,
in the place of Heathenism, a new religious purport,
and proclaimed Love to be the motive principle of human
morality. But Christianity was satisfied with the general
assertion, and limiting its sphere of action to the
individual man, failed to insist on its realisation in the
social man. It partially neutralised its own recognition
of the principle of Love, bj^ further adopting in its
historical development, that of exclusion or election.
It cannot therefore, if viewed according to general
principles, be accepted as the consummation of the Re-
ligious Idea. That idea has yet to await and to achieve
its final victory in the world of man.

365

LECTURE VIII.

THE RELATION OF MAHOMEDANISM TO JUDAISM AND
CHRISTIANITY.

The spread of Christianity has been virtually Avholly
confined to Europe, and to the European colonies in
America. In Asia and Africa^ it has on the contrary,
found no spot on which to take firm root. Not only
did the soil of its very birth-places — Palestine and
Syria — even though moistened with the blood of its
thousand devoted followers who fell in the Crusades,
prove uncongenial to its propagation, but it was also
speedily ejected from those portions of the neighbour-
ing continent, North and East Africa, where it had
flourished during a brief period. Even while regaining
the dominion in Spain that it had lost for several pre-
vious centuries, it at the same moment witnessed the
falling of one of its earliest and most important seats
of empire, Constantinople, into the hands of its mighty
rival.

Though it may be foreseen that sooner or later,
Turkey in Europe will lapse to one of the Christian
powers, yet is it clearly manifest, that the grand line of
demarcation between the Western and Eastern world
must long endure among mankind. Who is then, the
successful rival that thus victoriously took her place

166 LECTURE VIII.

by the side of Christianity ? Islamism or the reUgion
of Mahomed. The number of its believers greatly ex-
ceeds that of the professors of Christianity. We hence
perceive that Christianity and Moslemism, (if the
Heathenism of Eastern Asia and of Central Africa be
excepted^ whose votaries are without doubt collectively,
numerically the largest body) share the religious go-
vernment of the world. The professors of Judaism exist
equally in the countries where both these^ its two deri-
vative creeds, prevail. In the regions of Heathenism,
in China, India, and Central Africa, it is remarkable
that the Hebrews, though dwelling apart in small and
remote settlements, have lost all connection with their
brethren of creed and race in other lands.

It is impossible not to concede a deep significance to
a religion, that after conquering, as by the stroke of an
enchanter, a world into which for six centuries Christi-
anity had sought in vain to penetrate, has filled for
twelve hundred years the mental being of a third of
mankind. There must at once be recognised in Ma-
homedanism a singular accordance with the whole
character of the Orient, by which it was thus enabled to
effect a regeneration of the heathen Eastern world, that
Christianity was powerless to achieve. For us espe-
cially, according to the standard by which we have to
foDow the course of the religious idea throughout the
world of man, the origin, development, and diff'usion
of Islamism possess an equal interest with those of
Christianity. For us too, another great fact is involved
in Islamism. Precisely because we thus see, that the
religious idea has not found entrance into the mental
world of man by means of Christianity alone, but that
Mahomedanism has been equally the vehicle of its

ISLAMISM, JUDAISM, AND CHRISTIANITY. 167

introductiou there where Cliristianity could not gain
admittance, do we also perceive that the religions idea
is destined for all mankind, and that herein lies the
proof of its ultimate and certain victory over all man-
kind.

With two special observations should our present
inquiry be opened. The one is, that the author of
Moslemism, Mahomed (unlike the founders of Christi-
anity) is a completely historical personage. By this
is meant, that there exist other and authentic records
of his life and works besides those his own and his
disciples' writings furnish. We know this Mahomed
in his virtues and in his failings, in the deceptions he
practises, in the terror he inspires. The second is,
that Mahomedanism is a religion that was born and
cradled beneath the fluttering of war's banner, grew
and attained its giant proportions and strength at the
point of the sword. While Moses addressed the
religious idea to his race alone, and the prophets pre-
dicted its victory over the world of man by means of
the slow but irresistible power of truth, under the
guidance of a divine providence ; while Jesus sent his
disciples to preach the word to the Heathens, and
Christianity only at a later age seized on the sword
and spear as a means of diffusing the true faith, Ma-
homedanism won the allegiance of its very first con-
verts on the battle-field, and its founder declared a
war of extermination against unbelievers, to be the
duty of the faithful. Significantly enough, out of
the rivalry of two towns, Mecca and Medina, did
Mahomedanism win its first accession of power; the
first champions of Moslemism were in nought better
than a horde of predatory and nomadic Bedouins;

168 LECTURE VIII.

and the whole power acquired by Islamism, it at-
tained by methods entirely consistent with its origin.
These circumstances should in no way lead us to
pronounce a hasty condemnation^ but rather induce
an opposite judgment. If a religion is upheld of
which the founder displayed so much human weak-
ness^ and of which the propagation was efl'ected by
means so irreligiously violent ; if, notwithstanding the
frailty of that founder, and the deeds of \dolence attend-
ing its dissemination, this faith, I say, endured and
awakened such ardent enthusiasm in its followers, it
must have possessed a deep significance, of power to
overcome these, its enfeebling accidents. The Arabian
empire fell, but Islamism exists. New races and peo-
ples ov^erspread Mahomedan Asia, but they all upheld
Islamism. Thus Mahomedanism no more declined
with the power of its first converts, tliaii did Christi-
anity with the downfall of Rome. Islamism has ever
won to itself the allegiance of each newly-arising
eastern nation, as did Christianity that of the various
races of northern barbarians by whom, at the period
of their migrations, the then civilised world was over-
spread. Mahomedanism has thus risen superior to its
origin. The characteristics of the Oriental nature may
at once be recognised in the mode of its dissemination.
The inhabitant of the East is incapable of gradual
development; he accomplishes everything by sudden
impulses. If success attend not these first impulsive
efforts, he never attains it. Having once reached a
higher point of civilisation by a first vast and energetic
effort, at that point he remains at a stand-still during
thousands of after years.

Let us in the first place, bricfiy sketch the life of

ISLAMISM^ JUDAISM, AND CHRISTIANITY. 169

Mahomed. He was born in April 571, at Mecca, the
capital of Central Arabia, a holy place of pilgrimage
for Arab heathen devotees. He was of the honourable
lineage of the Knreisch ; yet his father was but an obscure
merchant in narrow circumstances. He died shortly
after Mahomed's birth, and this loss was succeeded in
his sixth year, by that of his mother. In his youth, he
accompanied his uncle on his mercantile journeys to
Syria and Southern Arabia, entered into commerce on
his own account, and even, at one period, gained his
subsistence as a shepherd. But a new direction was,
in the twenty-fifth year of his age, imparted to his
whole existence, when his employer, a rich widow,
became attached to, and married him. Henceforward
he lived almost wholly absorbed in rehgious medita-
tions, in which he was guided and seconded by his
wife's cousin, Waraka Ibn Nanfal, who, having long
before rejected the Arabian idolatry, had at one time
adopted Judaism, at another, Christianity; had trans-
lated several portions of the Bible into Arabic; and
had especially held Abraham to be the purest and
holiest of God's chosen heroes. Mahomed had from
his childhood been subject to fits of epilepsy, ascribed
by the Arabians to the visitations of higher spirits.
This state of unconsciousness, often of delirium, com-
bined with his religious enlightenment, may have first
suggested to him the idea of appearing on the world's
theatre as the founder of a new religion, and may have
induced in him the belief that he had really received
divine revelation. This once conceived and openly
declared, rendered amplification of his system neces-
sary. As to his own divine inspiration, it is possible
he was subsequently undeceived when he failed to work

170 LECTURE VIII.

the miracles he attempted. And this failure caused
him frequently to inveigh in the Koran, against the
generally accepted belief, that miracles are the incon-
trovertible proof of prophetic power.

He was forty years of age when he first declared
himself to be divinely inspired, but confided this to his
nearest relatives only ; among these and his immediate
friends, he gained adherents, whose number amounted
to forty at the expiration of four years. By his public
appearance in Mecca, with this small body of followers,
as a preacher against idolatry, he necessarily excited
his numerous adversaries to violent opposition, so that
he was compelled to fly to a distance from Mecca, and
live for the most part in concealment. He failed
not however to take advantage of the opportunities
aflbrded by the periodical return of seasons of pilgrim-
age, (during which, according to Arabian custom, all
feuds and enmity were suspended) to re-appear and
preach in Mecca, where he then secured the allegiance
of the Medinaites, ever jealous rivals of the Meccans.
The former found, on their return to their native town,
willing listeners to the doctrines of the Prophet.
When his adversaries in Mecca sought his hfe, he
fled to Medina, and ever after declared war in the
name of God, against all unbelievers. This flight took
place on the 22nd of September, 622, a.c, in the fifty-
first year of his age, and eleventh of his prophetic mis-
sion. He at first exercised his followers in plundering
expeditions against the caravans of the Meccans, thereby
increasing the number of his own adherents — van-
quished 600 Meccans with 314 Mussulmans — attacked
the neighbouring independent JcAvish colonies, after in
vain attempting to allure them to his cause — was dc-

ISLAMISMj JUDAISM, AND CHRISTIANITY. 171

feated agaiu and again — betrayed on several occasions
great cowardice — concluded peace with his enemies —
and found his power and the number of his adherents
augment so greatly, that he at length surprised and took
possession of Mecca at the head of ten thousand believers,
which city he thenceforward made his chief seat of
empire. A victory gained over a heathen army, raised
his authority to its zenith, so that many tribes of Arabs
yielded him homage, first only as a temporal leader,
but subsequently in his character of prophet. A cam-
paign against the Greeks in Syria being wholly un-
successful, he confined his attempts to Arabia, where
he so strengthened his authority by the exercise of
severity and force, that he was enabled, when sixty
years of age, to enter Mecca in perfect security at the
head of 48,000 believers, and proclaim on Mount Arafa
his most important doctrines. Soon after he fell sick,
and died on the 8th of June, 632, in the sixty-first
year of his age, the twenty-first of his mission, and
the eleventh after his flight from Mecca, having within
scarcely ten years subjugated the whole of Arabia,
and transformed the broken-up Arab tribes into one
connected body, inspired with one common senti-
ment— an ardent desire for war, and bright dreams
of victory. Mahomed had ten wives, and more than
a like number of female slaves who ranked almost as
such. Four sons born to him died in childhood, and
one only of his three daughters left any ofi"spring.
He permitted each Mussulman to have only four wives,
but made an exception to this rule in his own favour.
Whilst his many failings in the conjugal relation, and
his crueltv towards his enemies, throw a dark shade

172 LECTURE VIII.

on the character of Mahomed^ he was simple iii his
domestic habits, in his dress, and in his food ; indulged
in no display, surrounded himself with no pomj). His
liberality and benevolence were boundless; so that,
notwithstanding the vast amount of booty collected by
him, he left no treasure at his death.

Though in furtherance of his schemes of policy, he
hesitated not to commit the most atrocious barbarities,
in other respects he was lenient and generous, visited
the sick, attended the dead to the grave, and befriended
the oppressed. Mahomed possessed no acquired know-
ledge whatever ; he could neither read nor write ; he
uttered his prophecies aloud, and, dictating them,
caused them to be written on parchment, palm-leaves,
bones, stones, and the like. These were collected after
his death, by the Kalif Abu Bekr. All found were
thrown together without arrangement, and were sub-
sequently copied by Othman, with the suppression only
of the textual variations. The Koran is therefore, a
collection of 114 chapters or sections, some long, some
short, that unconnected and replete with countless
repetitions and immerous discrepancies, was, it is evi-
dent, never intended by the author to see the light in
its present crude form. But as Mahomed named no
successor, so did he abstain, from political motives, from
arranging his writings in chronological or other order.

The more numerous the contradictions contained in
the Koran, the more requisite is it to judge of Ma-
homedanism, not by the Koran alone, but by its later
development also. In respect of the style, it is rather
the uncontrolled and passionate fire, than the poetic
and artistic elevation bv which the readers of the Koran

ISLAM ISM, JUDAISM, AND CHRISTIANITY. 173

are carried away. That no written utterance in the
workl contains more that is fabulous than the Koran,
may with truth and without prejudice be asserted.

Mahomed's immediate successor even, Abu Bekr,
carried the war beyond the confines of Arabia, attacked
the Christians, and wrested Syria from the Greeks ; but
Omar followed up these conquests with wonderful
success, subjecting not only Palestine and Persia, but
also Egypt and all Northern Africa, to the yoke of
Moslemism. Othman and Ali carried their arms further,
into Nubia and Bucharia. Thus, as early as half a
century after Mahomed's flight to Medina, Moslem
rule reached from the boundary of China to the At-
lantic Ocean. A small snow-ball, detaching itself from
Medina and rolling to Mecca, had grown into a huge
avalanche, and overspread half the world.

On proceeding to the examination of the inward
constitution of Moslemism, the inquiry which first
presents itself is again — How did it originate ? It must
be stated in reply, that Islamism did not, like Christi-
anity, spring directly out of Judaism. Mahomed was
not a Jew, nor, as was the case with respect to Christi-
anity, did a certain inherent necessity, arising within
Judaism itself, originate Mahomedanism. Islamism
was an entirely free and independent creation from
witliout ; an adoption of the religious idea by the outer
Avoiid. Nevertheless, Moslemism was a product of
Judaism, to which it presented a less entire contrast
than Christianity. Indeed, Mahomedanism was avowed-
ly based wholly on Judaism and Christianity, whether
because Mahomed really perceived that these two reli-
gions offered a firm foundation on which to raise his
superstructure, or because he thus hoped to obtain the

174 LECTURE VIII.

favour of the partizans of both these creeds. Mahomed
therefore, declared Moses and the prophets, Jesus and
his disciples, to be his divinely inspired predecessors,
whose work he, as the last of the prophets, and the
promulgator of the highest truth, was destined to
complete. The Koran assumes the Old and New
Testaments to be true revelations from God, now
receiving completion and solution in the Koran. The
greater portion of the Koran is composed of narratives,
some extracted from the New, but a far greater number
from the Old Testament. As Mahomed's knowledge of
the two Scriptures was derived, not from his own
perusal of them, but from the reports of others, the
process to which he subjected these extracts, partly
from ignorance, partly from the admixture of later
traditions and arbitrary and fabulous embellishment,
so disguised these Bible narratives, as to render them
scarcely recognisable.

This mode of its origin determined the character of
Islamism. Islamism lays hold of the highest principle
of the Religious Idea, and reproduces it pure and uu-
defiled. But having once passed away from this first
principle, it consistently elaborated the Heathen ele-
ment, abstaining from any return to Mosaism, save in
certain external accidents. Christianity, on the con-
trary, modified the very first principle of the ReKgious
Idea; yet, having sprung directly from Judaism, it
relapsed constantly, though in an incongruous manner,
into Judaism.

The chief doctrine of Islamism is then, the acknow-
ledgment of the existence of one only, eternal, omniscient,
incorporeal, and omnipotent God, who created the universe
out of nothing, according to His divine will. Of this

ISLAMTSM^ JUDAISM, AND CHRISTIANITY. 175

doctrine, derived from Judaism, Mahomed^s statement
Avholly agrees with that of the Bible. It is true, that he
relatesthe history of the creation with many chronological
inaccuracies, yet otherwise in perfect conformity with
the writings of Moses, Mahomedanism proclaims this
doctrine of the unity of the one supernal God to be the
corner-stone of its system, and strenuously upholds it as
its chief support. In this, it presented a complete
contrast to Arabian idolatry, over which it secured the
entire victory of the Religious Idea ; but in this, it at the
same time formed an equally complete contrast to the
developed dogma of Christianity, by which this doctrine
had been so entirely modified. In the Koran, nothing
is of more frequent recurrence than arguments against
the Christian doctrine of the Trinity, and of the human
incarnation of God; arguments, advanced sometimes
with ardent zeal, sometimes with biting satire. Against
Judaism, on the contrary, whose teachings he had
adopted, Mahomed enters into no controversy. He
inveighs only against the Jews, who would not yield to
his authority, and whom he accuses of distorting the
Scriptures, by which imputation, it is true, he con-
cealed his own falsification of the sacred text.

The less antagonism there was involved in Mahome-
danism to Judaism and to the first fundamental views
of Christianity, the more strenuous Avas the effort made
by Mahomed to create this antagonism ; a necessary
result of the blind faith in himself and his prophetic
mission which he so ardently desired to awaken. The
belief in himself he therefore placed in immediate juxta-
position with the belief in God. " There is no god but
God, and Mahomed is His Prophet.^' This aphorism
conveys the two distinguishing tenets of Islamism, of

176 LECTURE VIII.

which the one is incomplete without tlie other. Who-
ever acknowledges both these is a Mahomedan, a
believer; whoever denies thenij if even he owns the
existence of one only God^ an unbeliever. This apho-
rism imparted a peculiar direction to Mahomedanism,
and established an essential distinction between the
believer and unbeliever. The moral worth of man lies
not therefore in his actions, but solely in Islamism;
that is, in the belief in God and Mahomed. The un-
believer is eternally damned ; the believer, if he obeys
the Mahomedan law, is sure of eternal bliss. If he
does not fulfil it, he is pmiished during the limited
period of four hundred j'cars, and then is permitted to
enter the lower spheres of blessedness. But this salva-
tion is not consequent on the merit of the individual ;
it is a free gift of the mercy of God.

The effect of this was, that Islamism especially con-
tains definite views of salvation and perdition, and
invests them with material attributes, that are perfectly
in accordance with the character of the East. Hell, as
the abode of the damned, and Paradise, as that of the
blest, were painted, with their physical sufferings and
joys, with all the vividness of colouring that the most
lively fancy could invent. Unbelievers were subjected
in Hell to fearful tortures, sometimes of heat and some-
times of cold. In Paradise, the blest were regaled with
the choicest viands, were attended by the most lovely
maidens, reposed on the softest carpets ; they possessed
the costliest treasures, and eternally enjoyed the bloom
of manhood. These hoAvever were but preparatory tor-
ments and preparatory joys; for at the appointed hour the
resurrection of the dead will come to pass. Seventy
thousand angels will drag Hell by seventy thousand

ISLAMISM, JUDAISM, AND CHRISTIANITY. 177

cords before the throue of God. The condemned and
the blest are then to be judged anew. The latter will
be translated to the heavenly Paradise, which is placed
in the seventh heaven, at the foot of the Eternal's
throne.

Though in this second article of the Mahomedan
belief was involved the same antagonism to Mosaism
which existed in historical Christianity, namely, the
justification of man by faith only in the respective
founders of these religions; this antagonism was ren-
dered still more marked in Christianity, from a divine
nature being ascribed to that founder ; while in
Moslemism he claimed only to be the last and highest
of the prophets. Yet the two religions again diverged
from each other; Mahomedanism remaining consist-
ently heathen in its bias; Christianity, on the contrary,
seeking in its developments to return to the Rehgious
Idea. If his belief alone determines man's claim to
salvation, then it follows that his actions possess only
relative merit ; that is, in so far as he is impelled to
them by faith. Then man is not free and self-deter-
mining, as the Religious Idea sets forth, but is subjected
to the operation of an immutable necessity, since belief
or faith is no free-will act of man's spirit. Moslemism
derived this article of its creed from Arabian heathenism.
It was Sabeanism, whose ground-work was fate in
nature, as shown forth in the laws governing the
heavenly bodies, by which also the destiny of man is
ruled. Islamism therefore declared that God fixes so
irrevocably the destiny of man, that let him do or
leave undone whatever he may, his appointed fate will
ever prevail. Whether he go to the battle or remain
at home, said Mahomed, the arrow winged for his breast

178 LECTURE VIII.

will reach it. Sickness overpowers liim in the degree
appointed by God, whether man apply remedies or not.
Fire will burn as decreed by God, whether man seek
or not to extinguish it. Men's actions have therefore
no direct results, since that which happens is previously
determined, irrespectively of man's agency. This strict
fatalism of Mahomedanism lies in the very nature of
the Eastern, and must have been a powerful engine of
success in the schemes of conquest pursued by Mahomed
and his successors.

All freedom of action being thus denied to the spirit
of man, neither could belief nor unbelief be free opera-
tions of the human mind. On the contrary, belief was
awakened in man by God ; this is repeatedly declared
in the Koran. *" And one of you is predestined to be
an unbeliever, and another of you is predestined to be a
believer." Unbelief proceeded from a being who was
the source of all evil, Satan — Eblis ; he causes un-
belief in men, and leads even the believer to disobey
the law of the Prophet. Mahomedanism elaborated
the doctrine of the devil, as also the opposite theory of
angels, and made these distinct articles of the Islam
creed. It is manifest that Mahomed, in pursuance of
these dogmas, would pronounce war against unbelievers
to be a religious duty, since such war ejBPected the
limitation of the devil's power, and the conversion of
the posterity of unbelievers into believers. The exclu-
siveness that is inculcated by Christianity, albeit in its
passive form, in Mahomedanism, in conformity with the
nature of the East, takes an active character, and as-
sumes the offensive.

Of the direct relation of God to man, no question
* Sale's Kovan, chap.lxiv.

ISLAMISM, JUDAISM, AND CHRISTIANITY. 179

could longer be entertained. God M^as, according to
Islamism, a supernal necessity or fate, before whom
man was nought save an enslaved being, attaining signi-
ficance solely through faith in this divine fate and
in Mahomed. The life of man had no aim or purport,
except faith. In it no general principle of morals (such
as Christianity derived from Mosaism and combined
with its own system) could be enforced. As however,
in the Eastern, the Ideal per se, is not a predominating
element, Mahomed was compelled to seek in material
life a fulcrum for his religious system. We have con-
sequently not to expect any consistent unity of the Idea
and the life, as established by Mosaism ; for life itself
was of no import, according to Mahomedanism. In it
there was no connecting link between the Idea and the
life; for the creation of the soul of man in God's
image, and with it the sanctification of man in God,
had disappeared in Islamism. It therefore enforced,
but did not consistently develop, certain external and
material circumstances only of human existence. The
things it commanded were, purifications, fasts, pray-
ers repeated five times daily, alms-giving, and if
possible, a pilgrimage to Mecca. The things inter-
dicted were, the drinking of wine, the eating of swine's
flesh — of blood — of the flesh of such animals as have
died of themselves or have been suffocated or killed by a
blow, or torn by a wild beast — and all games of chance.
These ordinances were partly borrowed from the neigh-
bouring heathen nations, partly derived from Mosaism.
With these was combined a body of municipal regula-
tions regarding marriage, inheritances, murder, and theft.
For a murder, the relatives were free to accept, at their
option, compensation in money ; while to the thief

N 2

180 LECTURE VIll.

the severer punishment was adjvidged of having his
right hand chopped off.

The stronger was the tendency prevailing in Islamism
to set forth and consolidate religious belief by means of
political power, the more rapidly did Religion and the
State become identified. The kingdom of the faitliful
comprehends therefore both Church and State. The
Kalipli or Sultan, is the Vicegerent of Mahomed, the
head of the Mahomedan Church ; and the grades below
him are, like him, either servants of the sword, under the
names of Vizirs and Pashas, or teachers and commanders,
under the names of Imaums and Ulemas. Thus, while
in Mosaism religion and society should be in strict
accordance, it was inevitable that Christianity, by the
separation, in its system, of religion and society, should
originate a severance of Church and State. In Islam-
ism, on the contrary, Church and State are identified ;
so that a new sect could arise only in another state —
for example, Turkey and Persia. We therefore recog-
nise in Islamism, the passing of the Religious Idea
out of Judaism into Eastern heathenism. The doctrine
of the one super-mundane God, won to itself the
stedfast allegiance of the Eastern world. Islamism
however, while it held fast instead of, like Christianity,
modifying this fundamental principle, was powerless to
overcome other and minor existing heathen elements.
The creation of man in his Maker's image, and the
thereon consequent freedom of man, succumbed beneath
the heathen conception of the law of necessity. The
direct relation of God to man, as also his sanctitication
by morality, resolved themselves into the one condition
of the validity of faith only. Equality of right and
personal freedom were rendered null by the action

ISLAMISM, JUDAISM, AND CHRISTIANITY. 181

of slavery; by the personal authority exercised by
believers; by the war waged against unbelievers; by
the principle of election, and exclusion ; and by the
identification of Religion and State. Charity took the
form of alms-giving. The immortality of the spirit was
limited by the fantastic foreshadowing of a future
existence, devoted to unbridled sensuality.

After this manner did that Mahomedanism, whose
first principles were derived from Mosaism, become iu
its subsequent development wholly antagonistic to the
Mosaic system. The relation of Islamism to Christi-
anity bore again a different character. In consequence
of its strict adherence to the doctrine of the Unity, and
of the modification by Christianity of this docrine into
that of the Trinity, Islamism became opposed to Chris-
tianity. Irrespective of this one point of divergence,
Islamism has considerable analogy with Christianity, and
it is perhaps more consistent in its development than
Christianity itself. Both rehgions inculcate justification
by faith ; in both the standard of value of human action,
is faith alone. Both promise eternal bliss to the believer
only. But Christianity is inconsistent, in its retention
of doctrines belonging to the Religious Idea, namely,
Divine Providence, the freedom of man, and the laws
of morality. Islamism is consistent in declaring Fate
or Necessity to be the arbiter of human destiny, and
morality to consist exclusively in the practice of certain
prescribed ordinances of religion. From this incon-
sistency of the Christian, and consistency of the
Mahomedan system, resulted the principal conditions
marking their respective histories. By virtue of this
inconsistency, the path of progress was opened in
Christianity. By its means, the great conflict was

182 LECTURE VIII.

prepared, in which the Christian intellect has been
engaged unremittingly for centuries. Whether or not
is salvation attainable by faith alone? In this ques-
tion, the consistency of the Christian dogma is wholly
involved ; for with the elements of the Religious Idea
indwelling Christianity, is this question closely linked.
In consistent Mahomedanism, progress or development
was impossible ; since by its very system, all such pro-
gress was arrested and repressed. A human being,
whose destiny necessity alone determines, can do nought
save believe, and if he have the power, remove the un-
believer from his path.

To Christianity therefore, the road to the Religious
Idea is open; for the Christian system gradually re-
solves itself into the Religious Idea. Islamism on the
contrary, can but fall into decay under the action of
the Religious Idea; and, the point of annihilation at-
tained, must be succeeded by that Idea itself.

The final result of this inquiry into the respective
natures of Islamism and Christianity is then, as follows.
The Religious Idea, as founded by Mosaism, after over-
coming heathenism in the Jewish race, and securing in
that race depositaries wholly devoted to their mission,
passed in Christianity and Moslemism, out of Judaism
(only as an Idea however, and without control over
material life) into the general world of man. Under
the form of Christianity, it overcame the disorganised
Heathenism of the West ; under that of Islamism, the
feebly existing remnants of Heathenism in the East.
In both religions, the Religious Idea was so amalga-
mated with, and modified by, elements of the heathen
idea, that in Christianity it retained its hold on the
human mind, as idea only ; while in rigidly consistent

ISLAMISM, JUDAISM^ AND CHRISTIANITY. 183

Moslemism^ the lieatlien element preponderated. Ju-
daism therefore remained the bearer of the Religious
Idea, whole and entire, though combining it in Tal-
mudism with a newly-elaborated code of enactments, in
order to preserve it in the dispersion of the Jewish
race, from the new antagonisms of Christianity and
Islamism, for the future of mankind.

184

LECTURE IX.

THE JEWS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS.

In the foregoing lectures we sought to elucidate the
relation of Christianity and Islamism to the Religious
Idea, and thence to deduce the necessity for the con-
tinued existence in Judaism of the religious idea in its
completeness. Were I to adhere strictly to the natural
order of the subjects to be treated in these lectures, it
would certainly indicate that we should now proceed to
consider the manner and mode of this continued exist-
ence in Talmudism ; and also (having already discussed
the rise of Talmudism previous to Christianity) the pur-
port and character of Talmudism itself.

I deem it advisable, nevertheless, first to call your
attention to the phase of existence exhibited in the
receptacles of this Talmudic- Judaism — Jewdom. And
for what reason ? you will enquire. Talmudism is so
peculiar a creation, the result of such peculiar intellec-
tual tendencies, that it is impossible to comprehend its
nature, unless we previously understand the object for
which it was designed — unless we have previously re-
cognised its aim, its scope, and its indispeusability. If
it has been ascertained — first, that the preservation of
Jewdom was necessary to the endurance of the re-
ligious idea; and secondly, that by Talmudism alone

THE JEWS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS. 185

the continued existence of Jewdom could be secured ;
we shall have possessed ourselves of the guiding thread,
without which we might wander pathless in its vast and
intricate labyrinths.

I bespeak your attention to-day therefore to the his-
tory of the Jews in their dispersion. I must premise
however, that it is foreign to the task I have undertaken
to give utterance to the just lamentations, which
an intimate acquaintance with a history, whose every
page, nay, whose every line, whose every letter is
written in blood, may well wring from the sincere
friend of humanity. This blood was not shed on the
battle-field, where the destinies of nations were decided ;
nor was this martyrdom endured as expiation for crime,
but this life-stream was pressed from the heart, this mar-
tyrdom crushed the limbs, of a race of men, who, guilt-
less of wrong against the lives or the property of their
folio w-beings, sought but liberty to live true to their
consciences and their God. History, like her eternal
sister. Nature, possesses the great privilege of recording
the general results of events, and of passing silently
over the griefs and sufferings laid successively by in-
dividuals on the altar of the general good. The unin-
terrupted and eternal production of life is the law of
nature. But life necessitates death. Countless old
generations must die that countless new generations may
be born. In order to sustain life nature must destroy
life. In like manner, history requires the suffering and
the annihilation of millions of individual men, in order
to secure to the race of man continued and progressive
development, and to prepare for it an ever greater
future, an ever more glorious existence. Judged
according to this standard, the thousand holocausts

186 LECTURE IX.

which the annals of every people record axe recognised
to have been offered for a loftier end. History^ which
would otherwise present a melancholy picture of tyranny
and slavery, of force and thraldom, of human suffer-
ings and passions, becomes, when viewed in this light, a
solemn record of the eternal strivings of mankind for
higher objects, of its aspirations for the conquest of
truth and right.

Let us thus look upon the history of Jewdom in its dis-
persions, and we shall at once perceive, that these dis-
persions had for aim and end the preservation of the
Religious Idea ; and that all that the Jews, its deposita-
ries and bearers, were called upon to endure, all their ,
sufferings during fifteen centuries (of which sufferings,
alas ! many still continue) were a necessity which in the
fulfilment of their sublime mission could not be averted.
Nay, instead of the remembrance of the evil treatment
received by this peaceable people causing us to mourn,
the thought should rather inspire us with feelings of ad-
miration at the inward power of the spirit, enabling a
whole race to conquer all disasters and defy all calamities.
What more does Jewdom desire? It has gained the vic-
tory. The world sought to annihilate it, and yet Jewdom
exists. The world strove to render it dumb, and yet Jew-
dom speaks, speaks now, even louder and more audibly
than ever, in the ears of mankind. Yet more — Jewdom
sees the animosity which prevailed against her daily di-
minish— hears the world rescind daily its hostile edicts —
feels her sufferings and anguish pass away, virulence and
oppression gradually die out. Jewdom may with truth
exclaim, ' I have endured to the end ; and this en-
durance has won its reward.' It has achieved that
which it was its task to accomplish ; it has preserved the

THE JEWS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS. 187

religious idea for the great future of mankind. Let us
therefore not deem the history of Jewdom in its dis-
persions to be but a blood-stained record of uniform
oppression and violence. Let us on the contrary, re-
cognise it to be that which it truly is — the conflict of
the Spirit with its antagonisms for the eternal preserva-
tion of the Religious Idea. Seen under this aspect
the existence of the Jewish people is neither a mystic
riddle, as by some it has been supposed to be, for the
key to its solution lies at hand ; nor is it a mom'nful
picture veiled in sadness; it is a brilliant image, de-
lineating the power of the immortal soul of man.

We repeat — the sufferings of the Jewish race, from
the fourth century down to the present time, their
exclusion from political society, the persecutions they
have endured throughout the world, were the necessary
conditions of the fulfilment of their holy mission. This
proposition we now proceed to examine and to verify.

When a nation loses its independence, one of two
consequences must ensue; either it is destroyed in the
last struggle, or (and this is but another form of de-
struction) it is amalgamated with its conquerors. The
nation may be preserved in its separate members, but
in its collective form, its especial purpose, its na-
tionality in fine, it exists no longer. To the existence
of the Jewish race no such close was appointed; for
the fulfilment of its lofty mission forbad alike its anni-
hilation and its amalgamation with its conquerors. That
race was dispersed, retaining in its dispersion its pecu-
liar character. This dispersion, as we have shown in a
former lecture, was the instrument of its material sal-
vation. Had this numerically insignificant nation (the
smallest of all the peoples of the earth) remained in

188 LECTURE IX.

Palestine, it could not have retained its integrity amid
the irruptions of the barbarians, the conquests of the
Mahomedan Arabians, the incursions of Zhengiskhan
and of the Saracens and Turkomans. That it had
been conquered and dismembered by the tolerant Ro-
mans before the outbreak of these wars of devastation
and of the Crusades, was a beneficent ordination of
the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, and an evidence of
His governing providence.

The existence of the Jewish race as a people was not
necessary. Indeed the accomplishment of their sacred
task was far more powerfully aided by their dispersion.
Through the absence of all political and municipal
vitality in the numerous isolated communities, was
this, their task more promptly and efficiently performed.
The religious idea was freed by the dispersion of the
Jews from the trammelling influence of political and
municipal life, and space and opportunity were secured
to its depositaries for their own and its preservation.

But for this end it was also necessary, that the Jews
should be placed in a position which would prevent
their amalgamation with the dominant nation in whose
centre they respectively dwelt. On this point I am
anxious to avoid misapprehension. I would therefore
observe, that I here refer exclusively to the times at
which nations were specifically ruled by the two new
churches, in part antagonistic to the religious idea,
Christianity and Moslemism, then in their most dog-
matic stage of development : an era at which the political
amalgamation of the Hebrew race would have been in-
evitably combined with an absorption of the religious
idea into the forms of Christianity and Islamism ; an
age, as will be admitted, wholly difterent in its character

THE JEWS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS. 189

from the present time, and inducing consequently wholly
different conditions of existence.

That the Jewish race should assume in their disper-
sions, a distinctive and isolating mental costume and
character, which should place them in strong contrast
to the dominant churches, (and this idiosyncracy was
secured to them by Talmudism) and that their temporal
position should be exclusive in its tendency, so as to
render them wholly dependent on themselves and their
own resources, (a state of being imposed on them by
the iron rule of the middle ages) was a historical ne-
cessity. Both conditions were indispensable to the pre-
servation of the Jewish race in its integrity, and both
were fulfilled.

It may be objected, and with truth if the material
fact be alone considered, that the social position of the
Jews and the oppression and suffering to which they
were exposed, were virtually induced by the peculiari-
ties to which the race so pertinaciously adhered. But
if the Jews had not, both from choice and necessity,
preserved their individuality, their fusion with the other
dominant creeds would have been inevitable ; and true
it certainly is, that in their new garb of Christian and
Mahomedan they would have had nothing to endure.
The service of the Religious Idea rendered this immu-
nity impossible. Nor does this afford to the dominant
churches the slightest justification for the tyranny and
cruelty exercised by them towards the Hebrew race.
The peculiarity of my fellow-man, as long as it does
no injury to society, in no way gives me the right to in-
jure him in life, property, and honour; nor to beat
him to death, either morally or physically. The pre-
servation of this peculiarity was the only reproach cast

190 LECTURE IX.

upon the Jews after tliey had been degraded to the very
lowest social position by their oppressors. It has, how-
ever, I trust, been clearly shown, that for this con-
dition of things there existed an historical necessity.
To the Jewish race it Avas given to preserve within itself
the religious idea, unscathed by the antagonisms of the
dominant Christian and Mahomedan churches. The
only means by which this could be carried out was, the
adoption of a peculiar external form of religious life.
So soon as the dominant churches came to compre-
hend the antagonisms to their own system inherent in
Judaism, they naturally sought to annihilate Judaism,
or to thrust aside and supplant it. The necessaiy
consequences of this animosity were the constant per-
secutions and banishments of the Jews, and their
political and municipal expulsion Avhether as commu-
nities or as individuals.

Another historical feature of the middle ages was the
feudal system. Its most marked tendency was the sub-
diAdsion of the state into guilds or companies. Feudal-
ism split up the aggregate of society into many separate
bodies, and assigned to each a particular position and
constitution, and individual rights and privileges. In-
stead of erecting the state on the universal basis of
equal and general rights, instead of comprehending
each and every portion of society as constituting an
integral part of the whole social fabric, instead of recog-
nising the people collectively to be one body politic,
feudalism divides and subdivides them, according to a
certain fixed scheme, from the monarch down to the
serf, into classes, guilds, corporations, and arranges
them in orders, companies, etc., that stand to each
other in the relative positions of inferior and superior.

THE JEAVS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS. 191

What post was appointed to the Jew in this feudal
state? What rank was he to hold in this scheme?
Neither amid the nobles, nor the guilds of the towns,
nor the serfdom of the peasant, would it concede a place
to the Hebrew. Feudalism condemned the Jew -to
remain a foreign excrescence, an outcast from them all.
By feudalism were the Jews considered to be but appen-
dages of the monarch, who in his gracious clemency-
tolerated their presence as imperial or royal menials.
They paid tribute to the sovereign, were under his im-
mediate protection, which he could grant, or rather sell
to them, or withhold from them, at his royal pleasure.
They were thus denied all rights, were compelled to
dwell in separate quarters of the towns, were forbidden
to hold land and to pursue any trade. But one alter-
native was allowed, but one dark retreat afforded them,
whence their fellow-men shrunk in disgust. Permission
was accorded them to wander as hawkers, pedlars, and
money-lenders, foot-sore and weary, from place to place.*
So abject was the plight to which the feudal system had
reduced the sons of Israel; those who in Palestine had
been a free and agricultui'al people, in Rome Roman citi-
zens, were now condemned to be hirelings and menials,
earning their exile's bread in the land of their birth by
hawking and usury. Princes and emperors pledged
their right to the tenure of Jews, sometimes to towns,
sometimes to feudal lords of higher or lower degree. In
other instances they conceded their claim to the servitude
of the Jews for payment, or in compliance with petitions

* True were then the poet's words : —

" The wild dove hath her nest, the fox his cave,
Mankind their country, Israel but the grave."

192 LECTURE IX.

or threats, to certain circles and towns. From this arbi-
trary and lawless rule to which they were subjected,
other and serious evils resulted to the Jews. The
callings they were permitted to pursue, acted prejudi-
cially on their moral condition. It may with truth be
asserted, that the highest credit redounds to the Jewish
race, that under the pressure of circumstances so
degrading, they not only were not wholly demoralised,
but preserved a freshness of spirit and a strength of
character, which they mainly derived from the peculiar
constitution of their spiritual and religious life. In
other instances again, these pursuits brought them
constantly into collision with great and small. The
borrower hates the lender ; the more deeply he is
indebted, the more entirely he is in the power of his
creditor, the more anxious is he to set him aside by
physical force, particularly in an age when might made
right, and when that lender was without arms and
without legal defence. Thus the longer the Jews
remained in any one locality, the more imminent and
certain were their persecution and expulsion, simply
because the greater was the number of those whose
interest it was to effect their removal.

A third and necessary consequence was, that as the
snail ever seeks shelter within its shelly tenement from
the bruising heel of the passer-by, so the persecuted Jew
ever withdrew deeper and deeper into intellectual seclu-
sion. All spiritual connection with other nations
gradually ceased. An attachment to scientific pursuits,
which had endured to a much later period (even so
late as the commencement of the fifteenth century)
among the Jews than among the Arabians and Chris-
tians, expired at length amid the universal persecutions

THE JEWS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS. 193

to which they were subjected, particularly those which
accompanied their expulsion from Spain. At the era
when the taste for classical studies was revived, and
when the other European peoples gladly shook off their
long intellectual lethargy, no ray of morning light
could penetrate into the dark Ghetto or Jews' quarter,
and dawn on the mental vision of the crouching and hope-
fallen son of Abraham. Even religious speculation was
arrested in the crushed spirits, that were only perma-
nently saved from entire paralysation by the [exciting
study of the Talmud whetting the edge of intellectual
subtlety, though this was limited to the analytical
disquisitions of casuistry. Of this the result is mani-
fest; the ecclesiastical system of the middle ages sought,
in its spirit of exclusiveness, to annihilate the Jews,
since in Judaism was included'the most uncompromising
antagonism to that exclusiveness — the Religious Idea.
Where they could not succeed in extirpating, they
tried to expel them from municipal society. Feudalism,
amid its divisions and subdivisions that virtually denied
the equality of human rights, had no place for the
outcasts of the Church — the rejected Hebrews. It
placed them without the pale of law and right, and as
it transformed the peasantry into the bondmen (serfs)
of the nobles, so it made the Jews to be the bondmen
(serving-men) of the monarch. Yet as compared with
the Church, the feudal system was the salvation of
Jewdom. From the personal influence of the monarch,
they often derived protection ; seeing that as occasion
might be, the sovereigns either thought more tolerantly
or felt more humanely than the petty tyrants, their
subjects ; or they needed the gold of the Jews, their
loans, the purchase-money for protection ; or they

194 LECTURE IX.

were impelled to xiphoid them by a spirit of opposition
to the church, which spirit, as is well known, was not
unfrequently rife in Christendom. And the Jews, in
truth, required nought, save according to the necessities
of the hour, a few spots of earth on which to exist, to
weather the storm, and to outlive the days of menaced
extermination.

If we have now made clear the historical necessity
for the position of the Jews in the middle ages, as also
the conditions by which it was attained, let us proceed
briefly to review the facts as they arose.

After the final conflicts with the pagan Romans,
the Jews had obtained the full rights of lloman
citizenship, and during its enjoyment, gained a con-
siderable degree of prosperity and possessed entire
civil and religious freedom, in so far as the former any-
where existed. The first Roman emperors who adopted
the Christian religion, were compelled to exercise their
rule tolerantly, in their half-heathen, half-Christian
dominions. So soon, however, as the Christian church
obtained temporal sway, it began to oppose the Jews,
even in their very existence. Bishops who were held to
be shining lights among the church Fathers, such as the
holy Ambrosius, Cyril, and others, hurled anathemas
and excited the populace against the Jews. Synagogues
were reduced to ashes, whole communities compelled by
means of murder and plunder to self-expatriation. The
councils having recognised that the Jews were not to
be won over to Christianity in the mass, zealously
opposed all peaceful social intercourse with them. Mar-
riages between Jews and Christians were interdicted ;
the Christians were forbidden even to eat with the Jew ;
the Jews to have Christian slaves and servants, while

THE JEWS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS. 195

the Christians were allowed to employ Jews in these
capacities. Under such influence, the emperors issued
successive decrees, by which the municipal condition of
the Jews became more and more fettered ; they were
expelled from the army, excluded from the civil service,
and were at length deprived of all offices of honour in
the municipalities till under the emperors Honorius and
Arcadius in the year 430, they were wholly despoiled
of all civil rights, and degraded to the very lowest class
among the people. It is here worthy of special note,
that these very decrees (preserved to us in the Codex
Theodosianus) declare the Jews to be innocent, and thus
testify that they were issued on reHgious grounds only.
For these decrees, while successively depriving the Jews
of one right after the other, contain consolatory and
laudatory expressions, and refer to such remnants of
civil liberty as were preserved, till the final stroke was
put to this cruel spoliation. Thus the church had
deprived the Jews of all legal rights, had excluded them
from all civil society, long before feudalism had come
into existence.

When Moslemism subdued and overspread the
Eastern world, it assumed politically only, an attitude
hostile to the Jews. Islamism sought but empire and
never practised religious persecution against the Israel-
ites. When excluding the Jews from public functions
(those connected mth the financial administration ex-
cepted) and even when depriving them of privileges
enjoyed by true believers, as their right, Mahomedanism
granted to the Israelites religious toleration ; but when
the East early relapsed into a state of stagnation and
non-progress, when the elements of despotism developed
themselves more and more in Mahomedan rule, the

o 2

196

LECTURE IX.

Jews participated in this degeneracy, and became an
ignorant, motionless, spiritless mass.

In Ganl and Sjiain, the Jews enjoyed under the
Goths the full rights of citizenship. This rendered it the
more natural that the Catholic Franks should regard
them as adversaries, should deprive them of their legal
immunities, and in obedience to the behests of the
clergy, should interfere with the freedom of their re-
ligious worship, encroach upon their possessions, and
coerce them to accept baptism. In Spain, therefore, the
Jews hailed the advent of the Moors as that of deliverers,
who ensured to them renewed security and peace.

In the extensive dominions of Charles the Great, at
the time when feudalism began to prevail, the Jews
Avere of infinite service in the state. Their frequent
journeys, their wide-spreading connections, their ac-
quaintance with all parts of the empire, their dexterity,
tact and activit}^ singularly qualified them for the
performance of business of various kinds ; in circum-
stances too, where the ignorance of the great and even
of the ecclesiastics, and the abject condition of the
people, would have given rise to considerable embarrass-
ment. On these accounts favour was shown them ;
permission to hold landed property, and protection
against encroachment and oppression were granted them.
The weaker however the royal rule of Charles' and
Louis' successors became, the more enmity the clergy
and councils shewed towards the Jews, the more the
feudal system developed itself, the deeper sank the Jew-
ish race into the condition we have above described ;
demands upon them for money became more and more
numerous; taxes on beds, parchments and kitchens,
taxes for comings- in and goings-out, followed in rapid

THE JEWS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS. 197

succession, and formed at least one source of the interest
eatertained by tlie monarch in the presence of Jews in
his dominions. Scarcely, however, had the feudal system
assigned to the Israelites a position which, though deny-
ing them all rights, was yet determined by law, when
the church, to whose power the Crusades had given a
fresh impulse, reintroduced in an extended form the per-
secution of the Jews throughout Europe. The first out-
break of the Crusades reached the Jews, and the flames
spreadfrom its birth-place, Treves, over the whole empire.
Metz, Cologne, Worms, Mayence, Speyer, prepared de-
struction and death to the proscribed sons of Israel.
They fled to Moravia, Silesia and Poland. After the close
of the Crusades, the revival of the accusations against
them of purloining the host and of drinking the blood of
Christian children, excited the people to frenzy and to
deeds of blood, and thousands of Jews without distinction
of age or sex, were mercilessly sacrificed. The carnage
began on this occasion in Switzerland and extended to
the borders of Poland. These abominations did not
cease till the years of the Reformation; and even then
were occasionally revived ; while in their social position
they were even the more enslaved ; they were denied all
connection with human society, they were excluded from
all participation in the world's movements. They paid
tribute for their very bodies like the beasts of the
field.

While often exposed to murderous violence on the
blood-stained soil of Germany, but allowed to exist as a
a race, they were repeatedly expelled from Spain, France,
and England. From Spain, where under the Moorish
rule the Jews had attained a high, social, literary, and
scientific position, they were in the year 1492 wholly

198 LECTURE IX.

expelled by the expeller of the. Moors, Ferdinand. Three
hundred thousand left their beautiful fatherland; of these
some perished by the way, others fled to Barbary, and
others sought refuge in Turkey and Holland. Four times
were the Jews banished from France, and as frequently
recalled. In 1290, they were driven from England,
where they had long dwelt, but where their exclusion
from all save financial business had especially exposed
them to the exactions of petty sovereigns. In the time
of Cromwell they were re-admitted into Great Britain.
After the successful struggle in the Netherlands, against
the tyranny of Philip II., they found a ready asylum in
that country, and from the commencement a recogni-
tion of their freedom and rights.

We thus perceive, that until the close of the last
century, the Jews remained wholly excluded from
municipal society, lived in separate quarters of the
town, were interdicted from holding land, from exercis-
ing certain trades and calhngs, from pursuing agricul-
ture, from entering into commercial pursuits, and from
adopting the vocation of teachers. They were further
excluded from the civil and municipal services of the
State, and were thus forced to the exclusive assumption,
as the sole means by which to exist, of the callings of
money-lenders, hawkers and pedlars ; and even in these,
were subjected to enormous taxes, and to the pay-
ment of protection- money and head-money. It may be
truly said with respect to their moral treatment, that
they were everywhere exposed to contempt and hatred,
everywhere despised and oppressed. Forbidden to
approach the academies, whether of science or art, shut
out from intellectual communion with the rest of the
family of man, — they were thus, for mental food, cast

THE JEWS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS. 199

upon the pages of the Talmud alone. By a singular
accident, the faculty of medicine formed the sole excep-
tion to this wholesale prohibition.

Yet notwithstanding all this, notwithstanding the
fearful passage through fifteen hundred years of misery,
strong elements of life were yet latent in the bosom of
Judaism. The first of these was their inflexible fidelity
to the religious idea, and its elaboration in Talmudism,
which fidelity neither the horror of death, nor the
martyrdom of contempt and scorn, nor the snare of
the tempter was of power to shake. The Jews every-
where saw close at hand the boundary line over which,
if they passed, sorrow and sufi'ering were left behind —
their passage to Christianity or to Mahomedanism ;
but over that boundary they passed not. And this
fidelity was not the appanage of the chosen few, of
the best spirits among them, but of the mass; of the
last, as of the first members of their race. Besides
this, they found within their own communities, cities
of refuge to which to flee, which ofi'ered them pro-
tection from the infliction of outward injustice and mal-
treatment. Congregational life never ceased from the
midst of them. Wherever ten Jews were assembled in
one locality, they formed themselves into a congregation,
as though they had been dwelling upon the free soil of
Palestine; — a congregation whose fundamental prin-
ciples were everywhere personal equality, free choice of
their officials, in which dwelt not a trace of the custom
of life-tenure or hereditary succession; a distinct, yet
powerful echo of the voice of Mosaism. Within such
congregations, the synagogue and its service were the
first objects of care ; then charitable institutions for
the relief of the sick, the indigent, the old and the im-

300 LECTURE IX.

prisoned ; for poor brides, for the dying, and for the in-
terment of the dead. The next meteors of solicitude
were the schools, some destined for the instruction of
youth, others of adults, in which the subjects taught
were naturally restricted to the domain of Talmudic
and Rabbinical learning. In" this congregational life,
the Jews found not only inexhaustible sources of indem-
nification for external evils and some means to avert
them, but also partial compensation for their exclusion
from all participation in general and political existence.
A second shelter the Jew found in the sanctuary of
domestic or family life. Repulsed from without, man
seeks consolation in the arms of those dear ones be-
longing to him. The threshold of his house is the
boundary-stone beyond which scorn and contumely
cannot pass. Within, he finds the love, esteem, and
reverence denied him without. Among the Jews un-
bounded was the intensity of family ties and afi'ections.
The bond between parent and child, and the conjugal
relation, were alike sacred and exalted, prompting to
efforts and sacrifices the most sublime. The exclusion
from society, and the binding Talmudic statute, neces-
sarily co-operated to keep the Jews removed and free
from the great vices of the age. On the one hand
temperance and chastity disinclining them, to excess ;
on the other, an entire indisposition to deeds of murder,
rapine, violence, brutality, and combativeness, Avere deep-
seated qualities in the Jewish heart. If in respect of
property they evinced less conscientiousness, so that they
were too often prone to artifice, deceit, and over-reaching;
to the cu'cumstances of their enforced condition may
this be with justice imputed, while they ever abhorred to
raise their hands against the lives of their fellow-beings.

THE JEWS IN THEIR DISPERSIONS. 201

and never abandoned themselves to profligacy, and
sensuality.

All this in combination, my hearers, rendered pos-
sible and efl'ected the preservation of the Jewish race
during the seventeen centuries of dii-est persecution,
through which, after the destruction of Jerusalem, they
struggled as for existence, till a new time dawned upon
them, at the commencement of the last century. The
position of isolation, exclusion, and repudiation, in
which ever dwelt this race, rendered its amalgamation
with other peoples impossible, — the Religious Idea, of
which the Jewish mind held tenacious possession, whose
truth had permeated the very being of this race from
its first to its last member, and endowed it with re-
sistless force and was its isolating peculiarity, — the dis-
tinctive character imprinted by Talmudism on daily
existence, — the acuteness of intellect developed and
kept alive in the whole mass by Talmudic studies, —
congregational life, — the depth and strength of family
ties and affections, — the freedom from the coarsest vices
and from moral depravity, — all these were, I repeat, the
elements which, in combinatiou, invested the Jewish
body-politic with a resisting power, that enabled them to
repel and defy the forces external to themselves, aiming
at their annihilation. Thus the Jews furnish historical
proof, that not only the individual man, but whole races
of men, so soon as they have truth dwelling in them,
cannot be subdued by any power, whetlier of Church
or State — by any oppression, however stringent and
enduring. Jewdom existed not only during the whole
of the middle ages, — Jewdom not only outlived the
dominion of the Roman, — Jewdom not only witnessed
the fall of all peoples of antiquity, the migrations of

202 LECTURE IX.

countless races^ and the irruptions of new ones, — it sur-
vived not only the rise of Christianity and Moslemism,
but it still lives on to behold the dawn of a new era, the
development of new social and religious mutations. It
has done yet more. With this new era it was itself born
to new life ; an era when Judaism and Jewdom have
stepped forth from their isolation and exclusion into the
general world of man.

Thus the great import of these fifteen hundred cen-
turies is this. The Christian Church sought to anni-
hilate the Jews, and with them the antagonism to
itself, of which they are the depositaries. Being un-
able in consequence of the dispersion, to accomplish
its aim, it condemned the Jews to unmerited ex-
clusion, of which the Roman emperors and the
feudal system were the successive instruments. But
the Jews overcame all obstacles to their continued
existence, adhered within Talmudism to the religious
idea, and arose at the dawn of a new era, towards the
close of the last century, to re-enter in every relation
of life the general world of man.

203

LECTURE X.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TALMUD.

No written utterance exists, that has been the object of
more wholesale contumely or that perhaps less merits
such blame, than the Talmud ; nor is there any work that
has been denounced with more unmitigated hatred, from
the ignorance, prejudice, or servility of its denouncers.
Thus much we premise, ere we proceed to pass an im-
partial opinion on the Talmud. In duly weighing its
merits and defects, it is far from our desire or intention
to present an apology for, or a panegyric on, the Talmud ;
but we deem it right at once to advance the above pro-
positions, and then conscientiously and unreservedly
seek to pronounce on the Talmud a just judgment.

The opponents of Judaism well knew what they were
doing. They had an almost instinctive perception, that
in the Talmud lay the best chance, the most powerftd
means of self-preservation for Judaism in the middle- ages.
To condemn the one was to annihilate the other. To pro-
nounce on the one sentence of disgrace, was to bring
the other into disrepute. Even at the present day, we
see that the opponents of the measures granting civil
equality to the Jews, betake themselves to the Talmud,
(of which they probably are wholly ignorant,) as though

204 LECTURE X.

the emancipation of the Jews of the middle-ages was
the matter to be determined.

The Talmud, my hearers, is not a work suited for the
mass of mankind; it is rather^ in the aggregate,
calculated to give a false bias to the mind, and its
general perusal would probably be prejudicial to the
mental constitution of the mass. It does not claim for
itself general acceptance, like the New Testament and
the Koran ; on the contrary, it at once recognises that
its action was not to extend without the Jewish race.
Within these limits it arose, Avas developed, and closes.
Its merits and defects were to exert an influence on that
race alone. It is perfectly self-conscious that its sway
is confined within the narrow boundary of Jewdom. It
thence follows that the standard, and the only standard
by which it can justly be measured, involves a familiar
acquaintance with the degree of civilisation, the cha-
racter and requirements of Jewdom, at the period of
its dispersion, and of its transition into its middle -
age condition. One can scarcely therefore, without
betraying manifest disregard for justice and historical
accuracy, extract certain ambiguous passages, a few
simple parables, sundry subtle deductions, tear them
forcibly from the context, and then quote them as
standard passages, by which the work is to be judged, —
or triumphantly adduce them, as incontrovertible proofs
of the intolerant spirit or of the absurdity of the Tal-
mudic writings. We will not here even insist upon the
fact, that in this the Talmud could well sustain com-
parison with the 20,000 commentaries on the Koran, or
with the numberless productions of the Church-Fathers,
both of which lay claim to exercise, and have exercised,
immense influence on the world of man. The merits

THE CONTENTS OF THE TALMUD. 205

and defects of the Talmud are much more deeply seated
than in a dozen sentences and myths. This false mode
of treating the subject would be corrected by an ex-
amination of its entire constitution.

In a previous lecture"^ we enquired into the origin of
the Talmud. We saw that it arose in the second half
of the existence of the Jews as a people^ (during the
continuance of the second temple) at a period when
Mosaism had again been received into the people's mind
and heart, but at which, in some respects, its total
fulfilment in practice was rendered impossible by the
then altered national circumstances; at which, in
others, the change wrought by time and exile in the
manners and customs of those who returned, rendered
Mosaism itself inadequate to meet all the exigencies of
life. We saw further, that Talmudism virtually con-
sists of an explanation of scripture. It is scripture
expounded partly according to the letter, and partly
according to the arbitrary notions of the expounders ;
so that the rational meaning of the Avords is not
preserved, but all possible deductions from the
written word, all possible inferences to be combined
with that word, are therein presented. Not all these
explanations, deductions, and definitions were reduced
to writing ; many were conveyed century after cen-
tury by word of mouth from master to pupil — were
therefore traditional. But the bulk of these traditional
commentaries being ever on the increase, and the wider
dispersion of the Jews after the fall of Jerusalem
(which event deprived them of an actual central point
of reunion) endangering the transmission of these
verbal communications. Rabbi Jehuda Hannasi deter-
* See Lecture vi.

206 LECTURE X.

mined, in the years after Christ 220 — 246, to compile
a collection of the opinions and teachings of the
earlier doctors. In this collection, called ' Mischna/ the
dates of the authors whose names are cited do not
come down lower than one century after the destruction
of Jerusalem, and the age to which the anonymous
passages are referred, is scarcely later than the time of
the Maccabees. The work is divided into six parts.
The first part, called ' Seraim,' though beginning with a
long section on prayer, treats of all the laws affecting
property and husbandry, of the heave offerings, the
tithes, the firstlings, the gifts to the poor, etc. The
second ' Moed,' treats of the laws of the sabbath, and
of the fasts and festivals. The third ' Naschim,' treats
of the laws of marriage and divorce, and of the unions
of brothers and sisters-in-law ; those also of oaths and
vows are considered. The principal sections of the fourth
part ' Nesikim,' treat of the civil and criminal law, of the
forms of trial, of the courts of justice, and of oaths, and
it has a minor section upon idolatry and witchcraft. The
fifth part ' Kodaschira,' collects all the precepts and
ordinances respecting cleanness and uncleanness of
every kind. The sixth and last part ' Tahasoth,' treats
of the sacrificial worship. This synopsis indicates a
specific plan, it is true ; yet must we especially observe
three peculiarities as appertaining to the Mischna.
1st. No clear and distinct definitions are presented; on
the contrary, varying and frequently wholly contradictory
opinions of the early teachers are consecutively quoted,
while no decided judgment is pronounced between
them. It is, in fact, an enumeration of various re-
plies given to one question, of which the final solution
is left free and undetermined. 2nd. The treatment

THE CONTENTS OF THE TALMUD. 207

of these subjects, though they are specifically enu-
merated, is wholly devoid of arrangement; and the
paragraphs are thrown together without regard to the
connection between them. Besides, we observe in the
Mischna that no one subject is pursued to its close,
but that the most trifling incidental allusion gives rise
to digressions, and that a singular jumble of hetero-
geneous matter every where arises ; for example, in the
section upon the sacrifices, many questions of civil law
are considered. Thus the Mischna is essentially un-
systematic and confused, and much careful and patient
examination of its contents is necessary for the dis-
covery of the parts between which connection subsists.
But the third and most marked characteristic of the
Mischna is, as we perceive by glancing at the above
summary of its contents and at the same time recalling
to our minds the circumstances of the age in which the
compilation of the Mischna was effected (an age when
nearly two centuries had closed above the ruins of
Jerusalem,) — its most marked characteristic is. I say,
that the very subjects of which it treated were no longer
in existence — were matters of the past. The laws of pro-
perty could not be observed in an age of dispersion. The
administration of the criminal law had been wrested from
the hand of the Jew, when the Romans took possession
of Palestine. The sacrificial worship had necessarily ceased
when the second temple fell, and with it a large portion
of the hygienic laws became inoperative. Thus the
only portions of the whole of the Mosaic code of
which the practical fulfilment was then possible, were
the laws of the sabbath, fasts and festivals, the laws of
marriage and civil justice, and a part of the hygienic law,
to which latter belonged the laws of diet ; — so that in

208 LECTURE X.

fact, the larger portion of the Mischna, at the very
time of its compilation, was mere matter, in part of
historical interest, and in part of antiquarian research
or speculation.

But in the Mischna itself, the resources of the
Mischna were not exhausted; the pupils of R.
Jehuda, E. Chia, and R. Oschja, compiled a very im-
portant appendix called ' Beraita,' of which several rich
and lengthy fragments are still extant. Out of these
writings arose fresh researches and discussions. The
various conflicting opinions upon which the Mischna
and Beraita had pronounced no final judgment, again
gave birth to new questions, as to which were the false,
which the true of these opinions. These works had be-
sides left untouched some matters relating both to theory
and practice. So again these discussions were reduced
to writing as a commentary on the Mischna, and were
designated as the ' Talmud' ; which work received its
final completion and with it its last appellation, ' Ge-
mara,' in the sixth century. After the death of Rabbi
Jehuda, two grand seats of Jewish erudition existed,
one in Palestine, the other in Babylon; and consequently
two Talmuds were compiled, one less voluminous and
of which the greater part has been lost, the Jerusa-
lem Talmud; the second and more complete work,
called either the Babylonian or oftener simply 'the
Talmud.' The Mischna therefore was the text, the
Talmud the commentary ; the latter was divided under
the same heads and has the same general plan as
the Mischna, though it far exceeds its model in the
chaotic treatment of its subjects, and is wholly devoid
of plan and arrangement. The Talmud is a work
whose process of elaboration lasted through seven en-

THE CONTENTS OF THE TALMUD. 209

tire centuries. The teachers of the Mischna were
entirely independent and self-relying in their re-
searches, copied no models, and expressed their own
opinions — opinions wholly unsuggested by others. The
Talmud teachers on the contrary were bound to the
Mischna, merely asserting their independence in mat-
ters of which the Mischna had omitted the investigation,
or in cases in which Mischnaic opinions needed more
precise definitions.

With the termination of the Talmud, this self-reliance
of Jewish polemical writers ceased ; and it was not sub-
sequently deemed allowable to advance any opinion not
in strict conformity with those of the Mischna, Beraita,
and Talmud. At this juncture begins ' Rabbinism,'
whose development assumed four distinct phases. — 1st.
It sought to reduce the unsystematic, ill-arranged dis-
cussions and controversies of which the Talmud is
composed, into a systematic statement of the binding
and authentic statutes; and this, Alfosi in the 11th,
Maimonides in the 12th, Semas in the 13th, Sur in the
14th, and, finally, the Schulchan Aruch in the 16th
centuries, consecutively and successfully accomplished.
2nd. Rabbinism produced numberless commentaries,
either on the whole or on a part of the Mischna. 3rd.
It aimed at the condensation of the explanations, which
the Talmud conveys in innumerable responses.* And
4thly, it sought to explain away, or to harmonise by
subtle and sophistical arguments,t the innumerable con-
tradictions and discrepancies with which the Talmud
and its commentators, particularly Maimonides, are
replete.

This intellectual system had two marked results. It
* T\"^ t Pilpul,

210 LECTURE X.

established an extended and accepted dominion, whicli
(tliongli its boundary line was clearly defined) exercised
undisputed and unrestricted rule over Judaism, down to
the middle of the last centur3^ Its second result was
the opening of a vast field of literature, a portion
of whose fruits was multiplied by the press, while the
rest still lies hidden in manuscripts on the neglected
shelves of the library.

The remaining parts of the sacred writings had been
at the same early period subjected to the like process of
examination and amplification, though that examination
and amplification were somewhat more imfettered in
their character and spirit. The unshackled creations of
the intellect were here put forth, under such limitations
only as the national peculiarities and the general
laws of morality imposed. The Agada, or to use its
specific appellation, the Midrasch, thus spontaneously
resolved itself into the ' Mashal.^ In it parables,
allegories, and allusions were combined and amalga-
mated with historical truths; and to these were
superadded traditions and legends. The inherent orien-
tal genius of the people had therein wider scope ; and
the full tide of myths, gnomes and poesy, gushed
freely forth. The greater part of this Midrasch has
been lost, having been partly destroyed by the vicis-
situdes of time, partly having disappeared in the
collection of extracts — Jalkut Schimeoni. The Mi-
drasch subsequently assumed two successive forms, tlie
first being the irregular 'Drasli,' or lecture of the
' Magidim ' ; the second, the regular sermon of the
present century.

Although therefore, by far the larger portion of the
Talmudic discussions had no relation whatever to exist-

THE CONTENTS OF THE TALMUD. 211

ing realities, and were either merely incidental to the
study of scripture or to the desire for consistency, yet do
we clearly perceive, that the Jews sought and found in
the Talmud in some sort a new intellectual Palestine,
which afforded them partial compensation for the true
Palestine they had lost. This abstract land of promise
•possessed the one great advantage; that the dweller
therein could remain undisturbed by the neighbouring
foe ; that of its treasures he could not be deprived, and
that he could carry it with him in all his wanderings.
The more cruel the persecutions that broke in upon the
Jew from without, the more deeply did he feel the
spiritual elevation which a withdrawal into the dominion
of this abstract Talmudic Palestine afforded him. In
that land of dreams the temple stood unscathed, the
great assembly of the sages uninvaded — in that land
the examination of the most minute point of contro-
versy was invested with the same importance as a nego-
ciation of which the issue had involved the fate of the
whole people. In that land the despised Jew found
renown and acceptance, the persecuted Hebrew conso-
lation and spu'itual refreshment. How then can we
wonder that the Talmud became the object of such
profound and general reverence throughout Jewdom?
It was a free utterance of the people, not of any sect or
of any class ; for its authors were children of the people,
and for the people the Talmud, with all its pecidiarities,
was elaborated. It betrays no fancy; it has at most some
extravagancies, and a few images taken from the simplest
forms, but no poetic flights. In it we find sound and sig-
nificant aphorisms, but no sublime and elevating words
of consolation; and yet was it the city of refu:o, the
asylum of the way-worn Jew during 1500 years. And

313 LECTURE X.

wherefore? Because it furnislied occupation for the
thoughts, and by means of its hair-splitting distinc-
tions, gave acuteness to the intellect, and thus adminis-
tered alike intellectual and religious nourishment. Of
such labour the human mind does not weary. Such
being the conditions of its formation, the occasional
admixture of some repulsive phrases ought not to be
matter of grave and general reproach to the Talmud,
since they are the utterances of some individual
writer; and are amply counterbalanced by a hundred
healthy and sound axioms breathing the spirit of kind-
liness and justice, furnished by other contributors.
We must in fine, in passing judgment on the Talmud,
endeavour to penetrate the depth of the whole system and
its true fundamental idea.

The less I deem myself at liberty to wander amid the
mazes into which a detailed delineation of the whole of
the Talmudic civil and ritual law would conduct me,
the more imperative on me does it become to endeavour
to place before you, my hearers, a clear conception of
the leading tenets of the Talmudic system. Of these
there are two ; the first that pertains to the past, the
second to the future. The Talmudic fundamental prin-
ciple as to the past is — the preservation of Mosaism in
its complete integrity ; — that for the future, the belief
in the Messiah. Talmudism did not, like the Koran
and the New Testament, proclaim itself to be a new
revelation, by which Mosaism was to be superseded. It
claimed to be but an exposition and interpretation of
Mosaism, a circumvallation of Mosaism with conser-
vative enactments, in the centre of which, I repeat,
Mosaism was to be maintained in its entire integrity.
Though the development which it imparted to Mosaism

THE CONTENTS OF THE TALMUD. 213

was wholly directed to its outward form and not to its
inward spirit, so that the rank weeds of the former
choked up the growth of the latter; though Talmudism
and its results led far away from the religious idea; still
Mosaism, and within Mosaism the pure Divine Idea,
remained as a germ, imbued with undiminished vitality,
waiting a resuscitation, to be imparted by the indwelling
force of that Idea itself.

Christianity and Mahomedanism had essentially mo-
dified the religious idea, and had amalgamated it with
heathen elements. Christianity and Mahomedanism
had wholly destroyed the unity of the idea and the life.
Talmudism did not modify the religious idea, it only
surrounded it with the puerile childish extravagancies of
the age. Talmudism enforced, with affecting and
almost superstitious devotion, the unity of the idea and
the life: as fragment after fragment of this material
realization was torn asunder by a force from without, it
sought to gather the scattered morsels within its fold,
and to breathe into them ideal, if not real life. Talmudic
conceptions and delineations of the Divinity are, it is
true, crude in their Oriental simplicity. Sometimes
God laments over His own dispensations, sometimes He
insists on the most trivial ceremonial regulations, some-
times He discusses and teaches like a Jewish philosopher.
But God is ever the one God, in His absolute unity and
immateriality, ever God in His providence that ruleth
all things for the good of man, ever God the revealer,
who leadeth man to the knowledge of truth. In the
Talmud we find no original sin, no Satan with his
legions of fallen spirits, no excommunication, no conflict
with unbelievers, no election, no exclusion. Talmudism
adheres inflexibly to the equality of justice and right,

214 LECTURE X.

and to individual freedom; to justice stern and unbend-
ing in judgment, without respect of person or fortune.
Entire independence of the judicial and the political
authorities, open courts, verbal procedure, the very rare
infliction of capital punishment,"^ and finally, its entire
abolition ; the positive claims of the needy, a systematic
development of the regulations for the relief of the poor,
suited to the altered necessity of the age : such are the
adornments of the Talmud, which entitle it to be con-
sidered as the preserver of the Life of Mosaism. Thus
Mosaism was bequeathed to modern times by the
Talmud, not as a worn-out, superseded, though hitherto
valuable and much-used relique of antiquity, but as the
revelation of the religious idea, as the foundation of the
unity of the idea and the life, as a wholly valid, life-
ruling, life-inspiring truth.

But the more self-conscious was Talmudism of the
uncertain and fragmentary character of its tenure in
reality, the more numerous were the obstacles consequent
on the loss of Palestine, to the fulfilment by the Jew of the
Talmudic law, the more imminent became the necessity
that Talmudism should seek another fundamental prin-
ciple in the Future. Prophetism had paved the way
for this, since a central point of its activity was the
extension of the Divine Idea to the whole human race.f
Prophetism had connected the realisation of this union
of mankind in the Divine Idea of a one and only God,
of universal peace and love, with the people of
Israel, by recognising that people as the bearers of the
religious idea until it should universally prevail among

* Maccoth : the tribunal that once in seven years had insti-
tuted one capital punishment, was termed sanguinary,
t Isaiah. So also, 5. Moses 4. 5, 6. — A.M.G.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TALMUD. 315

men. It predicted their preparation for the fulfilment
of their holy mission ; their restoration after they should
have been morally purified by means of the chastise-
ment of which material vicissitudes had been the instru-
ments. Amid the then general oppression of Jewdom
and the suspension of the whole Mosaic system, Tal-
mudism naturally seized upon the restoration of the
people of Israel as the one essential and tangible point
of all the doctrines of Prophetism, and enlarged upon
the restoration of the Hebrew race, combining it with
glowing descriptions of the renewal of their political
power, and of the re-establishmcnt of the Temple and
of the sacrificial worship, as essential elements of the
fulfilment of the whole law; associating therewith the
advent of a human Messiah, deputed and empowered by
God to be the instrument of this consummation. For
Talmudism this was doubly necessary. In the first
place it was compelled, in accordance with its own sys-
tem, to pre-suppose the assured fulfilment of each and
all of its own enactments. In the second, the condition
of the Jewish race at that time obliged it to promise to
that race, for self-sacrifice a reward — in place of its per-
secuted present, a brilliant future existence— instead of
present impotency, future authority — of rejection, resto-
ration— of scorn, highest honour. Fm-ther, the belief
in the coming of the future Messiah, which prevailed
throughout Talmudism, assumed the same direction here
as was imparted to it by Mosaism, and all the true rami-
fications of Mosaism. While it taught that for the indi-
vidual man the immortality of his soul was his Futurity,
it taught also that for the individuality of the race of
Israel was destined a compensating futurity on earth, —
the time of the Messiah. The constitution of the

216 LECTURE X.

Talmud itself will at once lead you, my hearers, to two
evident conclusions ; — that it adopted, in the detailed
descriptions of the Messianic age, the simple, fanciful,
metaphorical, and plastic style ever peculiar to the
East ; and secondly, that among the several conceptions
of that age which it contains, there exist numerous and
important differences. The most material conception
of a human Messiah and of the political restoration of
the Jews, and the most ideal conception of an age in
which the religious idea shall prevail universally among
mankind, and in which the ceremonial law shall have
been wholly abrogated, are equally to be found in the
pages of the Talmud. Nay, in some passages it even
goes so far as expressly to deny the prospective coming
of a human Messiah, without (be it incidentally re-
marked) this difference of doctrine giving rise to any
polemical conflict, or to any mutual imputations of
heresy. So long as pure Talmudism survived and did
not petrify into Rabbinism, it granted, while displaying
fanatical zeal for the law, free scope to the idea.

Thus Talmudism linked itself with two worlds,
stretching one hand over the Mosaic past, and with the
other embracing the Messianic future ; while by means
of its materialised daily life, it incorporated itself mth
the present. Whithersoever turned the mental glance
of the Jew, he descried objects, attractive, fascinating,
and of overpowering interest.

Thus we recognise Talmudism to have been the pre-
server of the religious idea in its integrity, by means
of the protective web of material ordinances which it
spun around it, and which kept it (as the shell keeps
the kernel) from corruption. In Talmudism, we fur-
ther discern the sole means of self-maintenance left to

THE CONTENTS OF THE TALMUD. 217

Jewdom during the middle ages, since it secured to the
Jew in the first place an intellectual domain whence
he drew support for his intellectual vitality ; and secondly
it stamped him with the peculiar character of its re-
ligious ceremonial, which, combined with his political
position, preserved the Jew from amalgamation with
other nations, and prevented his acceptance of their
church system; — a system presenting a direct antago-
nism to the religious idea. So far the Talmud is per-
fectly intelligible. But if we now enquire of the
Talmud, in Avhat way this religious idea itself was
understood by its compilers, we shall at once perceive
its third leading principle, which confined its utility
strictly to a period (though a lengthened one) of transi-
tion, and renders it wholly inapplicable to the generality
of mankind. Mosaism, while originating and pro-
claiming the religious idea, simultaneously adapted it
in form, for the people of Israel only. It invested with
a national law, suited to the idiosyncrasy of the Hebrew
race, its grand principles of brotherly love, individual
freedom, equality of rights and of property, and the
subjection of the temporal and sensual to the dictates
of the moral consciousness. The national existence of
the people of Israel closed, and the form of the con-
tinued existence of that people, assumed that of a
federation bound by community of race and religion.
Instead of the aim of Talmudism being directed to the
extraction of the Mosaic idea from the code of national
laws of which the fulfilment had become impossible,
and to the establishment of institutions, which should
combine the two necessary conditions of being suited
to th* exigencies of the time, and of realising the idea
of Mosaism, — it adhered closely to the letter of the law.

218 LECTURE X.

and transformed it, the Mosaic national code, as far as
it was possible, into a law for individuals.

The measures to be taken in following this course, were
twofold, ru'st, Talmudism held fast to the fulfilment of
every possible fragment of the Mosaic law, even where,
by the departure from Palestine, their actuating idea and
their true connection, were wholly abrogated. For
instance, with the cessation of sacrificial worship, the
idea of the priesthood as a class must have ceased Hkewise;
in fact, Talmudism had virtually superseded it, by the
Talmudic writers' free assumption of the office of people-
teachers. Still Talmudism maintained the priestly order
in full force, not only in respect of descent, but in
respect of the individual and restrictive ordinances as to
marriage and the burial of the dead to which the priest-
hood were subjected, and which were referable merely to
the sacrificial service in the temple.* 2ndly. Where a
Mosaic institution had fallen into complete and unavoid-
able desuetude, the Talmud replaced it by another that
accorded with it in form but not with its idea, and made
it binding on the individual, instead of the whole people.
We instance in proof of this what follows. The sacrificial
service had ceased, amidst which (as we have remarked
in an earlier lecture) entire freedom was allowed to the
individual in the matter of divine worship, but in which
meanwhile the intimate national gen(>ral religious
connection of the whole people was embodied. Tal-
mudism replaced the off'erings by prayer, imposing
certain prayers, nay more, a certain number of words
of prayer, as a duty on the individual, in lieu of the
prescribed amount of ofi'erings; thus annulling per-
sonal freedom. From the smooth texture of the
♦ According to Mosaism itself.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TALMUD. 219

Mosaic national code, Talmudism and Rabbinism in
succession, thus drew ligatures with wbicb to bind tlie in-
dividual ; attached to these other threads ; and of these
again, wove the thick fabric whose ample folds en-
veloped the whole life. All matters, from the most
important to the most trivial incidents of life, were thus
invested for the Jew in a certain determinate legislative
form. All, all was subjected to the dominion of this
law of form, from the first breath which he drew at
birth, to the last which closed his career in death ; with-
out these forms retaining any real religious character
or any real religious purport, except just so much as
they derived from the circumstance of their fulfilment
being thus legislatively considered an act of religion.

Though we have adduced repeated proofs that this
direction was a historical necessity, and that by virtue
of this direction Talmudism became the means by wliich
the Divine Idea was preserved in its integrity, and by
which Jewdom during its dispersion in the middle ages
was enabled to survive, yet do we clearly and fully recog-
nise the fact, that thus the Idea became subservient to
the Form. In pure Talmudism, all vitality of the
Idea ceased. For example, Talmudism is inimical to
the explanation of the principles, the thought, in the
commandments; and notwithstanding the production
of the Kabbalah, in connection with the Talmud, as
a fanciful mystic dogma on the one hand, and the
rise and progress, on the other, of the Aristotelian
philosophy of Maimonides ; Talmudism remained un-
shaken, scarcely taking note of the existence of its
rival, until the latter expiring through inanition, left
it to the strong arm of the Talmudic ceremonial law to
wield the sceptre unopposed. One, and only one bene-

220 LECTURE X.

ficial effect thence ensued. Out of Talmudism no contro-
versial conflict ever arose, since in it there was no idea of
power enough to sustain such a contest. In the second
place it followed^ that all personal freedom was annulled
in the enforced obedience to the ritual. The most im-
minent danger to life Avas the only condition which
exonerated the follower of the Talmud from perform-
ance of the smallest ritual observance, and then only in
the moment of danger and in the slightest degree.

If we now again refer to the facts deducible from our
examination of this third Talmudic principle, we shall
find that the chief was the extraction, from the Mosaic
national code, of a law of form for the individual, in
which the religious idea lay as in an inner germ, by
which its general character was for a time destroyed.
Talmudism thus became the exact contrast to Prophet-
ism, since the latter extracted the ideal, the former the
material portion only of Mosaism. Talmudism circum-
scribed material life, adapting it to Jews only.
Prophetism developed the ideal conception. Thus both
individually prepare the way for a fourth grand
phase in which the unity of the Idea and the Life,
according to the spiritual conception of Mosaism, shall
again develop itself and prevail. This Talmudism ad-
mits. It recognises the future union of mankind as
a bequeathed truth ; but it does not demand universal
acceptance of its ritual by mankind. On the contrary,
it expresses the belief that its law will be no longer in
force among the Hebrew race itself. Talmudism was
adapted in its whole system to a transition period only,
of the religious idea; it protected it with the shield
of its ritual, till the latent vitality of that idea should
be aroused into all its activit3\

THE CONTEXTS OF THE TALMUD. 221

We have now, my hearers, passed through the three
great historical epochs of Judaism; Mosaism, Pro-
phetism, and Talmudism. We have recognised in Mo-
saism the establishment of the Religious Idea, in the
unity of the idea and the life; in Prophetism the
victory of the religious idea over heathenism, its in-
strument being the Jewish people : the separation of
the idea and the life, and the development of the
religious idea, being the conditions of its universal
acceptance by mankind. We have further determined
Talmudism to have been the preserver of the religious
idea, by investing and surrounding it with a ritual
of observances. We have seen that Christianity and
Moslemism were meantime the disseminators of the
religious idea among the human race. In the funda-
mental view promulgated by them they overcame hea-
thenism ; but in its development, they combined it and
modified it with Heathen elements, and thus completed
the separation of the Idea and the Life.

We have now my, hearers, reached modern times,
the present age. It remains for us to consider our own
existence in the present and in the future, in the two
concluding lectures of our proposed course.

323

LECTURE XI.

THE MOVEMENTS OF RECENT TIMES IN ALL RELI-
GIOUS DENOMINATIONS.

From the investigation we have thus far pursued in
these Lectures^ into the development of the Religious
Idea, what are the deductions to be drawn? It has
been seen that the Religious Idea was first set forth in
Mosaism ; taking as its foundation the oneness of the
idea and the life, yet clothing itself in the reality of a
national code. It has been also seen, that from this
starting point it came by means of Prophetism to per-
vade the Jewish race ; that it afterwards disseminated
itself by the medium of Christianity and Islamism,
among mankind, though in consequence of the existing
historical conditions necessarily assuming a one-sided
form. Its progress has ever been marked by two features.
First, it has had periods of strife in which the Religious
Idea was in conflict with the Human Idea, or Paganism ;
and during which therefore, unembodied in any tangi-
ble shape, it developed its abstract strength only. Of this
Prophetism, when seeking to overcome Heathenism in
the Jewish race itself, furnishes an example ; as again
the early ages of Christianity and Islamism, when the
Religious Idea was to win for itself an entrance into the
world of man. Then when the tendency towards the

RECENT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. 223

Religious Idea began to prevail, it everywhere subsided
into a fixed but one-sided form. Thus Prophctism
passed into Talmudism, which while preserving the
Religious Idea entire, shrouded it in a formula that
repressed and fettered the idea. Talmudism therefore
limited individual freedom, by deducing from the
Mosaic national law a law of material life for the
individual. Christianity on its side passed into dogma-
tism and the church; Islamism, into dogmatism and
hierarchical government, that vitiating the Religious
Idea with Pagan elements, sought to endue traditional
interpretation with the validity of a ruling principle of
life.

A fixed and thence from historical necessity an
imperfect form, presupposes coming periods of struggle
in which old and worn-out formulas will be superseded
by new spiritual movements. Hence, by the new du'ec-
tion taken by human intellect, a new era of struggle
was necessarily prepared for the tliree great spiritual
theories, Christianity, Islamism, and Talmudism,
which has rendered their stability doubtful and which
tends to the evolution of some new mental phase in the
world of man. This age of struggle is come ; in it we
live and have our being. Christianity was the first
subjected to these con\'ulsive movements, because its
home was amid those races of men, the races of Europe,
which have always been the most accessible to intel-
lectual activity and the especial vehicles of intellectual
progress. Then followed Talmudism in such parts of
Jewdom as had become European. It is true, that in
consequence of the complete social exclusion and spi-
ritual isolation of the Jews, Talmudism stood unmoved,
much longer (full 300 years longer) than Christianity.

224 LECTURE XI.

But as soon as the exclusion and isolation of tlie
European Jc^vs were disturbed, the prevailing intellec-
tual movement forced the combat into the very camp
of Talmudism. Islamism lastly remains unchanged up
to the present day. The Asiatic knows nought of a
gradually and slowly developed intellectual progress —
he knows only storm and calm ; no thunder-cloud has
as yet burst on the Eastern world. There are indeed
difterent and very hostile sects in Islamism ; but these
came into existence soon after the rise of Islamism
itself, and have ever since remained unaltered.

The movements and conflicts within the pale of
Christianity and Talmudic- Judaism, their several epochs
and their respective imports, are what we now have ex-
clusively to consider.

This is not the place in which to trace the course of
events, that from the middle of the fourteenth to the
sixteenth century caused the mind of Europe to awaken
from the dull sleep of the middle ages, and to shake off
the incubus that had oppressed it. These causes ex-
isted, as ever, both within and without. The revived
study of Greek and Roman antiquity, a knowledge of
nature in its various branches induced by the extension
of navigation and commerce, the discovery of America,
and some important inventions, had given the impulse ;
and the state of philosophy, just preparing to emerge
from dry scholasticism into a new phase, produced the
internal momentum. The external causes were two :
the conflict between Church and State now pressing
towards a decision, and the condition of society strug-
gling to free itself on the one hand from feudalism,
and on the other from absolute monarchical rule, by
means of constitutional government. The new move-

RECENT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. 325

ment succumbed at its commencement to tlie force of
existing institutions and authorities, as the Spanish
Inquisition and the Council of Constance testify ; but
by means of its very reverses it gained strength, and
took root in the hearts of the people. The Reformation,
attacking Catholicism in its extreme points, such as the
sale of indulgences etc., was victoriously achieved;
Christianity had shaped itself into three powers, namely,
dogma, church and formula. As regards dogma, the
unity of God had resolved itself into the Trinity ; the
creation of man in the image of God, into the doctrine
of original sin ; the possibility of sin, into Satan the
principle of evil ; the direct relation of God to man,
into the redemption of man through the human death
of the one Divine Being incarnated. Religious know-
ledge was replaced by faith; love, by the election of
believers. The church had raised itself above the com-
munity, and had placed in opposition to the laity, a priest-
hood as the vehicle of the Divine Spirit; and to all state
authorities, a hierarchy, at whose head was elevated
a visible representative of God on earth, invested in the
person of an infalliljle Pope with authority to bind and
to loose, with undisputed religious sway over the bodies
as over the spirits of believers. The formula had em-
bodied hypocrisy, and had substituted the adoration of
saints, images, and relics, the remission of sin and a
multitude of symbolic ceremonies, for heartfelt, inward
piety and devotion.

Let us now examine the significance of the Re-
formation. It began with the sixteenth century, and
employed as its instruments of success, bitter and san-
guinary conflicts. The Reformation, when historically
established, laid low the Church and its ceremonial,

226 LECTURE XI.

but left the dogma untouclied, or rather b_y means of
the full development of so-called symbols, for the
first time invested that dogma with a fixed and deter-
minate form. The Reformation of the sixteenth cen-
tury in its essential purport, was far more a social than
a religious reformation. The oppressive power of the
Chm'ch had to be destroyed, and with it necessarily fell
the ecclesiastical formula. Necessarily too, the Re-
formation, for the sake of contrast, gave to dogma
increased prominence. Again we see, that as soon as
the struggle had taken a decisive turn, a distinct
character manifested itself; and this was severe dog-
matic form. Hence we perceive, that from its very
commencement, either the Reformation called the state
authorities to its aid, or the Government claimed
the Reformation as their own ; that soon were formed
evangelical states and Catholic states ; that these states
took up arms against each other ; and that it was not
the power of intellect, but the chances of war, by
which the extent of the Reformation was determined.
This was the more natural as the Reformation took
place at a period of social agitation, during which the
feudal system in its decline and fall had resolved itself
into the absolute sovereignty of the reigning princes.
Hence we see, that the first reformers bound themselves
to symbols and to creeds worded with stringent exact-
ness, and that after the Reformation, the strictest dog-
matism wielded its barren sceptre.

The same causes operated, even in those very countries
Avhere the Reformation had fought and conquered, to
render the victory over the Church and its formula but
a partial one. For, in the place of the Catholic, or
Church- Universal, was erected the national Church,

UECENT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. 227

based on dogmas and symbols. In the place of the
chief Bishop or Pope, we find the Sovereign Prince, or
in his default the consistory ; instead of the consecrated
priests, ordained clergy ; and in lieu of a gorgeous cere-
monial, certain sacraments which were held to pertain
to the very essence of Christianity. From all this it is
evident, that by means of the Reformation the Religious
Idea gained merely outward although important ad-
vantages, and had encountered a fresh antagonism in
the dogmatism of that Reformation itself.

But the severe dogmatic character of the Reforma-
tion, necessarily in itself became the condition of a new
struggle, the more inevitable because at this time, in
the seventeenth century, the intellectual movement
experienced a much briefer interval of repose, and at
the beginning of the eighteenth century received a most
powerful impetus. This rigid dogmatism it was, that
first called forth its opposite extremes scepticism and
materialism, developed in the last century, as is well
known, into dilettantism, in the writings of Voltaire
and those of his followers the Encyclopedists. The
more unsatisfactory these were felt to be, the sooner did
they pave the way to what has been termed rationalism,
which by means of the Kantean philosophy gained
ground rapidly and invaded the territory of the Chris-
tian religion. Again here, we must not overlook the
great social movement which was going on at the same
period. During the second part of the last and the
first of the present century, absolute government was
struggling with constitutional government. In like
manner, there were and are active the desire and the
attempts of rationalism to overcome the dogmatism of
the Reformation, to substitute for the state church, an

Q 2

228 LECTURE XI.

independent free church, for the consistory, Presbyterian
assemblies and congregational church-government, and
to declare the sacraments mere form. Eationalism
itself has lived through a twofold period ; the first
which was merely an analytical criticism of dogma;
the second and present period marked by the efforts to
combine out of the elements left after this critical
analysis, something new and determinate, something
more humanizing and gentle in its character and in its
mental influence. Allow me, my hearers, to endeavour
to make this somewhat clearer.

It has been seen that Christianity was combined out
of these antagonistic elements, of which the historical
causes have been elucidated in their proper place.
Christianity adopted from the Mosaic precepts as the
universal principle of morals, "Thou shalt love thy
neighbour as thyself,^' making' love the life-principle of
the human being. Yet it simultaneously renounced all
influence over human society in its collective form.
While Mosaism comprehended this love to our neigh-
bour to be a declaration of equal jiglits to all men
members of the national polity, Christianity being a
subjective religion, only enforced unconditional sub-
mission, under every governmental and constitutional
form of society. This introduced the first contradiction
into the Christian system ; for the whole of society, as
it has existed from the origin of Christianity up to the
present day, has been the complete reverse of that
moral axiom ; and I do not hesitate to assert, that the
precept, "Love thy neighbour as thyself," throughout
the whole of the middle ages up to the present time,
has been one monstrous falsehood. Christianity adopted
from Mosaism the unity of the Divine Being, but so

RECENT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. 239

modified its clear attestation, that Christianity became
a mystery and took its stand thenceforth on that which
is the opposite of actual knowledge — faith. All the
specific doctrines of Christianity are opposed to reason^
and are consequently obliged, in order to maintain their
ground, to deny the sufficiency and the rights of reason.
Christianity aimed at the destruction of Paganism ; yet
it taught a trinity of the Divine Being and an incarna-
tion of the Godhead. It sought to abnegate the
heathen notion of fate; yet it replaced it by another
sort of fate, the doctrine of original sin, and of belief
to which mankind must be subject. Christianity sought
also to rescind Jewish ceremonial; yet substituted for
it another ceremonial, baptisms, communion, the mass,
liturgies, fasts, etc. Thus into Christianity were intro-
duced many inconsistencies ; to reconcile which and to
secure their continued existence, it became necessary to
set aside human reason, or in other words their own
agreement with the whole organization of the human
mind, and to assert Christianity to be a tliird revealed
fact. Accordingly, so soon as reason acquired such a
preponderance in the developed intellect of man as to
be no longer ignored, all the irreconcilable inconsisten-
cies of Christianity became apparent, and the original
elements adopted by it from the Religious Idea, were
seen to be in direct contradiction to the modifications
evolved in its historical progress. What course did this
impose on its followers ? When any great and widely-
spread institution has reached the point at which all its
contradictions and incongruities come to be displayed
to the world's view, recourse is had to a solution in
Avhich three contradictions are ever apparent ; and three
parties always hold their ground on the great battle-

230 LECTURE XI.

field. One party endeavours to uphold at all costs that
which is, and to set aside all innovation ; this one has
on its side all the powers appertaining to the institution,
so far as it still predominates. The second party is
desirous of yielding at once to the attack, and of per-
mitting the total subversion of an institution that has
lost its unity and position. On its side it has the
strength and prestige of a new and powerful intellectual
movement ; opposed to it, not only the existing state of
things, but also the great mass of the people, prone
ever to remain in a condition of repose and neutrality.
Lastly, the third party is composed of those who recog-
nise the inconsistencies of the institution as a whole,
yet wish to preserve such portions of it as can be re-
tained, in order not to endanger their own tranquillity
and safety. The first and second parties know exactly
what they seek ; while this third or middle party, having
no clear consciousness, are ever trimming and wavering,
inclining first to one side then to the other and split-
ting at length into several parties, according as their
views approach more or less to the one or the other of
the two above described.

This, my hearers, is the picture of Protestantism at
the present day. The first or orthodox party, up-
holding the rigid dogmatism of the Reformation in
its fullest extent and holding fast to existing insti-
tutions as the only true Christianity, reject reason as
uncalled for and incompetent to the criticism of this
divine revelation. They further assume themselves and
claim to be, the national church, and call as such, the
state to their aid. The second party are directly
opposed to this system and reject everything that
reason does not bring as true to their convictions and

RECENT EELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. 231

entire consciousness. Hence they set aside all historical
Christianity as untrue and inconsistent with reason,
and seek to substitute for it their self-attained con-
victions and the general consciousness of mankind.
Finally, the third or middle party select from out of
historical Christianity certain fundamental elements,
declare them to be true Christianity, and so far as
reason can accept it in the elements thus selected by
them, endeavour to uphold this Christianity.

On closer examination, we find that the first or
orthodox party is the only one which has a fixed well-
ordered basis; but its adversary Reason has acquired
so vast a preponderance in every other department of
human affairs, that by the exercise of arbitrary power
alone, can it be excluded from the domain of religion.
Orthodoxy is truth to those only who still retain a
child-like simplicity of intellect. Those only whose
whole life is passed in a condition of continued intel-
lectual childhood, can be really satisfied with orthodoxy.
The more developed man either forces himself back to
this position, for the sake of the peace which he has not
the energy to seek for elsewhere, or adheres to it from
obstinacy or in pursuit of worldly advantage. In the
first case he is honest, albeit somewhat egotistical in
his nature ; in the second, he is a hypocrite.

The second or anti-Christian party possesses a clearly
defined knowledge of its own ends, but has no deter-
mined basis of operation. It is directly opposed to the
historical party, of Avhich it desires to achieve the anni-
hilation. It acknowledges no authority and no revela-
tion; it insists on the self-origin of all convictions
and on according to these convictions full weight, even
in the religious community. This is the institution

232 LECTURE XI.

termed free congregations ; bat in this also the elements
of dissension are present. For whither must the system
of this party lead if perfectly consistent with itself?
Manifestly to a return to the human idea, — to Heathen-
ism, though necessarily and evidently to a modern
Heathenism. For whereas ancient Heathenism saw
warring principles in nature, and thence deduced the
plurality of the gods, Man in recent ages has learnt
to look on nature as a whole, and hence to recognise the
God whom she discloses to him, to be One God, a Unity.
The most important point is however that the view he
takes of the Godhead in nature, is identical with that
held by the heathenism of old. God and nature with
him are one and the same thing ; whereas the Religious
Idea teaches us that God is supermundane, and that
nature is the work of God. Setting forth from this
principle, the inevitable sequence is that man being
the highest organism, full validity will be restored to the
motive principle of selfishness; love, justice, purity and
morality Mall lose their foundation in God, in whom the
Religious Idea places them, and will become mere
relative conditions and aspects of man's being in regard
to himself. It is but recently that this has for the first
time been openly avowed as the basis of a religious
system, by the ' Marbourg Friends of Light,' a body
which though scattered, is more numerous than it is
supposed to be. Another large party, repelled by the
comfortless character of these views, stop half-way on
a path in the same direction, and profess Deism, that is
the God of the Religious Idea, while they refuse to be
indebted to history for their knowledge of Him, and
declare that knowledge to be a native growth of their
own minds. These, however, want a firmer foundation

RECENT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. 233

for their system. They accept nothmg that is not
proved. Yet they take for granted as proved, that which
is not susceptible of proof, (as Kant shows) and then
impute to it the same validity as though it had been
demonstrated. Besides, to combine the complete suffi-
ciency of individual conviction with any universal doc-
trine is per se a contradiction, since the right of private
judgment assumes the severing of the general bond of
a common belief Here then as well as in the orthodox
party, we encounter elements arbitrarily combined.

We come lastly to the third and middle party, those
who chose to remain Christians yet reject historical
Christianity. In their system also, a weak point may
be found; that point is the absence of any fixed and
determinate standard. They aim at separating from
historical Christianity, so much as they deem to be true.
But what is their ground, what is their measure of
acceptance or rejection? The ground and measure are
the Scriptures, they reply ; that is, the New Testament.
But the New Testament as a whole furnishes the mate-
rials of all the Cliristian doctrines. Dogmatism has its
entire foundation in the New Testament. This being
an accepted fact, the phrase so constantly employed,
' The Scriptures according to the spirit, not according to
the letter,^ are words without meaning. For either I
put into them whatever my mind is compelled or wills
to find in them, or I leave out whatever my mind is
compelled or wills to reject. Both these operations
transform the Scriptm-es into something I have willed
them to be; and thus all becomes individual. My
idiosyncrasy comes therefore to be my motive principle,
and not the Scriptures; and to the whole system is
thus given the instability of a mere delusion. Finally,

234 LECTURE XI,

another course is to seek a primitive or original Chris-
tianity ; the later Avritings, the Gospel of St. John and
the Epistles are severed from the New Testament the
more ancient portions only being retained, in order to
establish this primitive Christianity. But where, as a
historical truth, is this primitive Christianity to be
found? At its rise out of Judaism; for tracing the
course of Christianity back to its source, we arrive at
Judaism as it existed in Mosaism and Prophetism. But
there too at the point where Christianity flows out of
Judaism, we have already recognised that severance
of the Here from the Hereafter, that breach between
the Idea and the Life, that sacrificing of the Present to
the Future, in which assuredly truth whole and entire
cannot be comprehended. "We are therefore compelled
to further retrace our steps, until we reach Mosaism,
Again here, be it observed, the arbitrary assumption of
the individual determines both the ground and the mea-
sure, and a halting point is sought on a road on which
it is not to be found. This is just Avhat we perceive to
be actually the case among the "^Protestant Rationalists'
and ' Friends of Light.' These two sects have the merit
of asserting the rights of reason as opposed to ortho-
doxy ; they have further the merit of desiring to protect
the Religious Idea against the assaults of Pantheism.
But with these negative services they have never been
able to combine any positive benefits, the specific one
excepted, of maintaining the rights of the community
in opposition to the encroachments of State Churches.

Upon these movements a fi'esli one has recently super-
vened, on a territory which had hitherto remained
unshaken by mutations, that of Roman Catholicism.
While it was really Protestantism that fought the battle

RECENT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. 235

above described, it is nevertheless certain that very
many individuals, though for various and manifold
reasons nominally remaining within the pale of Roman
Catholicism, were not uninfluenced by the movements
around. As at the time of the reformation, a number
of CathoHcs separated themselves from orthodox Catho-
licism, and attacking one of its extreme doctrines, the
adoration of the coat,* abandoned the ranks of the
church and formed themselves into a new community.
The movement was rapid, the agitation it produced
spread rapidly, and was rapidly brought under certain
regulation and control. But as rapidly was it out-
wardly checked, and confined within prescribed limits.
It must here be observed that it doubtlessly gained
most ground in those parts of Germany where Pro-
testantism chiefly prevailed. It is vain to object that
its progress was forcibly arrested by state authorities.
For in the first place, in several Protestant countries
even, it had to overcome the hostility of the respective
Governments; and in the second, when, we would ask,
was ever any religious movement suppressed by the exer-
cise of political power, if it had deeply imbued and exten-
sively pervaded the mind of the masses of the people ?
Never ! On German Catholici sm this good fortune attended
not. And wherefore ? The development of the Protestant
struggle was naturally progressive, and its instruments
were therefore always ready prepared and available for
immediate use. The road fi'om Catholicism to dogma-
tism, from dogmatism to rationalism, from rationalism
to the Free Communities and the ' Friends of Light,'
is one definite onward path. Now German Catholicism

* A relic whose periodical exhibition attracts numerous pil-
grims to Treves. — A.M.G.

23 3 I.KCTUllE XI.

had to overstep this development^ and found in the
Catholic mass very little prepared material. Here
then was their first stumbling-block. Again the Ger-
man Catholics^ like the reformers of old, were precipi-
tately urged on to decide at once on their futiire course.
Was it not then probable that they would fall into one
of the phases of Protestantism ? And into which ? A
form as elastic as possible Avas therefore sought which
should admit within its limits the greatest possible
number of individual sympathies, and in which should
be preserved something of the old Catholicism in a
modern dress. But this proved another stumbling
block. For the mass of mankind require something
tangible, something that they can grasp and hold by ;
they want not to seek but at once to find, So, as was
inevitable, no members of the Catholic Church gave in
their adhesion to the new community, except such as
had long previously had a Protestant bias. And very
few of the Protestant party joined it, since they found
it nothing more than what they akeady possessed.
German Protestantism, it is true, endeavoured to gain
a certain footing by means of a more outward elabora-
tion. It aimed, as its name implies, at uniting in one
universal German Church, all those who had outgrown
Catholicism and Protestant orthodoxy. But under ex-
isting circumstances this great idea could not be car-
ried into eftect. The age is as yet unprepared for the
realisation of a task, which is in truth the mission of
Protestantism itself.

What is then the result of the whole Christian deve-
lopment, from the Reformation to the present time ? It
is this ; that reason has made good its claims against
dogmatism and has separated from it the specific

RECENT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. 237

elements of Christianity. Hence results again a two-
fold effort ; on tlie one hand has been attempted the
re-edification of the Religious Idea divested of its speci-
fically Christian elements, by the ' Friends of Light ;'
on the other^ the ' Free Communities' have dissolved
all common bond of union, by establishing the validity of
private judgment or individual reason; and thence has
been evolved its extreme result — Pantheism or modern
Heathenism.

Let us now direct our attention to the movements
which have taken place within Judaism, of which we
must date the commencement from the middle of the
last century. In so doing, we at once bring into strong-
relief two distinct and characteristic features, that neces-
sarily and essentially distinguish the Jewish from the
Christian movement. First, in Judaism there has been
no controversy as to doctrine; the relative obligation
of observance of the ceremonial law or of adherence to
the idea, forms the chief ground of debate. 2ndly. The
change produced by the social movement was necessarily,
within Judaism, far more decisive, and effected a far
more marked transformation. For the social and reli-
gious movements of Christianity proceeded simultane-
ously, were the outpourings of one and the same spirit ;
but in those of Judaism, the social element was in itself
the primary cause, and became in fact the umpire in
the dispute. These two characteristics have a close
mutual connection; for the social movement met a
decided obstacle in the Talmudic ceremonial, which it
had to break through and which it has in fact brought
into desuetude; a task it had in a great measure
achieved, while the intellectual movement remained yet
undecided.

238 LECTURE XI.

We have seen viz., that Talmudism preserved the
whole of the Religious Idea as Mosaism and Prophctism
had handed it down, but hedged it round with an exten-
sive ceremonial ; weaving at the same time out of the
Mosaic national law a law of material life for the indi-
vidual, by which the Idea was thrust into the back-
ground and individual freedom annulled. To this
ceremonial, Talmudism attributed imperative sway,
partly by referring it to the Scriptures, partly by de-
claring it to be a traditional interpretation handed
down orally from Moses himself, and partly in fine by
asserting the claim of the Talmudic teachers to absolute
and uncontested authority.

It was dui'ing the first half of the last century that
the first rays of light fell oii the benighted isolation of
the Jews. The dissemination of these stray beams was
aided, by the position of some among them as memlDers
of the medical profession. Then the intellectual culture
of the Jews increased both within and without, with
almost magical rapidity. Mendelssohn became as it
were, the type of Jewish cultivation. He, the son of
a Jewish scribe, brought up in the midst of Talmudism,
instructed only in Hebrew lore, attracted, ere many
years had elapsed, the attention of the whole world of
letters by the fluent, sweet, and elegant style in which
his learned and instructive works were composed;
works conceived in the spirit of the Grecian writers,
and subsequently translated into all living languages.
What was at that time the attribute of few Jewish
intellects, became in the course of the century, the
universal property of the Jewish mass, thereby raising
the whole of the next generation to the intellectual
European standard, and consequently far above and

RECENT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. 239

beyond the domain of Talmudism. This intellectual
cultivation could not fail to re-awaken tlie Ideaj and to
cause the right of private judgment and the claims of
individual freedom, in opposition to Talmudism, to be
fully recognised.

Eut at the same period viz., the latter half of the
last century, came to pass that revolution in municipal
society which transformed absolute into constitutional
government. This was not a change in social forms
merely, but in society itself. The state ceased to be
expressed by the person of the monarch alone, [Vetat
c'est moi) and extended itself to every part of the social
edifice. The state became an organism, to which all its
members belonged equally as integral parts. For all
those members, the ground-work of the state thus be-
came one universal rule of right. Among the rest, the
Jew quitted his isolated position, and was incorporated
with the state. As one of its members, he lost the
miserable privileges granted to him in the exercise of
usury and hawking, and inherited all the duties belong-
ins: to a member of the state and with them all the
rights appertaining to such members. Hence as this
view of national existence became general, its applica-
tion to the Jews could not long remain disregarded.
If to ^ Germany belongs the merit of having first given
it written utterance, (Dohm, 1781) it was North
America, 1785, and Holland, 1796, that first carried
the principle into practice, and placed the Jews as
citizens, in a position of perfect civil and legal equality
with the members of all other religious denominations.

The attainment by the Jews to a like condition

* Alas! that to tliis time it should liave in Germany remained
for the most part, a theory devoid of fulfihnent.— A. M. G.

240 LECTURE XI.

has been in the other countries of Europe a matter
far more difficult ; in them the progress of emancipa-
tion has been gradual. Prussia conceded some very
unimportant municipal rights in 1812 and has since
withdrawn them. Denmark followed the example in
1814 by more extensive grants. That equality which
was established by the French in Westphalia and Italy,
was subsequently partially rescinded in the former;
wholly in the latter of these states. Hesse-Cassel is
now the only place in Germany where the Jews are
legally on the same footing with other communities.
In the other German states a varying scale of freedom
has been adopted. In Bavaria and Austria,^ the con-
dition of the Jews is yet marked by many exceptional
laws. In Poland and Russia the mediaeval state of the
law has not yet yielded to the intelligence of the age.
In Mahomedan countries the position of the Israelites
has remained unchanged for centuries.

If the Jews haA^e legally taken their place in the civil
communityj they have done so far more socially. The
particular callings to which they had been exclusively
condemned, have been abandoned by them : every branch
of trade, commerce, science and art, has been opened to
them, while in each succeeding generation they have
availed themselves more and more extensively of the
new fields thus granted to their activity and intelligence.
And as during the past thirty years of peace commerce
and industry have undergone a complete revolution,
and the spirit of castes and corporations has gradually

* Under the paternal government of Austria the Jews are
yet subjected to vexatious laws, bootless and eruel restrictions,
which in their spirit are worthy of the darkest of the middle
ages. — A. M. G.

RECENT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. 241

died away^ so have the Jews been led on further and fur-
ther into these new phases of life. The more clearly im-
possible it was to arrest this onward course, the more the
necessity or the desire of self-maintenance impelled him
forward Avho had once entered on it, the sooner did the
Jew find an obstacle arise to the pursuits of his daily life,
in the requirements of the Talmudic ceremonial. This
ceremonial law, especially calculated for an isolated and
retired existence, could not in many cases be made to
agree Avith a life merged in the pursuit of worldly gain
and the duties of citizenship. To such a life it was
opposed. Numerous individuals were soon carried by
the force of the current over this Talmudic dyke. Thus
two great causes operated to cause the Jews to demur
as to Talmudic Judaism. Their intellectual cultivation,
which infused new vitality into the Idea, awakened
their sense of right to li])erty of thought and to indi-
vidual free agency, and their social life imbued them
with a desire to break through the Talmudic ceremonial
law, by which that life was so trammelled.

Long did this contradiction exist, long did these
elements of strife operate, before the mental struggle
gave outward signs of its inward being. Existing
authorities that had remained unshaken and inviolate as
the ruling power, during fifteen hundred years, and the
indifference towards religious matters necessarily result-
ing from the latent contradictions, — an indifference
which carried religious earnestness and religious needs
and aspirations, to an alarming extent, without and
beyond the pale of the Jewish community, caused the
actual inward strife to be hushed up, the discrepancies
to be concealed by silence. Individuals sought to
regulate their religious practices according to their own

242 LECTURE XI.

convenience, a process the more easy, since the doctrine
of Judaism was never subjected to any open attack.

Tliis state of things could not long continue. The
extended mental cultivation, itself generated the re-
quirement for the more earnest working out and solution
of the religious problem. The first opportunity Avas af-
forded by the mode of religious worship, which retaining
the form it had received in the middle ages, denied all
satisfaction to the improved taste and the refined feelings
of the present age. This controversy arose twenty
years ago and is only now approaching to an issue.
Yet this strife about the worship, like that of the
Reformation, refers only to outward forms. The history
of Jewish worship lies pretty clearly before us. To the
Mosaic revelation it has no relation, since in the Law of
Moses no specific form of worship is prescribed. Nor
did it institute any form of divine service for the
individual. The question therefore respecting worship,
was not a question of principles ; the attack was
directed not against law, but against custom ; it took
place in fact on neutral ground. But it soon gave rise
to a second question as to the obligatory force of
customs unconnected Avith divine worship. Upon this a
third question speedily supervened, a question as to the
compulsory and binding character of the Talmudic law.
History was appealed to, and by it the alleged uninter-
rupted oral tradition from Moses down to the writers,
of the Mischna and Gemara, was not established; on
the contrary, it was disproved. The Talmudic law
therefore could claim no decided authority, excepting
so far as it is confirmed by the Scriptures. But the
Talmudic interpretation is a free interpretation, without
regard to the rational sense of the sacred text. Here-

RECENT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. 243

upon arose the fourth question. Moses laid down
certain general principles, the principles of the Re-
ligious Idea and the religious life ; these he immediately
embodied in a code for the nation and the state ; but
the nation and the state no longer exist. The greater
portion of this national and state law, lost its actuality
when the nation lost its independence. Now the greater
the truth indwelling in the general principles embodied in
the national and state laws when consistently developed,
the sooner arises the inquiry : ' Is the extant portion of
the Mosaic national law, which became by the over-
throw of the Jewish national life a mere dead letter,
still binding in its literal acceptation' ? Or does it stand
in so integral a connection with the whole, that both it,
and the rest of the code, have lost their uncondi-
tional validity in real life ? For instance, it is asked.
Were the dietetic laws of Moses only a part of the law of
sacrifice and purification, so that they have lost their
vahxe with the present non-application of that law, or
have they so important and independent a significance,
that the Jew of the present day should consider them
as binding? Have they or have they not, like the
sprinkling the water of purification after contact with a
dead body, only a symbolical, devotional character ?

Such have been and are still the questions, that have
arisen among the Jews and have taken a character
more or less prominent, according as they refer to
matters more or less important; for example, the
question as to the laws for the Sabbath, and the customs
relating to the day of mourning. From all this col-
lectively considered, results this particular and essential
inquiry : How far is the Mosaic-Talmudic-ceremonial
law binding on us, in our present condition of intellectual

R 3

244 LECTUKi-: XI.

and social developmeut ? And from these elements came
into existence in Judaism also^ different parties respec-
tively formed of individuals holding and professing certain
shades of opinion. These parties may be thus described.
First, there are the orthodox Talmudists, who insist on
upholding the binding force of the Talmudic law entire
and the unconditional authority of the Talmud. This party
is again divided into two sections, one enforcing a literal
fulfilment of the laws of the Talmud according to the
signification of the Rabbins; the other and smaller
section, while inclining to the Idea^ seek a new inge-
nious and artificial foundation for the Talmudic law.
Secondly, The Reformers, who refuse to the Talmud, not
only all authority but all value, set the ceremonial
entirely aside, and insist on the recognition of individual
freedom as the first and highest of all principles. This
party are likewise devoid of a consistent foundation for
the theory they would establish ; for they deny at once,
all that was established by Mosaism as an essential
element, viz. the union of the idea and the life. They in
fact elevate themselves above Mosaism, and adhere only
to an arbitrary interpretation of Prophetism. The ground
on which they thus place themselves affording no firm
footing, in the extremes of this party has naturally been
betrayed a tendency towards modern Paganism or
Pantheism, leading them directly away from and out of,
the Religious Idea. Thirdly, midway between these
two, is the so-called moderate party, which might
more justly be termed the historical party. Their
specific purport and aim are, the upholding of Judaism
as the special vehicle of the Religious Idea. They
desire on the one hand, the development and elevation
of the Religious Idea ; on the other the maintenance.

RECENT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS. '^45

as far as is possible under the circumstances of these
times, of the historical form of Judaism. According
to their view, the ceremonial law has no real and abso-
lute value, but is to be upheld as the means of preserv-
ing the independence of Judaism, by combining with
it the antagonism to its surroundings. How im-
portant soever this pai'ty may be in the present time,
they are seen to be ever involved, for want of an
abstract principle, in internal contests. For if subser-
vience to the age, which must always coerce them to ^
fresh concessions, is to be their leading principle, what
they hold fast to-day, to-morrow they will find escaping
from their grasp. Each day they would fain cry, ' Halt !'
but the halt is ever being further postponed.*

I have thus, my friends, endeavoured to give you an
impartial sketch of the condition of the age and of the

* It may perhaps be desirable to state for the information of
the non-Jewish reader, that the congregation of British Jews to
whom the designation of ' Eeformers ' has been applied by their
brethren in this country, are not identical either in tlie principles
they profess, or in their practice, with any one of the parties
described above by our author. Their principles are, unconditional
beUef in the divine inspiration of Moses and the Prophets, and
of them only ; in the duty of obedience as unconditional to the
whole moral code of Moses, and to all the laws which admit of
individual observance, and which are not by their very nature
and by Moses himself, restricted in their fufilment to the existence
of the Israelites as a nation, to the soil of Palestine, and to the
I)reciucts of the temple. The objects the ministers and their con-
gregants place before themselves, cannot be better defined than
they are by our author in the words * ' To work out within us
into clear consciousness, fixed and definite ideas of Mosaism, and
to give those ideas, so far as it is possible under the conditions
of our present existence, life and form ; to make them actual and
active, in us and among us. — A. M. G.

* Lecture T., page 19.

246 LECTURE XI.

controversies which mark it in the domains, both of
Christianity and of Judaism. I must beg your indul-
gence, if the space of one lecture has afforded time for
a mere sketch, rather than a regular and complete
analysis. I have only indicated the questions and the
difficulties they involve ; viz. in Christianity, the restora-
tion ultimately of the Religious Idea, without the
specifically Christian elements ; and in Judaism, the
divesting the Religious Idea of the ceremonial law. I
have shewn how in Christendom, Christianity is evolving
itself into the Religious Idea predicated by Mosaism ;
how in Judaism the ceremonial law is merging into the
Religious Idea ; how in Christendom, the Religious Idea
itself is still matter of debate, while in Judaism the
Religious Idea is ever extant ever openly expressed,
ever uncontested ; but clothed in a ceremonial law
which forms the subject of dispute. And lastly, I have
shewn how the task of Judaism is, as it has ever been,
to preserve the Religious Idea perfect and entire ; and
how that of Christianity is to arrive at the complete
Religious Idea by the path of free, independent self-
development. What is the solution of these problems?
What is the future of religion ? What is the goal ?
These questions press upon us ; they rise unbidden, as
the result of our previous enquiry. Assuredly, to these
questions no simple and unconditional answer can be
fifiven. The child of earth cannot raise the veil of the
future. Nevertheless, at the point of the world's history
at which we have arrived, it may perhaps be permitted
to us, when once we have taken our stand on ground
above the level of parties, to derive from history some
insight into that which is to come. We seek our clue
in the Past, and then guided by it, pursue our onward
path into the Future.

247

LECTURE XII.

THE FUTURE OF RELIGION,

After having traversed with you, in so far as it has
been permitted me, the great ' Past ' of the Religious
Idea, I purpose to-day, my respected hearers, directing
your attention to the domain of the Future. Let me
first remove everything which may become an obstacle
on our onward path, which may divert the actual
inquiry from its true starting-point and goal. It has
been asked : — Will Judaism continue to exist ? Will
Christianity or the positive religions in general, endure
in the future ? The solution of this question has been
attempted and contested by each party and confession
in turn. The Christian has predicted the approaching
end of Judaism. The Jew has foretold the resolution
of all religions into his belief. The Moslem equally
proclaims the future dominion of the Crescent over all
the countries of the earth. These are not the decisions
at which prejudice only arrives ; they are the expres-
sion of the indwelling convictions which each respec-
tively holds. They are also evidences of the ignorance
of each, of that which fills the mental being of the
others. Yet we perceive nevertheless, that the out-
ward boundaries of each religion remain unmoved.

248 LECTURE XII.

We see tliat notwithstanding the compulsion and per-
suasion exerted, those who do change their religion are
not after all^ objects of especial consideration and esteem.
Besides these respective predictions of existing faiths,
by which to each confession in its turn all endurance
in the future has been refused, it has been foretold
that a new and totally distinct religion will rise and
develop itself triumphantly out of the wreck of former
faiths, that we shall behold, instead of the Future
of religion — the religion of the Future.

All these questions and answers may, my hearers, at
least be designated as premature and illogical ; they give
evidence of imperfect acquaintance with the spirit of
history, with the course of development of mankind,
and with the ways of Divine Providence. God's pro-
vidence, if I may be permitted the expression, is no
charioteer that suddenly overturns the vehicle entrusted
to his guidance when too heavily laden. The. march
of human development is no spring hither and thither,
follows no zig-zag, uncertain path. As we see in nature,
so we see in the grand universal progress of the world's
history ; that everything has its appointed place, every-
thing is self-supporting and independent although a niem-
ber of the great organism, and is gradually prepared and
developed from step to step, tiU it reaches its highest and
ultimate degree of perfectibility. According to our view
therefore, the question assumes far higher import if thus
framed. Will men, will all the members of the great
human family, ever be united in one only I'cligious be-
lief, and how is the possibility of attaining this great end
demonstrable? For in this question is included the
result of a vast development of that which is ; in it is
involved, not the direct annihilation of all existing

THE FUTURE OF RELIGION. 249

religions, but their resolution into something universal ;
in it is enfolded something which surpasses far the fixed
knowledge and conceptions of the present time ; so
that we need not say, to-morrow we reach to the end
of our journey, and what will ensue ? In this question
again, we encounter the ancient predictions of the pro-
phets, who in an age when the dominion of the Religious
Idea was limited to the smallest spot of earth, yet
recognised the conquering force of that idea, and de-
clared this to be its far distant yet ultimate goal. In
this we express the desire of every friend of human-kind,
who feels that the highest of all aspirations is the hope
that the bond of truth will one day encircle and unite
all the sons of men. But is this question in the category
of human aspirations, destined ever to remain un-
reahsed ? Is it devoid of reahty, having a place in the
domain of Poetry alone ? Or does the certain march of
history show us that mankind under the action of these
contrasts, long since set forth on their appointed course
to this goal ? So that when we are enabled to elevate
ourselves above the troubled and misty atmosphere which
surrounds the present, we clearly discern the path
leading to that issue. This proposition it is now our
task to analyse.

For its fulfilment, it will be necessary that we should
bring the process of development of the human race
once more clearly before us. The intellect of man
generated imiversally and instinctively the ' Human
Idea.' Making the ego the starting point, he invested
the powers of nature, according as their relation to
himself was pernicious or beneficial, with a higher
power which exceeding his own he deemed a divinity.
His views of nature determined his conceptions of the

250 LECTURE XII.

Deity. Man in his earliest stage perceived conflict in
nature^ the contrasts of production and dissolution, of
growth and decay, of existence and non-existence, of
life and death ; these again being upheld in their
counter-action by a third yet incomprehensible power.
In ancient heathenism, God and nature were held to be
identical; and thence ensued the conception of tAvo
conflicting divinities, of a third and mediating Divine
power, as also the supposed connection with every form
in nature, of a special divinity. Modern heathenism is
the second step, which having a similar origin yet
conceives nature to be a unity. In its system, nature
is a uniform whole in which all specialities neutralise
or resolve each other. In this the Divinity is a unity,
but identical with nature, indwelling nature and having
its whole existence within nature. While in ancient
heathenism the ego was the starting-point, in modern
heathenism the ego is a part of the whole, and only as
such member, claiming to render his existence valid ; so
in both the individual has no other relation to society
than that founded on his individuality, (or ego) and can
develop justice and morality, only in their relation to his
individuality and its relation to them. So the content-
ment of the individual ego in the fluctuating conditions of
this existence, becomes, albeit mutable and most variable,
the highest object. Egotism is then the sole principle
of justice and morality. This human idea first en-
countered the Religious Idea in Mosaism. The Re-
ligious Idea assumes the Deity to have been made known
to us by revelation. It recognises the world as pro-
ceeding from Him, to be the work of God, the aggregate
of all specialities, and man to be the speciality endowed
with a spirit created in the image of God. God is

THE FUTURE OF RELIGION, 251'

therefore supermundane, holy, perfect, eternah The
world is sustained by God indirectly by the laws of
nature. With man God is in direct connection, since
He conducts man's destiny to perfectibility, judges his
actions, purifies and pardons him, and has bestowed on
him the Religious Idea. Thence it becomes evident
that to approximate ever more to God, to assimilate
with Him, is man's destination, and that justice and
morality have their immutable basis in God Himself.
Man's appointed task therefore, is to render himself
holy as God is holy. This sanctification manifests
itself in love to God, to his fellow-man, and in the
continual exercise of the moral consciousness by the
human being. Thence is deducible that all men are
equal, having equal rights, and that all are destined to
possess individual freedom. Equal rights, all possibly
equal possessions, and personal freedom in accordance
with these two conditions, must form the ground-work
of all human society.

These then my hearers, are the two Ideas which
have come in the world of man, into violent collision.
But how did this conflict arise? Not as a naked
abstract dogma, but incorporated with the very life of
the peoples of the earth. So that Mosaism shoidd be
for ever combined with a national code was indispensable,
in order that it should under that form, imbue the
Jewish people with the Religious Idea. Without its
limits, the Human Idea, ancient heathenism, exercised
entire sway over aU the races of men, gave tangible
existence to polytheism, idolatry and slavery intro-
duced the authority of certain races, and an unstable
and varying civil and state-government, as the basis of
human societv.

252 LECTURE XII.

After the Religious Idea on the one hand had over-
come heathenism in the Jewish race by means of
Prophetism^ and had by its severance of the Life and
the Idea, become fitted to enter the general world of
man; after heathenism on the other hand, had in the
natural course of its suicidal development attained the,
point of dissolution; the Religious Idea ensured its own
integrity by the means it employed, Talmudism and its
code of material laws in Judaism; and its introduction into
the world of man in Christianity and Mahomedanism; by
setting forth its abstract elements only, by acquiring
independent existence as the Idea severed from the Life,
by rejecting the ' Here ' and making the ' Hereafter '
its centre of gravity, did it alone gather sufficient force
firmly to take root in the general world, where it was
modified by combination with elements of the Human
Idea. There it not only developed dogma and the
Church, but likewise permitted the action of heathenism
to continue and to produce the feudal system in society,
while addressing itself exclusively to the world beyond,
in the individual. But after the intellectual develop-
ment of mankind had recovered somewhat of enerj^v
and strength, and had opened out for itself new paths,
then uprose the Religious Idea, prepared for a fresh
conflict. In Christianity it first shook the sway of the
Church, then re-asserted the validity of the claim of
reason as opposed to dogma, and produced a new phase
in society based on the principle of universal human rights,
in a constitutional state-government. In Judaism, the
Religious Idea rose against the binding Talmudic formula
that trammelled all individual freedom of the spirit and
of the intellect, it sought to re-establish the validity of
the Idea and to restore it to its place, invested with

THE FUTURli: OF RELTGIO>f. 253

all its original and natural purity. This, my hearers,
is the historical juncture at which we have arrived;
this is the present. What are the conclusions as to
the future, which may be drawn from this process of
development ? The first question is ; will the Religious
or the Human Idea, as we have above portrayed it,
obtain empire over mankind? For notwithstanding
the victorious issue of the E-eligious Idea, it may be
advanced that the Religious Idea is only an educational
means for the human race, by which to train them to
self-dependence in the human idea ; and that conse-
quently all useless matter will at the right time disap-
pear. To this the prominent objection is; 1st, that the
human idea always produces with itself its own abne-
gation. Every explanation of birth and existence is
abrogated by its antagonistic principle ; every presump-
tion of an original cause pre-supposes something that
has preceded it, which proves the first to be but
secondary and derivative. But in the Religious Idea
there is complete congruity; for every created thing
finds its origin in God the Creator. All specialities
have their resolution in the absolute Being of God, all
special powers their source in the universal power of
of God. Secondly, we thence perceive that the Human
Idea ever produces its own resolution into its various
successive phases ; that each of these phases too abro-
gates that which it followed, till it reaches its ultimate
stage, the virtual disavowal of its own system. Such
was its course in the religions of antiquity; in the
philosophemes of the Greeks; in the later philo-
sophemes of Des Cartes and Spinoza, as in that of
Hegelism. It is a circle that ever terminates in
itself, the serpent that holds its own tail in its mouth.

254 LECTURE XII.

The valid results of this iutellcctual activity, are the
development of the powers of thought and the ever
strengthening and deepening self-consciousness of the
reason — logic. But beyond this there is no result. We
see that the Religious Idea on the contrary, is ever
consistent, ever the same ; that it outlives in their rise
and fall, all the successive phases of the Human Idea,
and that it displays in truth the greatest vigom', at
junctures when the Human Idea is in process of resolu-
tion. On which side will be the victory, which will
obtain dominion over mankind, cannot be a matter of
uncertainty. The end will assuredly be that the
Human Idea will eventually resolve itself into the
Religious Idea, not as a lifeless, soulless acceptance, but
as a living conscious amalgamation. This is a Avork yet
to be achieved.

The second question hence follows : — In what manner
will the Religious Idea manifest itself to mankind in
its completeness, in its entire integrity ? The Religious
Idea arose in Mosaism on a Jewish-national basis, in
Talmudism on a Jewish-individual basis, on a heathen
basis in Christianity and Mahomedanism ; Prophetism
even, in proclaiming the Religious Idea to be destined
one day to become the common property of all mankind,
did not abandon the national ground. Under no one
of these specific aspects can the Religious Idea belong to
the universality of the hiiman race. Yet has it been
evident that Judaism throughout all its phases, has
preserved the Religious Idea intact; that Talmudism
also is but a web spun around that idea with a view to
its protection ; that Judaism will, after this Religious
Idea shall have cast off the cocoon of individuality,
deliver it over to all mankind ; and in Judaism should

THE FUTURK OF RELIGION. 255

we seek it^ in the uniformity which it will one day
assume as the possession of all mankind. Let us in
order to remove all doubt from our minds^ remark : 1st.
In the form with which historical Christianity has
clothed the Religious Idea, that Idea demands faith,
is opposed to reason, disallows inquiry. 2ndly. In
historical Christianity, one portion only of man's nature
can unite itself with the Religious Idea. Therefore is
the regenerated man of Christianity ever in a state of
conflict with Christianity itself. If we consider all
Christian sects and parties in the aggregate, we perceive
that the Religious Idea itself, is still combatted in
Christianity. Srdly. The Religious Idea within Chris-
tianity is still in a condition of inconsistency and self-
conflict. It has therefore before it in Christianity,
the task of self-evolution. 4thly and lastly. In Islamism,
are extant the very first conceptions of the Religious
Idea, which immediately and consistently lapsed into
the purely heathen conception of Fate, or necessity. So
that Islamism presents no development of the Religious
Idea ; it presents only a phase of self-annihilation.

The Religious Idea in Judaism assumes a wholly
opposite direction. 1st. It appeals, not to one side of
man, but to the entire human being ; it appeals, not to
the belief, but to reason, to actual knowledge. The
Religious Idea in Judaism insists on comprehension and
acceptance by means of reason ; seeks by means of nature,
to demonstrate itself to the understanding, seeing it
contains no element susceptible of denial by the power
of reason. The Religious Idea is in Judaism objective
in that which pertains to the intellect, subjective in
that which belongs to the heart of man. 2ndly. The
Religious Idea has never been controverted by Judaism

256 LECTURE XII.

itself; is not and has never been inconsistent with
itself, or in conflict with itself. The central point of
of the present struggle in Judaism is not the Religious
Idea and its purport, but the binding nature of the
ceremonial law on the Jews ; the conflict therefore
refers to that and i;hat only, by which the Religious
Idea is individualised in Judaism, and which yet
separates Judaism from the rest of human society.
3rdly and lastly. Judaism has never declaimed itself to be
in its specific forms, the religion of all mankind; but
has ever asserted itself to be the religion of all man-
kind in and by the Religious Idea. Judaism has ever
expressly said, 'My specific character, my law, my
forms are destined for the sons of Israel only, as bearers
of the Religious Idea ; my purport, my significance,
the Religious Idea itself, are for the whole race of man.'
Talmudism itself admits that he even who no longer
observes one law, but who utters as his confession
of faith the words, "Hear, O Israel, the Lord our
God, the Eternal is one," may be considered still to be
a Jew. With small variation may we say, ' He is to be
considered a Jew, Avho confesses his belief in the One,
only, supermundane God ; not as a Jew in race but as
a Jew in kind, as professing the Religious Idea as it
is contained in Judaism.' Thus Judaism has claimed, not
in its special character but truly in and by the Re-
ligious Idea, to be the destined portion of all mankind ;
while historical Christianity claims to win all men to
itself in its individual form, notwithstanding its self-
inconsistency and the discrepancies which it contains.

Judaism therefore, my hearers, asserts itself to be
only the bearer of the Religious Idea. It docs not
say, *Ye children of other creeds, ye Christians,

THE FUTURE OF RELIGIOX. 2')

ye Mussulmans, ye must avow yourselves of my faitli
ye must become Jews/ It says on tlie contrary,
^Tlie other religions that were born of me, that have
modified my purport, must freely develop themselves,
must resolve these their own modifications, and must
by an individual process of self-enlargement, reach the
final goal of that free development, the Religious Idea.
Then will my special form become superfluous, then
can I divest myself of my garb, for then will the
whole of man be united in the knowledge and acknow-
ledgment of the One only, supermundane, holy God,
whose work the universe is, who gave unto man a soul
created in His own image; who therefore stands in
direct relation to man as Providence, Judge, Pardoner,
Revealer ; who will consecrate man unto Himself in love
and moral consciousness, by means of a human society
founded on the eternal principles of equality of right,
aU possible equality of possession, and personal free-
dom. Thus will the world arrive, not at the specific
Judaism of the Jews as it has been ; but at the Re-
ligious Idea such as Judaism through all its phases has
ever borne within itself unchanged, unpolluted ; though
brought into the world of man by Christianity and
Moslemism, in an imperfect form. In this manner all
will we perceive be fulfilled, that we have seen to be
indicated in history. The question as to the necessity
for the continued existence of Judaism after the pro-
mulgation of Christianity and Moslemism, has been
satisfactorily solved. It has become clear to us that
Judaism has in the present and in the future, an all-
important mission, even that which she has ever had, to
fulfil. "When Christianity in its process of self-develop-
ment shall have finally rejected its specific Christian

258 LECTURE XII.

elements and shall seek a fitting basis for the Religious
Idea, Judaism will be there to bestow on it that posses-
sion. For that which in Christianity is the work of
free development only, of the victory of reason over
dogma, will be found in Judaism alone, to be the firm
foundation, the sole material for the historical super-
structure. Reason will there solemnise her imion with
History, the acquisitions of reason will become identical
with the facts of history, the result identical with the
true basis of all human development. Here then the
destination of Judaism to receive and to bear the
Religious Idea for all mankind, meets our view in its
historical completeness. It existed and was fulfilled as
confronting Heathenism; it existed and exists confront-
ing Christianity and Moslemism. Tlie struggle Avhich
the Jews have had to maintain, first with their heathen
neighbours, then with the Greek-Syrians and Romans,
and finally during the last fifteen consecutive centuries
in Christendom, has been maintained on behalf of the
Religious Idea, its purport and scope. It has been the
sublime conflict of the Religious Idea with its antago-
nisms. The inflexible pertinacity with which the Jews
have remained stedfast to their faith is not obstinacy ;
it is more, it is the most meritorious fidelitj^, an in-
ward necessity : for man cannot renounce the complete
Religious Idea, in order to apply himself to, and accept
it in, its modifications. Judaism and its professors the
Jews, must continue to exist till the conflict within
Christianity itself shall be decided, and till the victory
over the antagonisms to itself within Christianitj', shall
have been achieved by the Rehgious Idea in its en-
tirencss and purity.

But, my respected hearers, after having thus treated

THE FUTURE OF RELIGION. 259

of a union of mankind in the Religious Idea^ we must
not overlook another essential point. If truly in the
great battle-field of life and in the struggling cause of
human development, something more than a set of
doctrinal precepts he at stake, if that stake be, to in-
troduce into man's being by their means, the great
truths of morality and justice, as his only safe and firm
possessions ; surely something more than the mere
abstract and theoretical acceptance of these great pre-
cepts must be designed. Here then let us not fail
once more to place before us that truth, which we have
everywhere sought to elucidate, — ' the unity of the
Idea and the Life,* a unity established by Mosaism,
but apparently impaired by Prophetism and wholly
dissolved by Christianity. The goal of mankind's
destiny cannot assiu'edly only be to produce the ac-
cordance of all men in a set of doctrinal precepts.
No ! the goal of mankind's destiny must be, to establish
the unity of the Idea and the Life, and in that very
unity to prepare and produce the unity of the whole
race of man. And this, my respected hearers, is
manifestly a work far more difficult of achievement
than a union in the Idea. When the prophet predicted
that mankind collectively would one day acknowledge
the One only God, and that an age of universal peace,
of universal justice woidd commence, that prophecy
could be but imperfectly and partially understood. For
be it admitted that diS'erences of religion have given
rise to discord, deeds of violence and war, that belief
and its exclusions have furnished the pretext, and have
been the cloak or the reason for enduring enmity
and countless horrors, and that of these, the union
of mankind in one faith could alone prevent the

s 2

260 LECTURE XII.

recurrence ; still there remaiu too many other ele-
ments of strife among mankind, and human passions
too frequently obtain the mastery even over that known
to be good, to admit a mere recognition of the principle
of universal peace, being of power to ensure the exer-
cise of universal justice and universal love. The
essential reason of the powerlessness of that recognition,
is to be found in the severance of the Idea and the
Life. How far soever mankind may have progressed in
ideal religious cognition, in life they still remain for
the most part bound by the trammels of heathenism.
While in theory heathen egotism is recognised to be
bad and is rejected as wrong, it yet remains the basis of
of human society, the life principle of the individual.
Heathen egotism had built up the social edifice of in-
equality of justice, complete inequality of possession,
and of the total separation between governors and
governed, between the freeman and the slave. Under
the action of those principles, the individual must have
been wholly filled with, and influenced by, egotism ; the
individual man mvist have sought before all things, and
with all his power, to secure to himself all possible
rights, the largest possible possessions, the gi'catest
possible power and dominion ; and thus must the actual
condition of inequality and servitude have been in-
creased and embittered to an incalculable and fearful
extent. Thus in truth was developed that inexplicable
confusion of human relations, which transforms life in
our sight into an enigma. True it is that even then,
the Religious Idea in Mosaism had declared the true
foundations of human society to be, equality of right,
all possible equality of possession, and personal freedom
for the individual, and had rendered imperative as moral

THE FUTURE OF RELIftlON, 261

lawSj the exercise of justice and compassion ; but that
the heathenism that had shown itself in the Jewish race,
had from the very commencement counteracted the
entire realisation of these principleSj even in the race
itself. Further, though the later Jewish polity-
adopted as many as possible of these principles, and at
any rate adliered firmly to equality of right in all its
phases; yet later the Jewish race came under the
dominion of other peoples, and were fettered by it.
Finally Talmudism, in consequence of its comprehension
of Mosaic law according to the letter-, permitted but a
very limited realisation of the Mosaic principles under
the new conditions called for by the altered position of
the Hebrew race. Christianity meantime adopted per-
sonal freedom and equality as abstract principles only,
and denied them all direct influence and action upon
society.

The old Heathen rule that had, as in India and
Egypt, in part established castes, and with them the
respective authority of the different classes and orders
among each other, in part the dominion of races, as in
Greece and Rome, resolved itself at last into the un-
divided sway of the Roman Emperors. With the
Middle Ages arose the second form of Heathen rule —
the Feudal system ; which divided society into noble
and serf, and made the one possessor, the other the
possession, the one a freeman, the other a serf.
At their side stood the Church, independent of both
in its organ the Priesthood. Then when corporations
and municipalities developed themselves in the midst of
both these classes, when replete with vigour, and aided
by the force of other circumstances, they grew into
a powerful third estate, the Feudal system succeeded in

262

LECTUKE XII.

introducing within all these several members of the body-
politic, strong lines of demarcation. It also reproduced
the old heathen institutions of castes, by the subdivi-
sion and arrangement of the nobles into classes of
nobility ; of the burghers into guilds and corporations ;
and by renewing the vitality of a priesthood in a hier-
arcliical chief or head. Thus, nowhere, in such a
condition of things, could the realisation of the re-
ligious idea be thought of. For heathen egotism must
have everywhere generated struggles and conflicts among
the several classes between each other, and also between
the individuals of which each class was composed.
These constant collisions reduced human society to a
state well-nigh of barbarism, in Avhich force and fraud
were held in check (and often but imperfectly in check,)
by the power of the state alone. The Feudal system
of government at length resolved itself into the despotic
rule of the sovereign, without however the Feudal sub-
divisions in human society being thereby superseded.
Notwithstanding this, when a more developed stage of
human reason rose into activit}^, and the general mind
began to perceive the contrast presented by the idea
and actual life, the principle indwelling the religious
idea of the equality and universal rights of men, could
not fail ever more powerfully to impress mankind and
to call forth a strong reaction in material life. This
reaction was further stimulated by that dire oppression
of the masses generated by the feudal system. The
long-prepared storm burst upon society towards the
end of the last century, in the thunders of the French
revolution. The objects to be attained were declared to
be three-fold : — 1st. The general acknowledgment of
the universal rights of men ; 2nd. the actual re-edifi-

THE FUTURE OP RELIGION. 263

cation of society on tLis foundation ; and, aid. the
regulation of all the consequences which heathen rule
had left and still produced, in the existing relations
of men. In these three several and naturally con-
secutive processes, difficulties of no ordinary kind were
to be surmounted. For this a long future lay before
the world : a future that was to be marked by a total
subversion of all existing circumstances ; a future which
should realise that condition of universal peace and
love so often painted as belonging to the world of
fancy alone, to the land of dreams. For though the
general acknowledgment of human rights and human
equality has but very partially obtained the victory
even up to the present day, yet far more limited is its
sphere of actual practical realisation. Consequently,
the question cannot yet be entertained of the total
annihilation of the traces of heathen rule, of the en-
tire levelling of all distinctions and divisions. We are
now but at the opening of the vista ; yet may we deem
om'selves happy and blessed in being able to perceive
from afar, the high and sublime goal towards which
mankind is slowly travelling; albeit we have no pre-
cise knowledge as to the path which shall conduct them
thither.* For would we enquire; how will mankmd
reach the term, where the Idea and the Life shall form
a unity within the religious idea ; where equality of
right, all possible equality of possession, and personal
freedom shall be realised in human society ; and Avhere,
under these conditions, these principles shall have

* Or rather, we have our place at the lowest point of the
upward path, and catch the first rays of the orb of day gilding
that mountain's top, whose ascent is the task of mankind for
future ages, and on whose summit alone, the full refulgence can
be beheld.— A.M.G.

264 LECTURE XII.

entirely imbued and shall wholly govern individual man?
We reply ; here again the only deduction applicable, is
that at which We arrived in discussing material re-
ligions. No sudden subversion, no violent revolutions,
are inherent in the nature of man, are the necessary
conditions of his development. Subversion and revo-
lution destroy that which exists but do not construct
a really new edifice. Subversion and revolution are the
crisis of a disorder, but the convalescence is slow and
progressive and may have been imperilled or postponed
by the violent crisis. The right is slowly prepared
and developed ; slow is its victory over the wrong ;
slowly does it displace the wrong and obtain final
dominion.

But who can close his eyes to the truth, that in the
domain of the actual, the enduring tendency and efi'ort
are every where manifest, for the realisation of this union
of mankind in the unity of the idea and the life, in
equality of right, all possible equality of possession, and
personal freedom? Who can deny that these have be-
come a want, a necessity for the human race ? This is
evident. Constitutional government is the first step
taken. The basis it has assumed is already dilferent
from that of the feudal and despotic forms of govern-
ment. The vast institutions for the relief of the poor,
the efibrts made to remove pauperism, the attempted
elevation of the masses, especially the awakening and
increasing vitality perceptible in municipal, parochial,
and corporate bodies, are actual palpable signs. All these
it is true, are but insufficient and palliative measures.
Yet are they the first important steps, which in their
onward progress will assuredly indicate the Avhole road
by which the grand consummation will be reached.

THE FUTURE OF RELIGION. 265

Here again let us not be unmindful of the Jews^ of
whom tlie civil and religious emancipation^ the recognition
as citizens^ are pledges for the future spread of liberty of
conscience and belief. The right to existence being
conceded in that recognition, to the ancient antagonism,
the views entertained by society in general, have thereby
undergone a considerable change. And the Jews may
be congratulated on being again herein, as bearers of this
acceptance of the principle of freedom of conscience,
an important historical instrument in the hand of
Divine Providence.

After having thus endeavoured to elucidate and deter-
mine the Future of mankind, permit me, my respected
hearers, once more to bestow a glance on the Present.
Judaism then is about to cast off the veil of Talmudic
ceremonial law. To this course the Jews are compelled
by the part they have assumed in active life, by the de-
velopment of History, whose current for them had long
been arrested, and by the newly aroused freedom and
activity of the soul and the intellect? But what is the
danger incurred by this movement? That Judaism in
thus enfranchising itself, should also discard its greatest
characteristic, one which has never wholly disappeared
from Judaism, one without which it would be de-
fective Judaism, an imperfect substitute for that which
it is appointed to be. That characteristic is the unity,
the mutually vivifying amalgamation of the Idea and
the Life. If Judaism were reduced to the condition of
a mere passing exposition of certain general dogmas
and were denuded of all external forms, it would no
longer possess that consistency, firmness and self-depen-
dence which, until the final issue of all conflicts on be-
half of the Religious Idea shall be attained, will ever be

26G LECTURE XII.

indispensable to Judaism. This then is our task ; — to
work out our conception of the thoughts indwelling
Mosaism, into ever increasing purity, and to give to
those thoughts, by means of the unity of the Idea and
the Life, their fitting active realisation, their true em-
bodiment. Not alone the dogma, not the worship alone,
but the great social thoughts of Mosaism, are to be
brought as institutions, into actual operation.

Christianity on its side, is about to witness the reso-
lution of the specifically Christian dogmas and their
transmutation into the pure Eeligious Idea. The
danger incurred is, that on the one hand, all that is
general will be resolved into the individual, that the
individual will make itself valid as the sole claimant to
dominion, and that thus there will ensue, instead of
union, a disruption of the general into its elements, and
a consequent chaotic confusion of those elements. The
danger on the other hand is, that in the rushing away
from dogma, a refuge will be sought in pantheism or
modern heathenism. The task of the Christian there-
fore is to find, by a return to original Christianity, or
rather to the sources whence Christianity flowed, the
pure and undefiled Religious Idea; to free it from
heathen modifications, and to attach to it the positive
firm ground-work of Judaism. In both these processes
are both these religions engaged, and at these final
points will they meet.

Here my hearers I have done. We have recognised
the great goal of mankind, to be the whole Religious
Idea, and its realisation in the unity of the Idea and
the Life. We have endeavoured to make clear to our
comprehension, the paths of history which up to the
present have led, those which out of the present into

THE FUTURE OF RELIGION. 267

the future ivill lead, to this end. These are the gradual
but sure development of existing religions from heathen-
ism to the entire and piire Religious Idea ; the progress
of existing society, from its heathen constitution, to the
unity of the Idea and the Life; that is, to the three great
principles of equality of right, all possible equality of
possession, and all personal freedom compatible with
the two previous conditions. We have seen how from
the beginning Divine Providence has conducted man-
kind on this course, thus slowly and simultaneously
working out the union of free development and of the
given Religious Idea A rich and rare grain of seed
did God's Providence sow, in a remote corner of the
globe. There He watered and fructified it, till it burst
through its earthy covering ; until it sent up a shoot,
and put forth a stem that has ever since been rising
higher and higher, ever spreading out new branches, rich
in foliage and fruit; until at length the giant tree shall
behold all mankind meeting in close brotherhood under
the broad shade of its mighty growth of ages. This
majestic tree is called ' The Religious Idea, realised
in the universal life of man.'

My respected friends, may I have succeeded, even
though imperfectly, in accomplishing the high and
important task I undertook, when commencing these
Lectures ! I desired not to propound anything singular,
anything new ; I sought not — even had I had the means
of so doing — to found any new sect, to proclaim any
new doctrine. I have only sought to bring to bear, so
far as in me lay, on the darkened and entangled maze
of the present, the broad light of history, and thus to
render it clear to you, that there where endless con-
fusion and conflict seem to prevail, really exist design

268 LECTURE XII.

and an appointed end ; that something higher is extant,
which exalted far above parties, is destined to prevail
over them all ; which will assign unto each its certain
task, until all shall be united in the two most precious
gifts vouchsafed to man, — Freedom and Truth.

THE END.

piiiN'jnn nv wj.utiieimeii and co., piNsnunY circits.

A CATALOGUE

NEW WORKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE.

PUBLISHED BY

LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, and LONGMANS,

39, PATEENOSTEB EOW, LONDON.

CLASSIFIED INDEX.

Agriculture and Rural
Affairs.

Page
Rivldon On valuing Rents, &c. -
Cadd's Letters on Agriculture
ttcil's Stud Farm - - .

Loudon's Agriculture . - -
'* Self-Instruction
" Lad v's Country Compan.

u-nt^
esticiited An

Lrts, Manufactures, and
Architecture.

Bou

Engii

Catechism of the Steam

On the Screw Propeller - 4

Brandt's Dictionary orScience,&c. 4

" Ori/anic Chemistry- - 4

Chtvreul on Colour - - . - 6

Cresy's Civil I-;ns!ineering - - 6

Eastlalie On OilPainting - - 7

Gwilt's F.ncvclo. of Arcliitecture - 8

Jameson's Sacred & Legeudarv Art 10

" Commonplace Bo.'k - lU

Konig's Picto iai Life of Luther - 8

Loudon's Hural Architecture - 13

Mosi ley's Engineering - - - 16

Richardson's Art of Horsemanship 18

Steam Engine, bv the Artisan Club 4

Tate on Strength of Materials - 21

Ure's Dictionary of Arts, &c. - 23

Biography.

Bmlenstedt and "Wagner's Schamvl 24

Brielit.vells Memorials of Opie '- 17

Bunsi'n's Uippolytus - - - 5

( hesterton's Autobiography - - 6

Clinton's (Fynesj Autobiography 6

Cockayne's Marshal Tureune - 24

Freeman's Life t.f Kirby - U

Havdoii's Autobiography, by Taylor 8

Holcroft's Memoirs - - - 24

Holland's (Lord) Memoirs - - 9

Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 12

Maunder's Biographical Treasury- IS

Memoir of the Duke of Wellington ':4

Memoirsof James Montgomery - 15

Merivale's Memoirs of Cicero - 15

Russell's Mtmi irs of Moore - - 16

LiieofLordWm.RosseU 19

Southey's Life of Wesley - - 20
*' Life and Correspondence 20

Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 21

Taylor's Loyola - - - . 21

Weslev - - - - 21

Townsend's Eminent Judges - 23
Waterton's Autobiography & Essays 23

Books of General Utility.

L Brewing ■

Acton's Cooke
Black's Treatise I
Cabinet Gazettee

•* Lawyer - . - _
Cust's Invalid's Own Book
Hints on Etiquette
Hudson'sExecutor's Guide -

'• On Making Wills
Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia
Loudon's Self- Instruction

'* Lady's Companion

" Amateur Gardener
Maunder's Treasury of Knowledge
Biograpliical Treasury
Sci.iit.ftc Treasury -

" Treasury of History

" Natural History -

Pocket and the Stud
Pycroft's English Heading -
Recce's Medical Guide -

Rich's Comp, to Latin Dictionary 18

Richardson's Art of Horsemanship 18

Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - - 18

Rogefs English Thesaui us - - 19

Rowton'i Debater - - - - 19

Short Whist 20

Thomson's Interest Tables - - 22
Traveller's Library - 23 & 24
Webster's Domestic Economy - 22
Willich's Popular Tables - - 34
Wilmot's" Abridgment of Black-
stone's Commentaries - - 24

Botany and Gardening.

Conversations on Botany - - 6

Hooker's British Flora - - - 9

" Guide to Kew Gardens - 9

Lindley's Introduction to Botany 11

" Theory of Horticulture - 11

Loudon's Hortus Britannicus - la

" Amateur Gardener - 13

" Self-Instruction - - 13

Trees and Shrubs - - 13

*' Gardening - - - 13

" Plants - . . 13

Rivera's Rose Amateur's Guide - lb

Chronology.

Blair's Chronological Tables - 4

Bunsen's Aneient Egypt - - 5

Haydn's Beatson's Index - - »

Nicolas's Chronology of History - 12

Commerce and Mercantile
Affairs.

Atkinson's Shipping Laws - - 3

Francis On Life Assurance - - 8

Loch's Sailor's Guide - - - l3
Lorimer's Letters to a Young

Master Mariner - - - - 13

M'Culloch'6Commerce& Navigation 14

Thomson's Interest Tables - - 32

Criticism, History, and

EleiMOirs.

Austin's Germany - - - - 3

Balfour's Sketches of Literature - 3

Blair's Chron. and Histor. Tables - 4

Bunsen's Ancient F.gvpt - . 5

Hippolytus' - - - 5

Burton's History of Scotland - 5
Chalybaeus's Modern fepeculati\e

Philosophy - . - . 6

Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul 6

Eastlake's History of tlil Painting 7

Erskine's History of India - - 7

Francis's Annals of Life Assurance 7

Gleig's Leinsic Campaign - - 24

Guriiey's Historical Sketches - 8
Hamilton's Essays from the Edin-

burgli Review - - . - 8
Haydon's Autobiography, by Taylor 8
Holland's (Lord) Foreign Remi-
niscences _ - - - 9
" Whig Party - 9
Jeffrey's (Lord) Contributions - 10
Kemble's Anglo-Saxons - 11
Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 12
Macaulay's Crit. and Hist. Essays 14
History of England - 14
'* Speeches - - - 14
Mackintosh's Miscellaneous Works 14
" History of England - 14
M'Culloch'sGeogiaphicalDictionary 14
■■ Mean's Cjjurch History - - 15

Mat

of Hii

lory

Jlenioir of tlie liuke of Wellington 24

Merivale's History of Rome - - 15

'* Roman Republic - 15

Milner's Church History
Moore's (TliomasJ Memoir8,&c. -
Mure's Greek Literature
Kanke's Ferdinand & Maximilian
Ricii's Comp. to Latin Dictionary
Riildle's Latin Dictionaries -
Rogers's EssaysfromtheEdin burgh

Review - - .
Roget's English Thesaurus -
Russell's {Lady Rachel) Letters -

" Life of Lord W. Russell
St. John's Indian Archipelago
bchmitz's History of Greece
Smith's Sacred Annals - - .
Southey's The Doctor &c. -
Steplieii's Ecclesiastical Biography
'* Lectures on French Historv
Sydney Smith's Works -

" Select Works

** Lectures

Taylor's Loyola - - . -

** Wesley . - . -
Thirlwall's History of Greece
Townsend's State Trials
'I'urkey and t:hristendoin
Turner's Anglo Saxons
Middle Ages -

" Sacred Hist, of the World
Zumpt's Latin Gr

Geography and Atlases.

Butler's Geography and Atlases - 5

Cabinet Gazetteer - - - - 5

Durrieu's Morocco - - - 24

Hall's Large Library Atlas - - B

Huglies's Australian Colonies - 24

Jesse's Russia and the War - - 10

Johnston's General Gazetteer - 11
M'CuUoch'b Geographical Dictionary 14

*' Russia and Turkey - 24

Milner's Baltic Sea - - - 15

Murray's Encyclo. of Geography - 17

Sharp's British Gazetteer - - 19

Wheeler's Geography of Herodotus 24

Juvenile Books.

Amy Herbert - - - - 19

Corner's Children's Sunday Book 6

Earls Daughter (The) - - - 19

Experience of Life - - '20

Gertrude - - - - 19

Howitt's Boy's Country Book - 10

" (Mary) Children's Vear - 10

Katharine Ashtcm - - - 20

Lady Una and her Queendom - 11

I.aneton Parsonage - - 19

Mrs Marcet's Conversations - - 15

Margaret Percival - - - - 20

Pycroft's English Reading - - 18

Medicine and Surgery.

Bull's Hints to Mothers - - - 4

" Managemtutof Children - 4

Copland's Dictionary of Medicine - 6

Cust's Invalid's Own Book - - 0

Holland's Mental Physiology - 9

Latham On Diseases of the Heart - 11

Little On Treatment of Deformities U

MooreOn Health, Disease ,&Remedy IB

Pereira On Food and Diet - - 17

Psychological Inquiries - - 18

Recce's Medical Guide - - - 18

Miscellaneous and General
Literature.

Atkinson's Sheriff- Law - - 3

Austin's Sketches of German Life 3
Carlisle's Lectures and Addresses 24

CLASSIFIED INDEX

ChalvbaeuB'9 Modern Speculatire
F'li'.lnRopl.y - . . .

Dekinn tl t:elipse of Faith .

Eclipse of Failh -

Greg's Essays on Political and
Social Science . - . -

Hayrtn'8 Book of Dignities

Hayiln
Hole's

tuti<

Essay on Meclianics' Insti-

Holland's Mental Physiology - 0

Hoolier's Kew Guide - . - 9

Howitt's Rural Life of England - 9
" Visitsto RemarkablePlaces 9

Jameson's Commonplace Book - 10

Jetlrcy's (Lord) Contributions - 10

Last of the Old Squires - - 17

Loudon's Lady's Companion - 14

Macaulay's Crit. and Hist. Essays 14

*' Speeches - - - 14

Mackintosh's M iscellaneous Works 1 4

Memoirs of a Maitre-d'Armes - 24

Maitland's Churcli in the Catacombs 14

Pascal's Works, bv Pearce - - 17

Pycroft's English Kea.lin? - - 18

Rich's Comp. to Latin Dictionary 19

Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - - 18

Rowlon's Debater - - 19
Seaward 's Narrativeof his Shipwreckl9

Sir Roger de Coverley - - - 20

Smith's (Rev. Sydney) Works - 21

Southey'8 Common -place Booka - 21

" The Doctor &c. - - 21

Souvcstre's Attic Philosopher - 24

" Confessions of a Working Man 24

Stephen's Essays - - - - 21

Stow's Training System - - 21

Thomson's Laws of Thought - 21

Town^end's State Trials - - 22

Willich's Popular Tables - - 24

Yonge's English- Grei'k Lexicon - 24

" Latin Gradus - - '24

Zumpt's Latin Grammar - - 24

Natural History in general.

Callow's Popular Conchology - 6
Ephemera and Young tin the Salmon 7

Gosse's Nat. Hist, of Jamaica - 8

Kemp's Natural Hist, of Creation 24

Kirby and Spence's Entomology - 11

Lee's Elements of Natural History U

Maunder's Natural History - - 15

Turton's Shells oftheBritishlslands 22

Waterton's Essays on Natural Hist. 22

Toualf s The Dog . - - 24

" The Horse . - - 24

1-Volume Encyclopaedias
and Dictionaries.

Blaine's Rural Sports - - - 4

Bramles Science, Literature,* Art 4

Copland's Dictionary of Medicine - 6

Cresy's Civil Engineering - 6

G wilt's Arfcbitecture ... 8

Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 11

Loudon's Apiculture - - - 1:3
" Riiral Architecture

Garde

- 13

Plants -
" Trees and Shi ubs - - 1.1
M'CuUoch'sGeo»raphical Dictionary 14
" Dictionary of Commerce 14

Murray's Encyclo. of Geography - 17
Shaip's British Gazetteer - - 19
Ure's Dictionary of Arts, &c.- - 22
Webster's Domestic Economy - 22

Religious & Moral Works.

Amv Herbert - ... 19

Atkinson On the Church . . 3

Bloomficid's Greek Testament - 4

" Annotations on do, - 4

Calvert's Wife's Manual - ■ 5

Conylieare and Howsou's St. Paul 6

Corner's Sunday Book - - - 6

Dale's Domestic Liturgy - - 7

Defence of Eclipse oj faith - - 7
Discipline - - -
- rl's Daughter (Thel -

Eclii

of ^ aith

Englishman's Greek Concordance 7

Englishman'sHeh&f'hald. Concord. 7

Experjenceof Life (The) - 20

Gertrude 19

Harrison's Light of the Forge - 8

Hook's Lectures on Passion Week 9

Home's Introduction to Scriptures 9

" Abridgment of ditto - 9

HulSerton Job . . - - lU

Jameson's Sacred Legends - - 10

" Monastic Legends- - 1(1

<< LegcadsuftheMiidonna 10

Pages.

Jeremv Tajlor's Works- - - 10

K.ith.i'rine Asliton - - . 2(1

Kl,ipis's Hvnliis . . - . U

K6nigs Lii'c of Luther - - - t

Lady Una and her Queendom - 1 1

Laneton Parsonage - - - 19

Letters to My Unknown Friends - 11

" on Happiness - - - 11

Litton's Churcli of Christ - - 13
Maitland's Church in theCatacombs 14

Margaret Perciva! - - - - 20

Maitineau's Church History - - 15

Milner's Churcli of Christ - - 15

Montgomery's Original Hymns - 16

Moore On the Use of the Body - Ifi

" " Soul and Body - 16

" '8 Man and his Motives - 16

Monr.onism - - - - 24

Neale's Closing Scene - - - 17

" Renting Places of the Just 17
Riches Uial Bring no

Sor

Risen from the Ranks - 17

Newman's iJ. H.; Discourses - 17

Ranke's Ferdinand & Maximilian 24

Readings for Lent - - - 20

" Confirmation - - 20

Robinson's Lexicon to the Greek

Testament 18

Saints our Example - - - 19

Self Denial - - - - 19

Sermon in the Mount - - 19

Sermon on the Mount illuminated 19

Sinclair's Journey of Liie - - 20

Smith's {Svdney)'Moral Philosophy 20

" (G'.) Sacred Annals - 20

Southey's Life of Wesley - - 20

Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 21

Taylor's Lovola - - - 21

" Wesley - - - - 21

Theologia Germanica - - - 21

Thumb Bible (The) - - 22

Turner's Sacred History - - - 23

Poetry and the Drama.

Arnold's Poems . - - - 3

Aikins (Dr.) British Poets - - 3

Baillie's (Joanna) Poetical Works 3

Barter's 11 ad of Homer - - 3

Bode's Ballads from Herodotus - 4

Calvert's Wife's Manual - - 6

Flowers and their kindred Thoughts 17

Goldsmith's Poems, illustrated - 8

Kent's Aletheia - - - U

Kippis's Hymns - - - - 11

L. E. L.'s Poetical Works - - U

Linwood's Antliologia Oxoniensis - 1 1

Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Rome 14

Montgomery's Poetical Works - 16

" Original Hymns - 16

Moore's Poetical Works - - 16

LallaRookh - - - 16

" Irish Melodies - - - 16

" Songs and Ballads - - 16

Shakspeare, by Bowdler - - 20

" Sentiments & Similes 10

Southey's Poetical Works - - 21

" British Poets - - - 21

Thomson's Seasons, illustrated - 22

trhocnton's Zohrab - - - 22

Watts's Lyrics of the Heart - - 22

Political Economy and
Statistics.

Banfield's Statistical Companion - 4
Caird's Letters on .Agriculture - 5
Francis On Life Assurance - 7

Greg's Essays on Political and

Social Science - - - - 8

Laing's Notes of a Traveller - 11 & 24

M'Culloch's Geog. Statist. &c. Diet. 14

" Dictionary of Commerce 14

'* London - - - 24

" StatisticsofGt. Britain 14

Marcet's Political Economy - - 15

Willich's Popular Tables - - 24

The Sciences in General
and Mathematics.

Bourne's Catechism of the Steam

Engine ... - - 4

'■ On the Screw Propeller - 4

Brande's Dictionary of Science, &c. 4

" Lectures nn OrganicChemistry 4

Cresy's Civil EiigineeiinB - - 6

DelaBeche'sGeolouM olCornwall,&c. 7

" Geological Observer - 7

De la Rive's Electricity - - 7

Fariiday'uNon Metallic Elements 7

Page!
Fullom's Marvels of Science
Ilerschel's Outlines of Astronomy
Holland's Mental Physiology
JIumboldt's Aspects of Nature

" Cosmos - . -

Hunt On Light
Lardner's Cabinet Cvcloppedia
Marcet's (Mrs.) Conversations
Moscley'sEngineering& Architecture
Owen's Lectures on Comp. Anatomy
Our Coal Fields and our Coal Pits
Peschel's Elements of Physics
Phillips's Fossils of Cornwall, &c.

Mi)

ralo

*' Guide to Geology -
Portlock's Geology of Londonderry
Smee's Electro- Metallurgy -
Steam Engine (The)
Tate On Strength of Materials -
Todd's Tables of Circles
Wilson's Electric Telegraph-

Rural Sports.

Bakt r's Rifle and Hound in Ceylon
Berkeley's Reminiscences -
Blame's' Dictionary of Sports
Cecil's Stable Practice -
" Records of the Chase -
" Stud Farm - - - -
The Cricket Field - - . .
Ephemera On Angling - , -

" Book of the Salmon
The Hunting Field
Loudon's Lady's Country Comp. - I
Pocket and the Stud
Practical Horsemanship
Pulman's Fly Fishing - - . i
Richardson's Horsemanship - - I
St John's Sporting Rambles - 1
Stable Talk and Table Talk -
Stonehenge On the Greyhound
The Stud, for Practical'Purposes ■

Veterinary Medicine, Sec

Cecil's Stable Practice

■' Stud Farm
Hunting Field (The) -
Morton's Veterinary Pharmacy
Pocket and the Stud
Practical Horsemanship
Richardson's Horsemanship - I

Stable Talk and Table Talk •
Stud (The I
Youatt's 1'he Dog -
" The Horse

Voyages and Travels.

Baker's RiHeand Hound in Ceylon
Barrow's Continental Tour -
Carlisle's Turkey and Greece
De Custine's Russia
Eothen ------

Ferguson's Swiss Travels
Forester and Biddulph's Norway -
GironiSre's Philippines -
Hill's Travels in Siberia
Hope's Brittany and the Bible

'* Chase in Biittany
Hoivitt's Art Student in Munich -
Hue's Tartarv, Thibet, and China
Iluyhes's Australian Colonies
Ilumbley's Indian Journal -
Humboldt's Aspects of Nature
Jameson's Canada - - - -

Jerrmann's St. Petersburg -
Laing's Norway - - - -

" Notes of a Traveller 11 &
Macintosh s Turkey and Black Sea
Oldmixon's Piccadilly to Pera
Osborn's Arctic Journal
Peel's Nubian Desert -
PfeifTer's Voyage round the World
Power's New Zealand Sketches -
Richardson's Arctic Boat 'Voyage
Seaward '8 Narrative
St. John's (H.) Indian Archipelago
(J. A.) Isis -
" " Theie& Back again

" (Hon.F.) Itambles
Sutherlanil's Arctic Voyage -
Traveller's Library - - 23 &
Werne s African Wanderings

Works of Fiction.

Arnol.l'sOakfie d
Lady Willougtiliy's Diary
Macdonald's Villa Verocch
Sir Roger de Coverley -
Southey's The Doctor &c.

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XVL OUR COAL FIELDS and OUR COAL PITS 2/6

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l..Mr. Macaulay'8 Essay on Warren Hastings.

2.. „ „ Lord Olive.

3. .London in the years 1850 and 1851. By J. R.
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4.. Sir Ro^er De Coverley. From the Spectator.

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21.. The Natural History of Creation. By Dr. L. Kemp.

25.. Mr. Macaulay's Essay on Lord Bacon.

26.. The Electric Telegraph, etc. By Dr. G. Wilson.
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29— 30.. The Rev. G. R. Gleig's Leipsic Campaign.

31.. Memoir of the Duke of Wellington.
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36.. Lord Jeffrey's Essays on Swift and Richardson.

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40.. Byron and the Comic Dramatists. By T. B. Macaulay.

41.. Marshal Turenne. By the Rev. T. O. Cockayne, M. A.
2— 13.. Our Coal Fields and Coal Pits.

44.. Barrow's Tour on the Continent in MDCCCLIL

45.. Swiss Men and Swiss Mountains. By R. Ferguson.

46..Gironi6re*6 Philippine Islands.

47., Turkey and Christendom.

48.. Confessions of a Working Man. By Emile Souvestre.

49. .The Chase in Brittany. By \. Hope.

50. .The Love Story from Southey's Doctor.

51 .. An Attic Philosopher in Paris. By E. Souvestre.

52.. Mr. Macaulay's Speeches on Parliamentary Reform.

53. .The Russians of the South. By Shirley Brooks.

51.. Indications of Instinct. By Dr. Lindley Kemp.
fi — 56..Lanman'3 Adventures in the Wilds of North America.
7-58 59.. De Custine's Russia.

CO. .Durrieu's Morocco.
61— 6i.. Selections from Sydney Smith's Writings.

63. .Schamyl, the Chieftain of the Caucasus.

61.. Russia and Turkey. ByJ. R. M'Culloch, Esq.
65 — 66.. Laing's Notes of a Traveller, First Series.

67,,Mormonism.

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Full text of "The development of the religious idea in Judaism, Christianity and Mahomedanism : considered in twelve lectures on the history and purport of Judaism delivered in Magdeburg, 1847"

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